and South, by reason of their indomitable self-perseverance in their peculiar field of labor; and other colored men, through pluck and energy, will obtain similar respect and recognition in their peculiar fields of labor, no matter what this labor is, whether it be in the cotton fields, work-shop, school-room, or the grocery store. The sooner we rely entirely upon ourselves in the development of manly character, aspire to excel in everything, work hard day and night, get money, educate our children, don't beg but depend upon our own brain and muscles,—in the very nature of things, white men will soon recognize seven millions of Douglasses, Langdons and Bruces." He then backs his assertions by that of The New York Herald, whose stand, in this instance, is to be commended. Says The Herald: "But the patent facts are that it is not, and never can be, exclusively a white man's government. The seven millions of negroes constitute one-ninth of our population. They have the same rights, the same privileges, that the rest of us enjoy.
"As for putting negroes into office, why that depends on the negroes, not on us. If a black man shows the ability to use power, he will probably acquire it. He must make himself, and we cannot unmake him. If he is satisfied to always remain a field-hand, that is his business; and the race question settles itself. But if he develops executive talent, business capacity, political astuteness and skill, he will gravitate to his place, whether it is the counting-room or the rostrum. This is not, after all, a question of prejudice, but a question of brains. Brains will solve the problem."
If The Sentinel continues to grow in the future, as it has in the past, Florida can well afford to claim, in this journal, one of the best colored newspapers published in the South. With such dignified utterances as are found in his quoted editorial, his influence over the race to which he belongs can but be uplifting, and of the most helpful nature.
