vaks; national democrats and the people's party (Catholic) are in opposition. A year ago it appeared most likely that the two principal socialist parties would coalesce, but instead they have grown further apart. The social democratic party professes devotion to Marxism and contains elements that differ widely from each other in their plans for the application of the Marxist program; one might say that in this party are found people who in Germany would be found in three camps—the majority socialist, the minority socialist and the communist. The Czechoslovak socialist party do not believe in Marx, look upon socialization as a gradual process and are pervaded by a spirit of intense patriotism. Each party has its own trade unions, but the social democrats are stronger, having been longer in the field. For some time past the national socialists have been charging the social democrats with intimidation, in that in many places workmen of the younger party were treated as scabs and driven from work, unless they agreed to join the social democratic labor union. In the middle of November the executive committee of the Czechoslovak socialists called upon the government to submit to the National Assembly a bill making intimidation of this sort criminal and in fact enacting what we would call here "open shop." The social democrats refused to comply, and early in December the four representatives of the Czechoslovak socialist party in the cabinet submitted their resignation. A general convention of the party was held in Prague on December 7, attended by 450 delegates which adopted an uncompromising attitude. It looked, as if there were no way out except through a new combination of parties which it would have been very difficult to secure, but through President Masaryk's mediation a compromise was effected. Dr. Winter, minister of social welfare, acting for the social democrats, and Dr. Veselý, minister of justice, acting for the national socialists, were entrusted with the drafting of a bill which would effectually protect the right of workers to form their own trade unions without being blacklisted. It seems certain now that the present cabinet will remain in power until the elections to the parliament are over. They have been delayed for many reasons, but the government has definitely promised to have everything ready for the holding of elections before the end of February.
The committee on constitution of the National Assembly has been working for several months on the draft of the permanent constitution for the Czechoslovak Republic. The result of its labors has not yet been laid before the Assembly, but it is known that in spite of determined opposition the draft provides for a second chamber or senate, elected by universal franchise with a higher age qualification than for the lower house. One of the questions which arouses strong interest is local autonomy; shall the historical subdivision into Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Slovakia be retained, or shall the republic be divided for administrative and local government purposes into districts with about half a million population each? The second plan seems to promise more efficiency of administration, but there exists strong sentiment in favor of the retention of the old provinces, particularly in Slovakia. At the same time all parties agree on the necessity of abolishing the dual system of law which was inherited from the dual empire. In the Bohemian lands with 10 million people the old Austrian laws are in effect, except in so far as they have been set aside by the new legislation; in Slovakia with three million people the Hungarian laws prevail, except as modified; the autonomous province of Rusinia with some 600,000 people is also governed by Hungarian laws. On December 6 President Masaryk appointed Dr. Milan Hodža, a Slovak leader, to be the chief of a new ministry, temporary in character, which is charged with the duty of unifying the laws and the administrative practice of the entire republic.
Party feeling runs much higher in Czechoslovakia, than in the United States. Each party has its own daily paper in Prague, with other daily and weekly organs in the provinces, and a merry war goes on between them, each blaming the other for the ills of the republic. Even the organs of parties that form the government coalition frequently attack each other. But underneath the strong partisanship there exists everywhere a much stronger feeling patriotism; the interests of the country go before party advantage, at least in all important matters. The best proof of it is the fact that measures introduced by the government, whether it be the ratification of the peace treaty or new taxes or social
