THE RATIONALE OF FREE GOVERNMENT.
��217
��if no existing popular depravity requires the opposite " gall Of bitterness " to be sensibly revealed! Will a man render the state the obedience required of a cit- izen? Let him do it as one who freely discharges a duty he owes to himself, looking to himself for his reward. Is a man qualified for the discharge of the functions of an official servant of the commonwealth? Let him show his ca- pacity by his improved social walk and conversation, waiting upon an intelli- gent and free people for their approval and appreciation. By no means the least of all, let every citizen especially ac- knowledge and honor that personal in- tegrity with which an individual has ful- filled the duties of public position.
We have spoken incidentally of our free schools. We would speak further of them. A sovereign must of necessity possess culture. Every American citi- zen is a sovereign. Every American citi- zen should possess culture. Our com- mon schools should be eminent means of culture. However, we do not use the terra culture synonymously with the ex- pression thorough education in the sciences and classics, implying a consummation we regard as utterly impossible to the indiscriminate capacities of the masses of any nation. Still we mean that every child of the republic should become in- formed in regard to the practical laws governing the individual, the nation and the world in essential harmony. We wish we could avoid the unhappy sug- gestion implied in the statement — unless we can secure this degree of common culture, we may not realize our peculiar anticipation as a people.
To mention a law the lessons of human history teach us to be true, the possibili- ty of the development of a great ruler out of the humblest citizen does not im- ply the potential endowment of that pos- sibility in the person of every individual. Now, as ever, rulers, though sometimes developed from cruder individual possi- bilities, are born, not simply made. No nation on earth may expect to contra- vene this law. Hence the importance of careful, intelligent and deliberate selec- tion of men to fill the offices of public trust. We may further suggest, the nat-
��ural production of persons of potential public executive capacity seems hardly sufficient to warrant the too great multi- plication of offices. Does history show that any generation has produced many good rulers, though in every age num- bers have tried the experiment of gov- erning? We submit to the mind of the intelligent reader whether it may not be that a part, to say the least, of our pres- sent national difficulties arises from the fact we have more offices than we have men of adequate capacity to fill them. Think of the multitude of offices, every one legitimately demanding a good deal of intelligent governing capacity, fre- quently crowded into the executive de- partments of one small township, before you answer the question.
We will pass the consideration of the fact we have men in our nation who would not only have a great ruler to pre- side over the destinies of our forty mil- lions of inhabitants, but would change him every four years, or six years at most, and will not ask how good rulers are to be found, proved and changed so rapidly.
In a closing profession of our faith in the intelligent possibilities of elective representative government, we will briefly state a few of the elementary con- ditions entering into our ideal. Thei-e should be an erection of graded offices, invested with proper dignity and honor, sufficient in number to fulfill the wants of the nation, and none to satisfy the greed of a selfish partisanship. All offi- ces should be filled by men whose nat- ural adaptation, intelligence and integri- ty are beyond reasonable question. In other than cases of manifest inability, malfeasance, resignation or death, the individual should be allowed to retain an office for a term of years lengthened in proportion to the importance and honor of the position. Stated assemblies of the people and of their legislators should be held for the supply of vacant offices, election of new incumbents, and other legitimate purposes of free government. There should be actual or provisiouary supplies for ad interim purposes on the occasion of unexpected vacations of office. The intelligent reader cannot
�� �
