with merchandise might be easily avoided by altering; the title of the bill; it was, in fart, the very object of the motion to prevent men, so far as the power of congress extended, from being confounded with merchandise. The clause in the constitution allowing a tax to be imposed, though the traffic could not be prohibited for twenty years, was inserted, he believed, for the very purpose of enabling congress to give some testimony of the sense of America with respect to the African trade. By expressing a national disapprobation of that trade, it is to be hoped we may destroy it, and so save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity from the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. This was as much the interest of South Carolina and Georgia as of any other states. Every addition they received to their number of slaves tended to weakness, and rendered them less capable of self-defense. In case of hostilities with foreign nations, their slave population would be a means, not of repelling invasions, but of inviting attack. It was the duty of the general government to protect every part of the Union against danger, as well internal as external. Every thing, therefore, which tended to increase this danger, though it might be a local affair, yet, if it involved national expense or safety, became of concern to every part of the Union, and a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government." Bland was equally decided with Madison and Parker in support of the motion. Burke, of South Carolina, suggested that gentlemen were contending about nothing; for if not particularly mentioned, slaves would still fall under the general five per cent, ad valorem duty on all unenumerated articles, a duty just about equivalent to the one proposed. Madison replied that no collector of the customs would presume to apply the terms goods, wares, and merchandise to persons; and in this he was supported by Sherman, who denied that persons were recognized any where in the constitution as property. He thought that the clause in the constitution on which the present motion was founded applied as much to other persons as to slaves, and that there were other persons to whom it ought to be applied, as convicts, for instance; but the whole subject ought to be taken up by itself. Finally, upon Madison's suggestion, Parker consented to withdraw his motion, with the understanding that a separate bill should be brought in. A committee was appointed for that purpose; but there the matter was suffered to rest.
At the next session, 1790, the House became involved in an exciting discussion in reference to slavery and the slave-trade. Slavery still existed in every state of the Union except in Massachusetts. A clause in the constitution of that state, declaring all men to be born free and equal, inserted for the express purpose of tacitly abolishing slavery, had been judicially decided (1783) to have that effect. A few months previously to the final adoption of the constitution of Massachusetts, the state of Pennsylvania had passed an act (1780) introducing a system of gradual emancipation, prohibiting the further importation of slaves, (and by a subsequent act their exportation,) and assuring freedom to all persons thereafter born in that state, or brought into it, except runaways from other states and the servants of travelers and others not re-
