Williamson thought the time of congress badly employed in passing abstract resolutions as to what they could or could not do, and still worse in discussing, what appeared to be the general subject of debate, whether the Quakers were the worst or the best of all religious societies. As to their conduct in the present case, he believed they held themselves bound in conscience to bear a testimony against slavery. He revered all men who respect the dictates of conscience at the expense of time arid money: such men are seldom bad members of society. "We, too, must regard the dictates of conscience; we are bound to support the constitution, and to protect the property of our fellow-citizens; and we are expressly prohibited by the constitution from giving liberty to a single slave. That business remains with the individual states; it is not committed to congress, who have no right to intermeddle with it." He was therefore opposed to all the resolutions.
After some further debate, in which the merits of the Quakers continued to hold a large place, the sixth resolution was agreed to. The seventh, pledging congress to exert their full powers for the restriction of the slave-trade — and as it might also be understood, for the discountenancing of slavery — was struck out. The committee then rose, and reported the resolutions to the house.
The next day, March 23d, as soon as the preliminary business had been disposed of, it was moved to take up this report. Ames expressed the opinion that the subject might rest at the stage it had reached. He regretted the time consumed, and the manner also in which the debate had been conducted. He reprobated the idea of a declaration of abstract propositions. Let the report lie on the files of the house, where it might be occasionally referred to.
Ames was highly complimented by Jackson, who wished that more of the members from the eastward had acted in the same spirit. Madison though! the suggestion of Ames a good one, with this modification, that the report of the committee of the whole should be entered on the journals for the information of the public, and to quiet the fears of the south, by showing that congress claimed no power to prohibit the importation of slaves before 1808, and no power of manumission at any time.
Burke "complained of this as an uncandid method of disposing of the business. He would rather it should pass regularly through the forms of the house. It was smuggling the affair to let it rest here, as it deprived the people of the counsel of their senate." Smith took the same ground. The precedents quoted of memorials entered on the journals were not applicable to the present question, which involved a discussion of the powers of congress. On a question as to those powers, the senate, composing one branch of the legislature, should certainly be consulted. Both reports were now to be entered on the journals, without any declaration to show which had been approved and which rejected. They were precluded from having the yeas and nays on the report, and yet it would be called the act of the house. Madison contended that, as it was impossible to shut the door altogether upon this business, the method proposed was the most conciliatory, and the best adapted to the pres-
