maintain the republican character of our government." As additional reasons in favor of his resolution, he dwelt at length on the cruelty and immorality of the slave-trade, and the danger of slave insurrections, of which St. Domingo had furnished so striking an example, and two or three alarms of which had recently occurred in Virginia.
Mr. Speaker Macon expressed the opinion that the morality or immorality of the slave-trade had nothing to do with the question before the house. "The question is not whether we shall prohibit the trade, but whether we shall tax it. Gentlemen think that South Carolina has done wrong in permitting the importation of slaves. That may be, and still this measure may also be wrong. Will it not look like an attempt in the general government to correct a state for the undisputed exercise of its constitutional power? It appears to be something like patting a state to the ban of the empire."
Lucas, of Pennsylvania, denied that South Carolina had any right to complain of the proposed duty. If she had the right, under the constitution, to permit the importation, congress, under the same constitution, had the right to impose the tax. If she chose to exercise her constitutional authority, why complain of a like exercise of it on the part of congress? If she wished to avoid paying the tax, let her prohibit the importation. Nor did he admit that, by taxing the importation, congress legalized or countenanced the traffic. The importation was not legalized by congress, but by South Carolina, congress not yet having the power to prohibit it. The tax would tend to check a traffic which, in four years, might add a hundred thousand slaves to those already in the Union. The thirst for gain was more alive in the country than ever, and the opening of the trade by South Carolina would virtually amount to a general opening; for, African slaves once introduced into one state, would find their way into all others in which slavery was allowed.
Smilie wished to steer clear of the question of morality; at the same time, he could not but think that the whole Union had a direct interest in the measure adopted by South Carolina, inasmuch as it tended to weaken the common defense of the country. Every slave brought in must be regarded in the light of an imported enemy.
Stanton, of Rhode Island, insisted strenuously on the tax. Nor did he confine his reprobation to the foreign slave-trade merely; he described, in very strong terms, his emotions at meeting, on his way to the seat of government, twenty or thirty negroes chained together and driven like mules to market.
Eppes, the son-in-law of Jefferson, zealously supported the resolution; and, notwithstanding an attempt at postponement, on the ground that perhaps South Carolina would reënact her old prohibitory law, it was finally agreed to by the house, and was referred to a committee, to bring in a bill. That bill win reported, read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole. But the entreaties of the South Carolina members, and their promises of what the state would do, arrested any further action.
Just previous to the commencement of this debate, New Jersey, the seventh and the last of the old confederation to do so, had joined the circle of the free
