of the petty-bourgeoisie, whom capitalism is ruining completely. This situation is different to that in Russia in 1907. Russia was in a period of economic development in which capitalism, while it robbed the middle class of its independence, did not worsen its social position to such an extent. In Western Europe we have a process of the expropriation of the middle classes, which has taken place nowhere else. These, then, are the destructive elements, which we must utilise.
Comrades, I am prevented from taking up a question on which there are important differences between us, namely, the continuation of the united front tactics on an international scale. On this I will say just one or two words. The Fourth Congress did not have the view that the united front tactics were to serve evolution, that a long period would elapse before the revolution during which we would be under democracy. Nevertheless, it had in mind the possibility of situations arising in Europe, when it would be possible to utilise democratic workers' governments, which fall into our hands as spring-boards in the fight for the dictatorship. We make thousands of mistakes in the application of the united front tactics, but we can rectify them. If, however, we lose sight of these possibilities, if we say that the united front tactics is purely agitation, we are wrong even theoretically, because we close our eyes to possibilities that may recur in Germany.
(Scholem: Hear, hear!)
I declare that I am not a politician, but I want to have the differences discussed, in order that when the break-up of Fascism and of the Fascist troops takes place, we shall be in a position where we can play our Saxony cards better than we played them before.
(Cries of: Quite right! Hear! hear!)
And for those who wish to close up these possibilities, there can be no compromise on this question.
(Quite right!)
For the simple reason that we, in Western Europe, will make our organisations either Communist discussion parties, or fighting parties, and if the latter, then we must make use of all practical possibilities. Ninety-nine chances out of a hundred are that the question of a workers' government will not play an important role on the continent of Europe, but that it will play a decisive role in England, I have not the slightest doubt.
For these reasons, I say, I am prepared, because for me the practical policy of the Party is a thousand times more important than all the theoretical hairsplitting as to what things will look like in one, five, or six years' time, to sacrifice ten formulas, rather than obstruct our own path. If we do, we shall raise a crisis in Communism due to the fact that our theories do not reflect the real requirements of the movement.
I now conclude.
( 13 )
