councils, we have carried on a tremendous propaganda on behalf of the factory councils and have issued a newspaper—in spite of all this work, we have so far succeeded in mobilising only 5,000 Factory Councils in the 370,000 factories that exist. Yes, comrades, when one hears such figures one cannot help asking: is it indeed possible to seize as many as 370,000? It appears to me that the essential thing is to seize the heavy industries. It is certain that if the factory councils become a true revolutionary element striving forward, the whole working masses will stand behind them. To-day the working masses no longer stand entirely behind the factory councils. But if we succeed in winning almost the whole of the factory councils, in the elections, at least in the heavy industries, then we shall also have the working masses on the side of the revolutionary struggle.
(Warski: And how many of the 2,000 heavy industries have we in our hands?)
That I cannot say exactly, but I believe that we have at least in every factory council one or two comrades on our side who are working with us.
Well, comrades, the question is not that we can perform all our tasks through the factory councils alone or, as Comrade Fischer erroneously stated recently, that the strike in Ludwigshaven was carried on by the factory councils. No. Even the wildest strikes are led by the trade union representatives in the factories concerned. Only large strikes covering considerable areas are led by the factory councils, but the isolated strikes are led by the trade union representatives of the workers.
It is, of course, essential that we should have a perfectly clear policy with regard to the trade union workers.
Comrades, to me it is perfectly clear that the situation as it now stands must lead to a great catastrophe. In October the bourgeoisie had still an extraordinarily powerful force on their side, the official class, which hitherto has been the strongest support of its power. Meanwhile, however, attempts have been made to consolidate the capitalist system at the expense of the officials. We have now a much broader foundation than in August and October.
I represent the point of view that in the next three months there will be many conflicts between the proletariat and the ruling class. The party must be prepared and arm for this. The armed preparation, the armed partial actions as a method of the class struggle must be added to our previous work. It is only in the course of these struggles that the moment for the decisive blow will be determined. Of course, no one can deny that it is possible that bourgeois society will be able to extricate itself from the present situation. It may happen that in the next three months temporary situations such as now exist will arise which will enable the bourgeoisie to extricate themselves from the noose which now hangs about their necks. This possibility
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