But I do not speak of the Party as a whole, but of the Central Committee. The Party's attitude on the Kag crisis is better than that of the Central Committee. The latter discussed whether it should surrender the Party. This is a proof that all is not well. I believe that we have traces of Social-Democracy, not only in the German Party, but in the whole Communist International. That is because it has developed out of the Second International. Last year I said to Comrade Lenin: "In looking at the Communist International I cannot say with certainty whether we can establish a real Communist International without experiencing a crisis." One sometimes has the feeling that in our ranks we have considerable remnants of the Social-Democracy. Would we be the leaders of the Communist International if we did not see this weakness? The discussion in our Party has shown that we have remnants of the Social-Democracy in our ranks.
(Radek: Quite right.)
Not on our side, but on your side. We all love the Communist Party. I can quite understand Pieck and Walcher saying indignantly: "What! Our Party a Social-Democratic Party?" We Russians have never thought so. In spite of all you are one of the best sections of the Communist International.
(Radek: Not one of the best, but the best.)
But remnants of Social-Democracy are present. I will reveal another secret. Some of the younger element among you, Muslov, for example, have the advantages of not being burdened by Social-Democratic traditions. On the other hand, this is a weakness in that they have not grown up with the workers. Muslov himself recognises this quite well. It is a disadvantage in that you have not been so well grafted to the masses, but on the other hand, it is an advantage that you have not come with traces of Social-Democracy.
We must bear in mind that the Party is in a difficult situation, and the factional spirit must cease. In order to achieve victory, we must have a united leadership, otherwise we shall fail. We must see the position as it is. When we fight for the revolution, and desire to save the Party, then we must abandon the spirit of passivity, factionalism, &c. We must investigate a number of questions like the trade-union question, the organisation question, and objectively decide them, And no doubt we shall have to decide the question of calling a Party conference. I say here quite frankly: we, the Executive and the Russian Communist Party, cannot now undertake the responsibility to establish a new combination in the leadership of the German Communist Party. Sometimes this can be done, but at the present moment the situation is too involved. The Party must reveal its true character and show what leadership it desires. The Communist International may intervene later, but the Party must speak. When the moment arrives we must deal with it from the standpoint of the interests
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