mittee in his concluding speech to the Presidium. We miss this declaration, a declaration which would give a check to the irresponsible attack, in the theses which are to be published.
We welcome every step which will lead to the actual removal of the split between the organisations of Berlin-Wasserkante, &c., on the one hand, and Merseburg-Halle, Saxony, Thuringia, &c., on the other. But we must openly declare that such a step cannot take the form of an outward agreement between the leaders. The aim desired can be obtained only by a clear and definite policy on the part of the Communist International which will endeavour to put an end not only to the defects and errors of the so-called Right, but also to the infantile sicknesses of the so-called Left.
The second point, which is of more international significance, but which is directly bound up with the fate of the German Party, is the danger arising out of the crisis to the authority both of the Communist International and of the German Communist Party.
Since the time that Lenin, the greatest and most authoritative leader of the world revolutionary proletariat, ceased to take part in the leadership of the Communist International, and since the time that the authority of Trotsky, one of the recognised leaders of the world proletariat, was placed in doubt by the Russian Central Committee, the danger has arisen that the authority of the leadership of the Communist International may be destroyed.
It is therefore our common duty not only to devote all our energies to maintaining the authority of the Executive Committee and of its Presidium, but also to avoid every step that may make this task difficult.
Under these circumstances we regard the charge of opportunism levelled against Radek, a leader who has performed great services for the Communist International, not only as unjustified, but also as in the highest degree harmful to the authority of all the leaders of the Communist International. We can see no ground for such a charge; for however important the question is to as who was victorious in Germany in October, it is clear that no side was guilty of drawing opportunist tactical conclusions. The differences of opinion that have arisen on the German question between some of the best known leaders of the Communist International are such as are inevitable in a live revolutionary Party, particularly when the Party is in so difficult a situation. Such differences of opinion have arisen in the past within the leadership of the Executive Committee without giving rise to mutual accusations of opportunism.
We refuse to see in this the seed of tendencies foreign to Communism.
Since we were repeatedly attacked by Comrade Zinoviey at the last meeting of the Presidium, and did not have the opportunity to reply, we are obliged to reply now in writing.
As regards the letter of the Polish Central Committee, we declare that as far as it deals with German matters, it takes up in essence
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