But while in one direction Mr. Tilak lost much of "that influence which went with moderatism, there was an immense accession of purity, strength and purpose to the National cause. Patriotism was, by his example and suffering lifted up from weak-kneed opportunism
and humble mendicity to the high level of religion. Mr. Tilak's attitude was an object lesson to the people in manly fight and courage and suffering came to be recognised as the necessary qualities of a leader. The political leadership was, up to this time, the property of wealth, social position. Government patronage and oratorical powers. Now came the demand for leadership which would reveal tremendous powers of suffering for the cause. Evidently Mr. Tilak gave a deathblow to all conceptions of easy-going arm-chair leadership. He no longer basked in official sunshine. He was now no longer "Honourable"—Rajamanya. He, however, became, what was infinitely greater, the "Lokamanya"—the Honoured of the people.
The gravest feature of this prosecution was Mr. Strachey's wholly untenable definition of 'sedition.' According to him 'disaffection' did not mean any positive feeling of hatred etc. towards the Government. It simply meant 'want of affection.' Regarding this and another aspect of the case, the Daily Chronicle said:—
"Wildness, discontent, mischievous rubbish there may be in plenty. But we have got on with it and we shall get on with it again. Prove real sedition—above all, conclusively connect it with crime—and we should all favour sharp, stern punishment. But when it comes to overhauling poems and constructing elaborated in-
