TKADE UNIONS. 404 TRADE UNIONS. In England systematic collective bargaining by recurrent joint conferences was first introduced in the hosiery trade about 1860. At the present time Jlr. and Mrs. Webb estimate "that in all skilled trades where men work in concert on the employer's premises 90 per cent, of the workmen find either their rate of wages or their hours of work and often many other details predetermined by a collective bargain in which they personally have taken no part, but in which their interests have been dealt with by representatives of their class." And in the United States the system has been introduced to an extent scarce!}' realized by the general public. Thousands of local agree- ments exist in the cities, particularly in the building industry; and in about a dozen trades national agreements exist. The histoiy of trade arbitration and collective bargaining shows that the value of these agreements lies in the concilia- tory spirit engendered by conferences in which employees and employers meet on a footing of friendly equality. The arbitrator or umpire, with decisive vote, is relatively unimportant. The reason for this statement lies in the important difference between the adoption of new contracts and the interpretation of existing contracts. The latter function is judicial in nature and may safely be left to authoritative arbiters. On the other hand, the adoption of new principles, or the determination of future conditions, is a mat- ter of competitive struggle, which, except on ex- traordinary occasions, should not be left to outside parties, however disinterested. Recog- nizing this truth, trade union leaders generally oppose compulsory arl)itration; and even in col- lective bargaining arbitration seems to be going out of favor both in England and the United States. In the printing (newspaper) and gen- eral foundry trades agreements for arbitration exist, but none of the national systems of collec- tive bargaining in the United States contain a provision for arbitration in case the representa- tives of employers and employees fail to agree. Collective bargaining is to a degree dependent upon the organization of employers, and it increases in extent and efficiencj' as employers' organizations increase. Associations of employ- ers are not new, but in the last few years they have become not only more numerous than in the past, but more systematic and more thoroughly managed. (See Trade Associations.) Most of the existing manufacturers' associations, like the Stove Founders' National Defense Associa- tion and the National Association of Builders, encourage collective bargaining and thus make for industrial peace. A large majority of American unions officially indorse arbitration and conciliation. In Great Britain Mr. and Mrs. Webb think that the opposition to arbi- tration in the strict sense is steadily grow- ing. In the United States opinion is divided, and it is impossible to say whether opposition is increasing or decreasing. It is, however, in- disputable that the employees far more frequent- ly invoke the aid of State boards of arliitration than the employers, and that they are practically undivided in support of collective bargaining on the one hand and in opposition to compulsory arbitration on the other hand. The Strike. Trade union regulations re- specting strikes (see Strikes and Lockoits) are so diverse that it is impossible to describe them in a few sentences. Generally speaking, the local union is the active agent in the strike; the national organizations in which a local may be forced to strike against its will number prob- ably less than a dozen, and in only three or four may a local be expelled for striking against the decision of the national otiicers. The con- trol of the locals is through the purse. Many of the unions maintain protective funds, or war chests, which in the well-managed organizations frequently assume very respectable proportions. If the local desires strike pay and other financial support it must refrain from striking except in accordance with the established regulations of the union. In the better organized unions a pro- cedure of the following nature is imposed upon locals: Before the strike may be considered a local grievance committee, or the local president or business agent, must attempt to settle the griev- ance amicably with the employer in question. If these negotiations fail, the local may then vote upon the question of striking, and in this vote the ballot is usually secret, v.hile in most unions a two-thirds vote is required to authorize the strike. If the local indorses the strike, the decision must be ratified by the national presi- dent or executive board, and at this point, again, most unions require the national president to proceed to the scene immediately ami make every effort to adjust the grievance bj' peaceable negotiation with the emjiloyer. Only after the failure of this attempt may the national sanc- tion be conferred upon the strike. The effect of such regulations can be easily ap- preciated. The strike of the past was sporadic, passionate, and directed against some abuse which the workers believed intolerable. The strike of the present day is deliberately and systematically conducted; it marks the rising market and pe- riods of prosperity : with many trade unions it has become a settled policy. It is not intended to suggest that trade unions encourage strikes ; the general opinion of economic writers is to the contrary. What is meant is that the strike as conducted by the trade union is gov- erned by interest and not by passion; and that "while the most intelligent and conservative labor leaders freely recognize the expcnsiveness of strikes and desire to supplant them as far as possible with peaceable methods of negotia- tion, they almost uniformly maintain that work- inginen gain in the long run far more than they lose by the general policy of striking." For the statistics of strikes, see Strikes and Lockouts. The Boycott. The American union has done with the boycott what it has done with the strike: made it less violent. . but more delib- erate and systematic. The old form of boycott — the fiery crusade for the social and commercial ostracism of the offending employer — is still met with occasionally, but the favorite method at present is to place the recalcitrant employer on an unfair list and spread the ban through the medium of the labor press. The initiative is largely taken by complaint of the local union to the national executive board that some em- ployer is violating union rules. The national olfieers usually offer the employer a hearing at which to disprove the charges, or offer proof of intention to discontinue the objectionable practice, and if such proof is not supplied the offender is placed on the list of merchants or manufactur-
