and day, extending gradually to all parts of the Empire, until the giant Bismarck himself fell by the wayside, a sore giant indeed, unhorsed by Socialism and kicked by his little master. And on that day of famous victory, up again went the old cry of the dying Commune, the old cry of Marx, the old cry of all socialist veterans, a mighty cry now, hurled at the stupefied enemy by fourteen hundred thousand German proletaires, "No Compromise!"
Nor had all been still in the proletarian world outside of Germany. As early as 1878, the now great Parti Ouvrier Français had been founded by Jules Guesde, with a programme approved by Marx. The Labor Party of Belgium had followed in 1884. Successively the other European countries had fallen into line, and in 1889 the Socialist Labor Party of the United States had reconstituted itself on its present platform and tactical lines. To this general movement the German victory gave a tremendous impetus, the birth of a new International far more powerful than the first, appeared certain, and everywhere ceaselessly the fight went on, in the same spirit, under the same banner, bearing the same motto, "No Compromise!"
Moreover, economic developments in the Old World and the New, political affairs domestic and foreign—everything was apparently shaping itself for a decisive encounter. How, when and where it would begin, no one as yet presumed to tell. Nor did any one desire to precipitate it: the socialists, because every day brought them new strength; the capitalists, because in three countries at least they trembled in their stolen boots. But every one felt that some unexpected incident might bring it about. In France especially, the bourgeoisie was utterly demoralized; "incapable," according to Jaurès
