(July 12th), and renounced every kind of idolatry; and after that departed in peace.'
Now, though nothing is said of any one great battle here, yet there may well have been one or more of some importance. Great expectations had been formed of Athelstan's prowess, and 'he engaged as soon as he was settled on the throne in a succession of warlike enterprises against the other nations who dwelt in Britain' (Palgrave). As Jónsson suggests, the 'fiery beams of light' may have been looked on as tokens of coming battles. 'Else' (as he says) 'their mention seems rather meaningless.' In some battle at this time Thorolf and Egil may have taken part. Athelstan would be glad of additional men at such a time; and so naturally 'he received them well.' He had (Palgrave writes) at an early age 'sailed over the North Sea and visited the opposite shores of the Baltic. Here he became acquainted with the old Norsk tongue and acquired great fondness for the usages and customs of the Northmen.'
And now as to the exact position of Vin-heath, where the battle so minutely described in the Saga took place, we know it not: but neither do we know where Brunanburh was, further than that it was in Northumberland. A passage indeed is quoted by Jónsson and others from a Latin history by Simeon of Durham, in which it is said that Athelstan fought a battle against Olaf Constantine and the Cumbrians' king, 'apud Wendune.' Here is a name in place of Brunanburh (if our battle be meant) which is something like Vin-heidi: the first part may be called the same: the second 'dune' or 'down' is much the same as heath. More exactly than this we shall never determine about Vin-heath: Thorold and Egil probably did take part in a real battle quite early in Athelstan's reign: but very likely the more important battle of Brunanburh some twelve years later eclipsed the former, and some particulars and names connected with the one have taken their place in the account of the other. The account of the battle of Vin-heath, if not in all details vero, is so ben trovato that we could ill spare it. There is nothing demonstrably untrue or unlikely about it. And (as Jónsson reminds us) an error or two in details of English history in no way impair the trustworthiness of the Saga for what concerns Norway and Iceland.
Ch. LII.—enhazel] The process is clearly explained further on: the lexicon refers to two other places that mention this curious kind of challenge to a pitched battle.
wait a week] Any way the battle was not to be till the week's end (from the date of the proposal); but supposing one side not to be on the field by then, the other side were to wait a week (from the time of their arrival on the field), and not harry.
wise men] One is rather led to understand that it was by Thorolf's and Egil's counsel that these delays had been secured.
Ch. LIII.—high enough] When the butt rested on the ground the socket was just at the convenient height for the hand to grasp, the hand being probably about level with the waist. The shaft may have been 'wrapped with iron' to balance the blade when the weapon was in use and held horizontally, or nearly so.
Earls-ness] Where? In Wales, says Petersen: in England, says Jónsson. Any way on the west coast. Alfgeir must have gone southwards and round the Land's end, etc.
Ch. LIV.—Scots . . . loose in array] A truthful description of Scotch Highlanders' battle tactics for any time.
Ch. LV.—Dauntless, etc.] Jónsson doubts the genuineness of this verse.
Olaf, young prince] Constantine the king of Scots was an old man (as we
