If now the position of the Thule culture in the Eskimo culture is to be investigated, it must be analysed, resolved in its various elements and the geographical spread of each one of these examined, as well as their origin and the history of their development as far as possible. Not until then can one judge the culture as a whole, see to what it is most closely related, see its kinship to other forms of Eskimo culture, seek its origin and trace its further development. This is a long and laborious process, but it must be done.
This, however, brings us face to face with a difficulty: the lack of comparative material. Eskimo archaeology is in its infancy; there are large areas within the Eskimo territory where there is no material at all, and most of the material available has been dug up by Eskimos or other unskilled people, with the result that its value is for the most part reduced; furthermore, a large part of this material has not been published but is lying about in various museums. And, what is more, there is only very imperfect information about the material culture of many present day Eskimo tribes, particularly their implement technique. I have, however, had very considerable assistance from the Fifth Thule Expedition's own collections which, besides comprehensive collections from all the Central Eskimo tribes proper: Iglulik, Netsilik, Caribou and Copper Eskimos, comprise smaller ethnographic collections from the Mackenzie Eskimos and Alaska (Pt. Barrow, King Island, Nunivak Island, etc.) and also an important archaeological material from the Western Eskimo territory, acquired by Knud Rasmussen but for the most part excavated by Eskimos; this comprises collections from Pt. Atkinson, between C. Bathurst and the mouth of the Mackenzie (670 specimens), Kittegarsuit, by the mouth of the Mackenzie (137 specimens, mostly later objects), Barter Island, on the boundary between the Mackenzie and Pt. Barrow Eskimo territories (998 specimens), Pt. Barrow (537
