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Dethronement with compensation on a scale that proves that a republic is not ungrateful to a high--
minded and progressive sovereign is hailed with satisfaction throughout Brazil. It is an anomaly in the annals of revolution, for kings are ordinar-
ily lucky if they escape with their lives; but, under the circumstances, it is a just and equitable ar-
rangement. The Emperor did not deserve to be dismissed like a lackey. He has gone out like a prince loaded with benefaction from a people whose quarrel was not with him, but with the monarchical system.[1]


The placidly optimistic view assumed by the Indianapolis Sentinel may perhaps not unfittingly be quoted as a sen-
sible and wholesome attitude regarding the whole affair:


The new regime involves little, really, but a change of external forms. Brazil has long been one of the freest countries on the globe—a repub-
lic really in everything but the name. The occu-
pant of the imperial throne, too, was a republican at heart, and perhaps he will not repine greatly that the people to whom he is so warmly devoted have cast off, while he is in the flesh to see, the imperial robes that hung so awkwardly upon them.[2]


When the Brazilian revolution was discussed in the Con-
gress of the United States in connection with a resolution proposing immediate recognition of the new republic, not even the most radical anti-monarchists indulged in severe censure of Dom Pedro. In fact, Morgan of Alabama, who introduced the resolution, made it clear that there was not


slightest criticism . . . against the conduct of that patriotic and eminent man . . . who has been de-
posed from the imperial throne of that state. His methods of government, his fondness for his peo-

—5—

  1. 18 November 19, 1889.
  2. November 18, 1889. For comments of the press of the United States on the general subject of the revolution in Brazil, see Public Opinion, VIII (November 23, 1889), p. 159ff.