our Congress, we should have one or other of two things—either an official declaration of the real condition of affairs from the American Minister at Rio, that can be published for the information of the people of the United States; or unmistake-
ably vouched dispatches from the agents of the Associated Press at Rio Janeiro (sic), Bahia, Para, and Pernambuca—that the wires are open and free to all who wish to send or receive telegraphic mes-
sages. Till we have one or other of these assur-
ances or something else in all respects equivalent, Congress should not move one step. It will be nothing better than taking a leap in the dark unless we have them. Instead of helping the people of Brazil to a good republican government such as we would wish to see them have, we may be helping to fasten upon them a regime of selfish and grasping military adventurers. Let us have at least a chance to look before we leap. The Brazilian peo-
ple are not asking us to "hurry up.”[1]
It seems to us that the Democrats of the Senate are making a mistake in insisting upon the imme-
diate recognition of the Republic of Brazil. In fact, there is no such republic. The government in existence is a military despotism, much less lib-
eral in character than the imperialism which the army overthrew. Under the old regime Brazil was governed by a ministry responsible to a Par-
liament elected by the people. The Emperor was not an active governing force. Under the new regime there is no Parliament, no representatives of the people, and the governing power is lodged solely in the hands of certain persons supported by the regular army. The old government was much more of a republic than the new, in spite of the fact that it had an emperor at the head of it. . . Our Government stands as the best example and defender of representative institutions, not of des-
potisms which may falsely call themselves repub-
lics. We can not afford to champion shams; it is our duty to support every genuine attmept to es-
tablish representative institutions.[2]
—11—
