and "secure the blessings of liberty." The discreditable words slave and slavery were not allowed to find a place in this instrument, while a clause was subsequently added by way of amendment, and, therefore, according to the rules of interpretation, particularly revealing the sentiments of the founders, which is calculated, like the Declaration of Independence, if practically applied, to carry freedom to all within the sphere of its influence. It was specifically declared, that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law;" that is, without due presentment, indictment, or other judicial proceeding. Here is an express guard of personal liberty, and an express interdict upon its invasion anywhere within the national jurisdiction.
It is evident, from the debates on the National Constitution, that slavery, like the slave-trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many that they would both disappear together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than those which glowed on the lips of the Fathers. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: "He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of Heaven." In another mood, and with mild, juridical phrase, Mr. Madison "thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of prop-
