that a record has been found. Upon things in Russia and at the Court, Isvolsky spoke fully, not disguising his fears of Russia’s future. I could see that he knew the Court well, its principal personages and especially the Tsar. Though he was absolutely devoted to his Sovereign and to the Court, his criticism of them was sharp in substance if moderate in words. In this he was a type of those decent and reasonable Russian officials of high rank who saw through the situation and condemned it, but did little or nothing to improve it. I told him what I thought of Russia. He did not and could not challenge my views. And, like so many Russian officials, even Isvolsky had no clear idea of us and of the non-Russian Slavs. Obviously, he thought only of the Orthodox Slavs, or “Brothers.” The unification of the Southern Slavs was no part of his policy; the Catholic Croats were to be left out, even if they got independence. This he often said to many people who told me of it in detail; and it was quite clear that his Government had not told him of any official Slav policy. Briand’s action in our favour impressed him deeply, and he promised to support us in Paris and London. As I found afterwards, he kept his word. Svatkovsky, who joined me in Paris, kept in constant touch with him. Yet it was pitiful to see how unorganized and incapable of organization were the Russians of all parties who were then in the French capital. I conferred with them all. In the hope of organizing them we even got up a meeting at which Beneš and I demanded that there should be a better service of news from Russia and that Russian politicians abroad should get together—but all to no purpose.
At that moment the relationship of all Western Allied countries to Russia was growing troubled. Though France had binding Treaty engagements with her and an official friendship of long standing, a considerable part of the French political public had always shown reserve, while another part was actually hostile. The French Liberals, to say nothing of the Radicals and Socialists, had little love for Tsarism which, even during the war, they continued to oppose theoretically and practically, in the press and otherwise. British relations to Russia had become more friendly in recent years, though in England, too, the Russian system was still regarded unfavourably by a wide public. Italian views of Russia and the Slavs were vague and, at the beginning of the war, somewhat unfavourable. These anti-Russian feelings were strengthened by the reverses of the Russian army. I learned from a number
