of March 5, this request made a bad impression on him; and when, on October 14, Lammasch promised the transformation of Austria into a federal State, neither Herron nor Wilson would listen. A few weeks earlier, in September 1918, Dr. Hertz gave Herron a more detailed programme. He promised that Austria would detach herself from Germany and become democratic, and that Austria-Hungary would be changed into a federation of self-governing States. He did not say clearly how the Czechs, Poles and Southern Slavs were to be organized as States alongside of the Germans and the Magyars. The Slovaks were to be kept apart from the Czechs, the argument being that Slovakia would presently join the Czechs “by herself.” Poland was to be linked with Austria in a dynastic union, that is to say, Russian Poland and Polish Galicia. Posen, or Prussian Poland, was to remain German. Transylvania would get autonomy. The Southern Tyrol would go to Italy-after a plébiscite; and Trieste would form a Free State in economic alliance with Austria-Hungary. The Ruthene, or Little Russian, part of Galicia would be given to the Ukraine. Finally, Serbia would be allowed “on certain conditions” voluntarily to join the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slav State.
In this fashion Vienna still dreamt of expansion even at the end of September 1918; and Dr. Hertz ingenuously said that an Austria thus aggrandized would be democratic and anti-German! It sounds like a farce when, in speaking of the voluntary adhesion of Serbia to the new Southern Slav State, Dr. Hertz added: “In no circumstances must pressure be applied.” I am ready to admit that Dr. Hertz said on behalf of Austria everything that it was possible for an Austrian to say. In words, Vienna and Budapest paid homage to Wilson’s ideas, but in reality they wished to continue and even to strengthen their rule over us and over other peoples. Herron saw through the sort of autonomy that was promised, and let President Wilson know what he thought at every important stage, never hiding his conviction that America could not make terms with Austria. He reiterated this view emphatically when Mr. Lansing informed us officially, in the name of the President, that the United States had recognized our National Council and its policy; and, after the Austrian peace manifesto of September 14, which Clemenceau answered so drastically, Herron sent a note to Washington no whit less vigorous than Clemenceau’s own opinion. On the same day Washington sent the laconic reply to which I have referred;
