of our revolt were also recognized by the more advanced public men and parties. Our efforts to gain freedom appealed to Western opinion. I, as a member of Parliament, was looked upon not only as the representative of my own constituency but as that of the whole people. When I said that I was acting in agreement with the majority of our political parties and of their leaders, my statements were believed. My status as a mandatory was everywhere regarded as important; and as early as 1914 my friends Steed and Seton-Watson had thought it essential in England. Even when negotiating with Dr. Beneš on the subject of our recognition in 1918, Mr. Balfour, as British Foreign Secretary, still felt some doubt whether our National Council was sufficiently representative of the whole nation. My knowledge of Western Parliamentarism had led me to submit my political programme to all our party leaders before I left Prague and to ask for their opinion and assent; and though I was not in a position formally to answer for these parties or to get written confirmation from them, their assent entitled me to regard myself as authorized by them; and in 1915 I had applied directly to them for this authority.
After our National Council abroad had been regularly constituted in 1916, it gained influence in proportion as we organized our army and, by taking part in the war, became to some extent a military factor. The army convinced everybody that we were in earnest. The National Council became a de facto Government which, like our army, was progressively recognized by the Allied Governments. The various formulas of recognition show how far the National Council (afterwards the Provisional Government) was recognized de facto, and how far de jure. It is interesting to compare these formulas for, if right is understood as a political expression of actual events, they reflect in no small measure the political and military situation. Indeed, the table of recognitions given in the appendix shows how closely they kept pace with our military progress. Their significance depends upon the circumstances out of which they arose and the importance of the persons who granted them. Certainly President Wilson’s recognition of us was very weighty because of the constitutional position of the American President and of his special relationship to his Government. In England, Italy and France, governments are stronger than in America, and there is no authority corresponding to the President of the United States. The Kings of England and of Italy and the President of the French Republic have not the same responsibility as he for acts of the Government. Therefore, in these
