bility of the ruler, his right to dictate and his freedom from control.
Resistance to absolutism is characteristic of democratic progress throughout the modern era which has been marked by a long series of religious, literary, social and political revolutions. Even in the Roman era dictatorship was rightly limited to war time, because, in war, one leader is better than a dozen; and, in so far as revolution resembles war, it, too, gives rise to dictatorships. They are, however, unsuited to normal times. Political leaders are not infallible. Four eyes see better than two, as I have learned by experience and study. Russian Bolshevism itself proves the inadequacy of dictatorship. Claiming to be the non plus ultra of political and social development, and declaring itself infallible, it established its Inquisition for the same reasons as Spain established hers. Democracy needs to be especially on its guard against political upstarts, for none but the uncultured or the half-cultured hold themselves infallible.
During my years abroad I thought we should need a temporary dictatorship for our revolution against Austria. In case it should prove possible to unite all our Legions in France, it seemed as though they might march with the Allied armies through Germany. The victors might dictate peace in Berlin as the Germans dictated it in Paris or Versailles. When I discussed this idea with President Wilson, I imagined that our men would reach the capital of Germany and march home thence. Even the capitulation of the Central Powers did not render it wholly fantastical. Marshal Foch meant to hold the Rhine and thought of making Prague a base for the liberation of Poland. In such an event a temporary dictatorship might have been necessary, pending the establishment of a constitutional Government by regular elections ; and it seemed to me that, in the excitement of the revolution, solutions might be found for many a burning question, subject to subsequent approval or amendment by Parliament. My plans were made for all contingencies; and I need hardly say that the thought of a provisional centralized dictatorship, based upon the army, was not inspired by any hankering after absolute power or that it was conceived irrespectively of the assent of our leaders at home. I imagined that our leaders at home and abroad would act as a Provisional Directory, as a real Government ready to take responsibility. But things developed otherwise. After the revolution, which was carried through bloodlessly thanks to the unexpected collapse of Austria-Hungary, the dictatorship
