Per Curiam
calendars)). If, for example, a user allows TikTok access to the user’s phone contact list to connect with others on the platform, TikTok can access “any data stored in the user’s contact list,” including names, contact information, contact photos, job titles, and notes. 2 id., at 659. Access to such detailed information about U. S. users, the Government worries, may enable “China to track the locations of Federal employees and contractors, build dossiers of personal information for blackmail, and conduct corporate espionage.” 3 CFR 412. And Chinese law enables China to require companies to surrender data to the government, “making companies headquartered there an espionage tool” of China. H. R. Rep., at 4.
Rather than meaningfully dispute the scope of the data TikTok collects or the ends to which it may be used, petitioners contest probability, asserting that it is “unlikely” that China would “compel TikTok to turn over user data for intelligence-gathering purposes, since China has more effective and efficient means of obtaining relevant information.” Brief for TikTok 50 (internal quotation marks omitted). In reviewing the constitutionality of the Act, however, we “must accord substantial deference to the predictive judgments of Congress.” Turner I, 512 U. S., at 665 (opinion of Kennedy, J.). “Sound policymaking often requires legislators to forecast future events and to anticipate the likely impact of these events based on deductions and inferences for which complete empirical support may be unavailable.” Ibid. Here, the Government’s TikTok-related data collection concerns do not exist in isolation. The record reflects that China “has engaged in extensive and years-long efforts to accumulate structured datasets, in particular on U. S. persons, to support its intelligence and counterintelligence operations.” 2 App. 634.
Even if China has not yet leveraged its relationship with ByteDance Ltd. to access U. S. TikTok users’ data, petition-
