Per Curiam
2
As applied to petitioners, the Act is sufficiently tailored to address the Government’s interest in preventing a foreign adversary from collecting vast swaths of sensitive data about the 170 million U. S. persons who use TikTok. To survive intermediate scrutiny, “a regulation need not be the least speech-restrictive means of advancing the Government’s interests.” Turner I, 512 U. S., at 662. Rather, the standard “is satisfied ‘so long as the regulation promotes a substantial government interest that would be achieved less effectively absent the regulation’ ” and does not “burden substantially more speech than is necessary” to further that interest. Ward, 491 U. S., at 799 (quoting United States v. Albertini, 472 U. S. 675, 689 (1985); alteration omitted).
The challenged provisions meet this standard. The provisions clearly serve the Government’s data collection interest “in a direct and effective way.” Ward, 491 U. S., at 800. The prohibitions account for the fact that, absent a qualified divestiture, TikTok’s very operation in the United States implicates the Government’s data collection concerns, while the requirements that make a divestiture “qualified” ensure that those concerns are addressed before TikTok resumes U. S. operations. Neither the prohibitions nor the divestiture requirement, moreover, is “substantially broader than necessary to achieve” this national security objective. Ibid. Rather than ban TikTok outright, the Act imposes a conditional ban. The prohibitions prevent China from gathering data from U. S. TikTok users unless and until a qualified divestiture severs China’s control.
Petitioners parade a series of alternatives—disclosure requirements, data sharing restrictions, the proposed national security agreement, the general designation provision—that they assert would address the Government’s data collection interest in equal measure to a conditional TikTok ban. Those alternatives do not alter our tailoring analysis.
