nusco were not to be called upon by either for contributions of men or money, and left to be governed by their own municipal authorities until the question was settled. That this agreement was weak on the part of Mexico is obvious. Consenting not to exercise authority in a portion of a state which had annexed itself to Mexico by popular vote strengthened the claim of Central America. And this was really all that was done by these early negotiations; half a century passed before any joint commission was appointed. The position of Soconusco for the next seventeen years was anomalous. It was virtually independent, without the capability of self-government. Its political condition bordered on anarchy, and its moral condition on savagism. The department became the headquarters of marauders and the asylum of criminals and malefactors, while from time to time it was invaded by Central American troops, whose conduct did not mend matters.
Affairs remained thus till 1842, when Santa Anna, in consequence of representations of the authorities and citizens, decreed September 11, 1842, that Soconusco was an inalienable part of Chiapas, and consequently of the Mexican nation. The district was formed into a prefectura of Chiapas, and Tapachula, which was raised to the rank of a city, was designated as the capital. Guatemala, the dissolution of the Central American federation being already forecast, protested, and some correspondence followed; but the internal troubles of both countries caused the matter to be dropped until 1853, when Santa Anna appointed Juan Nepomuceno de Pereda minister plenipotentiary to Guatemala, now an independent republic, and laying claim to Chiapas and Soconusco. Guatemala's claim was still more far-fetched than that of the Central American federation. It was based on the ground that Chiapas had belonged to the captaincy-general of Guatemala, the Guatemalan government ignoring the fact that Chiapas had acquired its independence of Spain and Spain's government. As well might Guate-
