member of Congress from Massachusetts, and at the same time a member of the convention to frame the constitution from that state. Now, it was in the summer of 1787, the very time when the convention in Philadelphia was framing this constitution, that the Congress in New York was framing the ordinance of 1787. They passed that ordinance on the loth of July, 1787, at New York, the very month, perhaps the very day, on which these questions about the importation of slaves and the character of slavery were debated in the convention at Philadelphia. And, so far as we can now learn, there was a perfect concurrence of opinion between these respective bodies; and it resulted in this ordinance of 1787, excluding slavery as applied to all the territory over which the Congress of the United States had jurisdiction, and that was all the territory north-west of the Ohio. Three years before, Virginia and other states had made a cession of that great territory to the United States. And a most magnificent act it was. I never reflect upon it without a disposition to do honor and justice—and justice would be the highest honor—to Virginia for that act of cession of her north-western territory. I will say, sir, it is one of her fairest claims to the respect and gratitude of the United States, and that perhaps it is only second to that other claim which attaches to her—that, from her counsels, and from the intelligence and patriotism of her leading statesmen, proceeded the first idea put into practice for the formation of a general constitution of the United States. Now, sir, the ordinance of 1787 applied thus to the whole territory over which the Congress of the United States had jurisdiction. It was adopted nearly three years before the constitution of the United States went into operation, because the ordinance took effect immediately on its passage; while the constitution of the United States, having been framed, was to be sent to the states to be adopted by their conventions, and then a government had to be organized under it. This ordinance, then, was in operation and force when the constitution was adopted, and this government put in motion, in April, 1789.
Mr. President, three things are quite clear as historical truths. One is, that there was an expectation that on the ceasing of the importation of slaves from Africa, slavery would begin to run out. That was hoped and expected. Another is, that, as far as there was any power in Congress to prevent the spread of slavery in the United States, that power was executed in the most absolute manner, and to the fullest extent. An honorable member whose health does not allow him to be here to-day—
A Senator. He is here. (Referring to Mr. Calhoun.)
Mr. Webster. I am very happy to hear that he is; may he long be in health and the enjoyment of it to serve his country—said, the other day, that he considered this ordinance as the first in the series of measures calculated to enfeeble the south, and deprive them of their just participation in the benefits and privileges of this government. He says very properly that it was done under the old confederation, and before this constitution went into effect; but my present purpose is only to say, Mr. President, that it was done with the entire and unanimous concurrence of the whole south. Why, there it stands! The vote of every state in the Union was unanimous in favor of the ordinance, with the exception of a single individual vote, and that individual was a northern man. But, sir, the ordinance abolishing or rather prohibiting slavery north-west of the Ohio has the hand and seal of every southern member in Congress. The other and third clear historical truth is, that the
