sentiment is created that the sixteen unions can be combined into one, and the amalgamated organization launched into a career of power and success now hardly thought possible.
Of course, the standpatters in the unions will vigorously oppose this amalgamation project. They will argue that the present network of federation and semi-federation constitutes the highest attainable degree of solidarity. But that is only to be expected; such reactionary elements are constitutionally against all progress. Blinded by ignorance, or dominated by some petty selfish interest, they have combatted every step in the evolution of the railroad unions. They are apostles of things as they are. When the system federation movement began to take root they denounced it as an unnecessary and dangerous innovation. It was the same with the divisional federations and every other progressive movement initiated by railroad men. Such conservatives are the greatest of all hindrances to the progress of the working class. They hang like a millstone about its neck. Their opposition is more destructive even than that of the employers themselves. Had we railroaders hearkened to the croakings of this "it-can't-be-done" element we would be still striking one craft at a time in each division town that is, if the companies had not destroyed all semblance of unionism in the meantime. Every pace forward has been won in spite of their bitter opposition, and so it will be with amalgamation. To accomplish that task is a job for the progressives and radicals.
But while we are working for the amalgamation of the railroad unions into one industrial organization we must never forget that that, too, is only a step on the workers' road to power. We cannot stop with that measure; we must press on still farther. Next we must form alliances with the miners and transport workers, as the British railroaders have done in the Tripple Alliance, but more effective and militant. And then, with that accomplished we will go on and on, building up still greater combinations of