Royal Naval Biography/Naval Operations in Ava - 1

by John Marshall

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Layout 2

NAVAL OPERATIONS

in

AVA,

during the

BURMESE WAR.

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CHAPTER I.

At the commencement of the year 1824, numerous and unprovoked aggressions committed by the Burmese upon the S.E. frontier of the possessions of the Honorable East India Company, having induced the Right Honorable the Governor-General in Council to decide upon attacking them in their own country, a division of troops was ordered to be embarked at Calcutta, under the command of Brigadier Michael M‘Creagh, C.B., and another division at Madras, under Brigadier-General William Macbean: the command of those forces united was entrusted to Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B.

On the 12th March, 1824, George Swinton, Esq. Secretary to the Supreme Government, in the Secret and Political Department, addressed a letter to Commodore Charles Grant, C.B., commanding His Majesty’s squadron in India, of which the following is an extract:–

“I am directed by the Right Honorable the Governor-General in Council to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 25th ultimo, and to convey to you the cordial acknowledgments of the Government, for the prompt and valuable aid, which it is your intention to afford his Lordship in Council, in the prosecution of offensive operations against the Burman nation.

“In the event of your being able, without injury to the service in which you are now engaged, to proceed to Rangoon^[1] in the months of May or June, either touching at Madras, for the purpose of accompanying the second division of troops from that presidency, or repairing at once to the scene of action, his Lordship in Council would anticipate the most essential benefit to the expedition, from the presence of his Majesty’s ship, and. your personal superintendence of the measures which it may he found expedient to undertake against Rangoon, and the other maritime possessions of the enemy.”

Commodore Grant was then at Bombay, in the Liffey 50, busily employed in superintending the equipment of the Asia, a new 84-gun ship, which he was anxious to despatch to England. He had previously directed Captain Frederick Marryat, of the Larne sloop, to proceed to the river Hooghly; to take the Sophie brig, Captain George Frederick Ryves, under his orders; and to follow the directions of the Supreme Government as to the best means of employing the Larne and her consort.

On the 2d April, Mr. Swinton acquainted Captains Marryat and Ryves, that the expedition under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell, being about to proceed against Rangoon, after touching at Port Cornwallis, in the Great Andaman island, he had been directed to intimate to them the request of the Governor-General in Council, that the senior officer of the sloops of war, detached by Commodore Grant to accompany the armament, should assume the naval command of it, subject to the direction of the Brigadier-General commanding the forces. “Sir Archibald Campbell,” added the secretary, “will apprise you in detail of the objects of the expedition, in which the services of the naval force will he of the most essential use; and his Lordship in Council relies with confidence on your affording that cordial and zealous co-operation, which ever distinguishes His Majesty’s navy, when employed with land forces in the service of their country.”

At the particular request of Captain Marryat, the Governor-General in Council directed a small steam-vessel, the first ever seen in India, to be purchased, and added to the expedition^[2]. Sir Archibald Campbell left Calcutta on the 8th April, embarked with his staff on board the Larne, and proceeded in that ship to Port Cornwallis. The Bengal transports sailed thither without any escort, but those from Madras were convoyed to that place by the Sophie. The celerity with which the Governor-General in Council determined and acted upon his plan of operations precluded the possibility of Commodore Grant proceeding from Bombay to Calcutta, in time to superintend the naval preparations, even had he not been engaged in other important duties.

Owing to calms and very light winds, the Bengal division did not reach the place of rendezvous before the end of April, and the Madras division not until the 2d of May; at which period several ships from both presidencies were still absent. Sir Archibald Campbell had, however, determined to sail with the force then assembled at Port Cornwallis, and would have done so on that day, had he not been prevented by a general report of the scarcity of fresh water on board the Madras transports, some of them not having enough for more than four days’ consumption. “This difficulty,” says he, “was very speedily removed by Captain Marryat, whose indefatigable exertions in collecting and appropriating the scanty supply which the land springs afforded, and distributing a proportion from such vessels as were well supplied to those most in need, enabled him, on the following day, to report the fleet ready to put to sea. As we were accordingly getting under weigh, H.M.S. Liffey appeared in the offing, and likewise several of the absent transports. Judging that some of them might also be in want of water, and being desirous of making the necessary arrangements with Commodore Grant, relative to our future operations, I determined upon remaining in harbour one day longer. On the following morning (May 5th), we finally put to sea, detaching a part of my force, under Brigadier M‘Creagh^[3], against the island of Cheduba, and sending another detachment, under Major Wahab, of the Madras establishment, against Negrais, proceeding myself with the main body for the Rangoon river, which we reached on the 10th, and anchored within the bar.”

The naval force attached to this expedition consisted of the Liffey 50, Commodore Grant; Slaney 20, Captain Charles Mitchell; Larne 20, Captain Frederick Marryat; and Sophie 18, Captain George Frederick Ryves; four of the Honorable Company’s cruisers, under the command of Captain Henry Hardy; a Penang government vessel; eighteen brigs, schooners, and other small craft (formerly pleasure yachts on the Ganges), each armed with two light carronades and four swivels, and manned with twelve Lascars, under the command of a European; twenty row-boats, lugger-rigged (formerly Calcutta pilot-boats), each carrying an 18-pounder in the bow, and manned with from 16 to 20 Lascars; the Diana, steam-vessel; and about forty sail of transports, only one or two of which had. English crews. The Hon. Company’s cruisers were manned with British sailors, Hindoos, and Mahometans; and all the row-boats were under the command of Mr. William Lindquist, of the Bengal pilot service. The total number of fighting men embarked at Calcutta and Madras, in April, 1824, was 8701, of whom 4077 were British troops.

On the morning of the 11th May, the fleet, led by the Liffey and Larne, sailed up the Rangoon river, without any pilots on board, and in the course of a few hours arrived off the town, meeting with no greater opposition than some insignificant discharges of artillery from one or two of the guardhouses on either bank.

“Henzawaddy, or the province of Rangoon, is a delta formed by the mouths of the Irrawaddy, and, with the exception of some considerable plains of rice-ground, is covered by a thick and tenacious jungle, intersected by numerous creeks and rivers.^[4]” The town of Rangoon is situated on the northern bank of a main branch of that great river, where it makes a short bend from east to west, about 28 miles from the sea. It extends for about 900 yards along the river, and is about 600 or 700 yards wide in its broadest part: at either extremity extend unprotected suburbs, but the centre, or town itself, is defended by an enclosure of palisades, ten or twelve feet high, strengthened internally by embankments of earth, and protected externally on one side by the river, and at the western end by a morass, over which there is a bridge. The palisade encloses the town in the shape of an irregular parallelogram, having one gate in each of three faces, and two in that of the north: at the river gate is a landing place, denominated the King’s Wharf, in which situation the principal battery, of apparently from 12 to 16 guns, was placed, and opposite to which the Liffey anchored about 2 p.m.

This battery was manned and ready to open its fire. “Still,” says Sir Archibald Campbell, “from motives of humanity, the Commodore and myself were unwilling to commence so unequal a contest, thinking the immense superiority on our side, within full view of the shore, would have induced the authorities in the town to make an offer of negociating: their presumption and folly, however, led them to pursue a different course; a feeble, ill -supported, and worse directed fire was opened upon us, which the first few guns from the Liffey effectually silenced, and cleared the battery. I had previously ordered the plan of attack, and now gave directions for two brigades to be in readiness in their boats for landing. His Majesty’s 38th regiment, commanded by Major [Thomas] Evans, above the town ; Major [Robert Henry] Sale, with H.M. 13th light infantry, at the centre, to make a lodgment in the main battery, should he be unable to force the gate of the stockade; and a brigade of the Madras division below the town, under the direction of Brigadier-General Macbean: the 38th and this brigade being ordered to push round by the rear and enter the town, should they find an opportunity of so doing.

“These measures in progress, the Burmese again returned to their battery, and commenced firing, which was again silenced by a broadside from the Liffey; and the signal being made for the troops to land in the order already stated, which they did in the most regular and soldier-like style, in less than 20 minutes, I had the satisfaction of seeing the British flag flying in the town^[5], without the troops having had occasion to discharge a single musket, and without my having occasion to regret the loss of one individual, killed or wounded, on our side.

“The news of our arrival in the river having reached Rangoon the preceding night, and our rapid progress up in the morning being marked by an occasional shot in answer to the fire from the chokies, together with the preparations of the Burman authorities for defence, threw the inhabitants into such a state of consternation as to cause a general flight in every direction towards the jungles; so much so, that out of a large population, I do not think 100 men were found in the town on our taking possession of it. * * * * *

“The captured ordnance far exceeds in number any thing we supposed the country to possess, although, generally speaking, of a bad description^[6]. * * * * *

“It would be presumption in me to speak in terms of praise of an officer so well known as Commodore Grant; but it is my duty to inform you, that the cordial co-operation I have received, and continue to receive from him, calls for my warmest acknowledgment.”

After having thus placed Sir Archibald Campbell and his army in possession of Rangoon, Commodore Grant sent a detachment of boats up the river to seek for and destroy fire-rafts, and with orders to remain in advance of the shipping during the ebb tide. On the three succeeding days, the boats, with some soldiers of H.M. 41st regiment, were again despatched on the same service; and in executing the duty assigned to them, they had five men wounded by the fire of musketry from villages and fortified breastworks. In the mean time the troops at Rangoon were put under cover ; one brigade in the town, and the others in the vicinity of the Shwe-da-gon pagoda (about two miles and a half distant), which is the largest and most ancient in the Burman empire.

Although so little resistance had been offered by the Burmese at Rangoon, the following general order was issued by the Supreme Government, June 2d, 1824:

“A royal salute and three vollies of musketry to be fired at all the stations of the land forces serving in the East Indies, in honor of the capture of Rangoon, by the combined naval and military forces under the command of his Excellency Commodore Grant, C.B. and Brigadier-General Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B.”

The first hand-to-hand conflict with the enemy took place on the 16th May, and is thus described by Captain Richard Birch of H.M. 38th regiment, in a letter of that date, addressed to Sir Archibald Campbell:

“I have the honor to inform you, that in obedience to your orders, I this morning embarked with the grenadier company of H.M. 38th regiment, under my command, on board the boats of H.M.S. Liffey, commanded by Lieutenant James Wilkinson, R.N. for the purpose of dislodging the enemy from the village of Kemmendine^[7] and the adjacent villages.

“Agreeable to my instructions, I landed the troops at a small village about a mile from Kemmendine, where I observed a party of the enemy had stockaded themselves, and immediately attacked their position, which I carried, after exchanging a few rounds and killing 10 or 12 of the enemy. I then endeavoured to penetrate the jungle towards the village of Kemmendine, for the purpose of assailing it by the rear, while the boats attacked it in front; but I regret to say, that I found the jungles so impervious, as to prevent me from executing this part of my instructions. I therefore re-embarked my detachment, and proceeded in the boats.

“On approaching a point higher up, intending to land, we found ourselves suddenly exposed to a heavy fire from a stockade, till then unobserved; and as any attempt to retire would have given encouragement to the enemy. Lieutenant Wilkinson and myself resolved upon immediately landing and storming the stockade.

“We had many unforeseen difficulties to overcome, the enemy having placed bamboos and spikes so as to make landing both difficult and dangerous. Nothing, however, could withstand the gallantry and determination of both soldiers and sailors, who shortly established themselves within the stockade, defended by about 400 men, who were quickly driven out at the point of the bayonet, leaving 60 dead.

“The enemy were well armed, a great proportion having muskets, and a small field-piece was taken in the stockade. I must do them the justice to say that they fought with very great spirit, many of them receiving our charge with their spears.

“I again re-embarked my party, and proceeded to the opposite side of the river, where we drove the enemy from a third stockade, which we destroyed in the same manner as we had done the two former.

“In concluding, I regret to state, that Lieutenant Thomas Kerr, of H.M. 38th regiment, and one private were killed, and nine privates wounded, in taking the second stockade; and I have further to regret, that Lieutenant Wilkinson, R.N. was severely wounded (by a musket-ball) through the thigh, with eight or nine of his crew, one of whom has since had his arm amputated. I have much satisfaction in reporting the conduct of the officers and men under my command to have been steady and soldier-like. I hope I may be allowed to express the highest admiration of the cool and intrepid conduct of Lieutenant Wilkinson, R.N., who, although severely wounded, continued to render me the greatest assistance in giving directions from his boat; also of the officers and men under his command.”

Not a syllable of this conflict is mentioned by Major Snodgrass, in his “Narrative of the Burmese War.”

On the 31st May, Captain Marryat succeeded to the chief command of the naval force at Rangoon, on the departure of Commodore Grant, in ill health, for Pulo-Penang, where that excellent officer died on the 25th July following. The Supreme Government had previously requested that Captain Marryat might be allowed to command the expedition up the Irrawaddy, and this was most readily assented to by the commodore.

Some heavy rains had fallen previous to the departure of the Liffey; and it very soon appeared, there was little chance of the army quitting Rangoon and its neighbourhood before the cud of the S.W. monsoon, as the disappearance of the inhabitants rendered it impossible to provide and equip a flotilla necessary to proceed up the Irrawaddy, or even to man it with rowers if one had been equipped. The same circumstance, and the desolate state of the country, from which nothing in the shape of supplies was to be procured, rendered it equally certain, that both for the temporary occupation of Rangoon, and the eventual march into the interior, the force was entirely dependent upon the presidencies of Bengal and Madras, for every description of conveyance and food: a state of things which was little to have been expected, from the known commerce and supposed resources of Rangoon, and for which, accordingly, no previous preparation had been made. “Every act of the enemy,” says Sir Archibald Campbell, in a despatch dated June 1, 1824, “evinces a most marked determination of carrying hostility to the very last extremity; approaching our posts day and night, under cover of an impervious and uncombustible jungle, constructing stockades and redoubts on every road and pathway, even within musket-shot of our sentries; and, from their hidden fastnesses, carrying on a most barbarous and harassing warfare; firing upon our sentries at all hours of the night, and lurking on the outskirts of the jungle, for the purpose of carrying off any unlucky wretch whom chance may throw in their way^[8].”

On the 2d June, Sir Archibald Campbell received information, that the enemy had assembled in great force, and were stockading themselves at Kemmendine, intending to attack the British lines. He therefore ordered two strong columns of reconnoissance from the Madras division, to move, on the morning of the 3d June, upon two roads leading from the Shwe-da-gon pagoda to the above village, and proceeded himself in the H.C. cruiser Mercury, Captain Richard E. Goodridge, with three companies of the 41st regiment, the Thetis cruiser, and several row-boats, under the command of Captain Ryves, for the purpose of observing the Burman force, and making a diversion in favour of any attack which might take place by land.

At 7 a.m., the cruisers and flotilla anchored and commenced firing on a large stockade, while the soldiers of the 41st regiment landed and burnt the enemy’s encampment, destroying also one war-boat, and capturing another, without the least annoyance.

In the course of the morning, the two columns coming down from the Shwe-da-gon pagoda met close to the principal stockade, a work of unusual strength land extent; but as they moved through a thicket, within gun-shot of their friends afloat, they were mistaken for a body of Burmese, and received a heavy cannonade, which occasioned some loss, and disconcerted the troops, so that they could not afterwards be led to the attack. The following is an extract of the report made by Captain Ryves to Captain Marryat:

“The pinnaces of H.M. sloops Larne and Sophie, when proceeding in advance, carried a small stockade, from which was brought an 18-pounder carronade; they were afterwards engaged under a most harassing fire of carronades and musketry from another stockade, and I am sorry to say, suffered severely, though infinitely less than could have been expected on such service^[9].

“The commander of the Honorable Company’s cruiser Thetis being severely wounded when I was on board, I took command of her; but Sir A. Campbell having embarked on board the Mercury, all orders to the cruisers and flotilla proceeded from him^[10].

“When every man did his duty, it is difficult to bring into notice the conduct of individuals; yet I cannot avoid particularizing the prominent and gallant conduct of Mr. George Goldfinch, and I much regret the severe wound he has received, as it will deprive me for a time of his valuable services: he has, since our arrival here, always been employed in the command of the boats belonging to H.M. sloop Sophie, and has always met my warmest approbation; indeed I cannot speak too highly of this meritorious officer; he has passed his examination for a lieutenant nine years and three months; I hope, therefore, you will take the conduct of this deserving officer into your consideration, and recommend him to the favourable notice of Commodore Grant; and I trust it may be the means of procuring for him that promotion he so richly deserves^[11].

“I have every reason to be much satisfied with the co-operation of Lieutenant Thomas Fraser, who commanded the Larne’s pinnace, and whose exemplary zeal and gallantry were both conspicuous.

“The zealous conduct of Mr. Charles Scott, who has passed his examination for a lieutenant four years, reflected on him great credit^[12].

“At about 3 p.m., the enemy being in great force, the troops were re-embarked; the cruisers and flotilla then weighed, and returned to their former anchorage.”

Previous to this failure, between fifty and sixty large cargo-boats had fallen into the hands of the British; and Sir Archibald Campbell, anxious to prepare water-transport for part of his army, had ordered them to be cut down and made more manageable: they were calculated, on an average, to carry a complement of 60 men each. In a despatch to the Supreme Government, dated June 4th, he reported the arrival of a reinforcement from Madras, consisting of part of H.M. 89th regiment and two battalions of native infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Miles, C.B.

The numerous fire-rafts which the enemy sent down from Kemmendine, had hitherto occasioned to the shipping at Rangoon the most imminent danger of destruction, and kept the naval force in a constant and harassing state of exertion. The incessant annoyance experienced from these attacks rendered it indispensably necessary that the stockades which commanded that part of the river should be occupied by the British forces; and they were accordingly again attacked, and at length carried, on the 10th June. The military force employed on this occasion, consisted of about 3000 men, with four 18-pounders, four mortars, and some field-pieces, commanded by Sir Archibald Campbell in person; the part borne by the navy is thus detailed by the senior officer, Lieutenant Thomas Fraser, in his report to Captain Marryat:

“In compliance with your orders, on the 9th instant, at 11 p.m., at the commencement of the flood-tide, I proceeded up the river in the Honorable Company’s cruiser Thetis; accompanied by the Jessey [Penang cruiser], six of the gun-flotilla, six row-boats, and the Malay proa you were pleased to put under my command^[13]. At 2 a.m. the Jessey and the row boats took up the position assigned them, about three-quarters of a mile below Kemmendine. The Thetis was anchored at the entrance of a creek about the same distance above Kemmendine, and abreast of the stockade from which the gun was taken on the 3d instant, but which has since been greatly strengthened. The gun-flotilla were to have been placed abreast of the opposite point, forming the entrance of the creek (distinguished by a pagoda), on which, since the 3d, there has been erected a formidable stockade; but in consequence of the ebb-tide making against them, with the exception of the Robert Spankie and two others, they failed in their endeavours to take up their position, and were brought up a short distance below the Thetis.

“About 10 a.m., the batteries opened their fire against Kemmendine; the stockade on the pagoda point at the same instant commenced a fire of musketry, and from four small pieces, apparently 4 or 6-pounders, upon the Robert Spankie and the other two gun-vessels opposite to it, which was returned by them, and kept up on both sides for upwards of an hour. The stockades abreast of the Thetis not having fired a shot the whole time, and observing that the flotilla did not succeed in silencing the other, I took advantage of the flood-tide just then making, to drop abreast of it in the Thetis, and after a fire of half an hour, so far silenced the enemy that from that time they only fired an occasional musket at intervals when we had ceased, but altogether so badly directed that we had only one man wounded, belonging to a row-boat at that time alongside the Thetis. Having observed a great number of boats, many of a large size, collected about two miles above us, and considering it possible that at night, during the ebb, they might attack any of the flotilla that remained in advance, when we, from the rapidity of the current, could not render them any assistance, I thought fit to shift the Thetis, at the last of the flood, about a quarter of a mile above the point, directing the flotilla to drop with the ebb below the stockade on the opposite point, which they accordingly did.

“At noon on the 11th, observing the signal agreed upon, when the General wanted communication with us to be made, I sent an officer to answer it, who returned with intelligence of the troops having possession of Kemmendine, and with a request from the General, that two of the gun-flotilla and two row-boats might be left at that place; I accordingly directed the flotilla, with the above exceptions, to proceed to Rangoon with the evening’s ebb. At 6 p.m. the Thetis weighed, and, with the boats a-head to tow, began to drop down the river.

“From the place where we had been at anchor we had seen a great smoke and flame, apparently proceeding from the back of the stockade on the pagoda point; but which, on our opening the entrance of the creek, we discovered to be a very large fire -raft, composed of a number of country boats fastened together, and rapidly drifting down with the stream. By endeavouring to avoid the raft, together with the effect of the strung current setting out of the creek, the Thetis unfortunately grounded on the opposite bank of the river, where, in spite of every exertion, she remained until high water next morning.

“The raft grounded on the pagoda point, where it remained burning the whole of the night; although occasionally large masses separated from the main body and drifted down the river. The most dangerous of these masses were towed on shore by Mr. [George] Winsor, of the Sophie, in the Larne’s gig, who described them to be composed of canoes, filled with tar, matting, bamboos, &c. During the night there were some shot fired at the Thetis from the stockades, but without effect. At day-light on the 12th, having succeeded in getting her afloat, we proceeded down the river and anchored at Rangoon^[14].”

On the 11th June, Brigadier M‘Creagh addressed an official letter to Sir Archibald Campbell, of which the following are extracts:–

“I have the honor to report, that in execution of the service you assigned me, I anchored on the eastern side of the island of Cheduba, with the transport Anna Robertson in company, on the night of the 12th ultimo, and found the other transport, and H.M. ship the Slaney already there. I immediately conferred with Captain Mitchell, and, on the 13th, Lieutenant Mathews, of that ship, made a bold and very intelligent reconnoissance up the small river on which the enemy’s town is situated, and in our entire ignorance of the localities, his report was of essential use to me in arranging the disembarkation.

“The ships lay three miles from the shore outside of a mud flat, which stretches parallel with the land, and is nearly dry at low water, and the coast on this side is covered with jungle to the edge; indeed the mouth of the river is not distinguishable at a very little distance. We moved towards it on the morning of the 14th, with as many men as the boats would hold – 200 of H.M. 13th light infantry regiment, and 100 of the 20th native infantry.

“On the southern bank, a short distance up, was an out-post, which was immediately taken possession of by a small party from the leading boat, the Burmese retiring from it without resistance. The river varies in breadth from about 40 to 100 yards, the jungle on both sides extending far into the water. About half a mile further up, the ground is cleared and cultivated, and the enemy became visible, lining a trench of 300 yards extent, on the edge of the northern bank, with their right flanked by a bridge over the river. They permitted our boats to range along until the headmost arrived opposite their right, and then opened a fire of musketry and swivels, accompanied by flights of arrows. the bank was steep and somewhat difficult; but two or three parties of the 13th were soon on its summit, in spite of the enemy’s efforts, who opposed them with considerable boldness: a few minutes firing followed, while the remaining boats landed their men, and they fled, leaving upwards of twenty killed and many wounded. Their village or town commences near the spot at which we had landed, and I immediately moved up the street in pursuit; on arriving at the end of it (about a quarter of a mile) we found a stockade, info which they had retired, and from which they opened a fire as soon as we appeared. It was a square of about 200 yards each face; the outward piles from sixteen to twenty feet high, and an embankment and a parapet within them, salient gateways in each face, and a triple row of railing round the entire exterior, appeared to be in good order, and the fire was from several G-pounders, as well as swivels of various calibre, and musketry.

“I immediately lodged parties at such points close to the work as afforded tolerable cover, ordered the howitzer and two or three ship guns ashore, together with the remainder of the sepoys, and meantime marked off a battery within 100 yards of their front gateway. The weather now became exceedingly unfavorable; but as all gave their most hearty and zealous endeavours to the execution of what was pointed out to them, our want of proper materials, implements, and workmen, was surmounted. Repeated feints upon the enemy’s left, sufficed to turn his attention from our working parties on his right, and during the night of the 16th, two 9-pounders and a carronade, on ship carriages, were placed in the battery, the hut that masked it was pulled down, and it opened in the morning. Its fire was soon decisive on the gateway, which having been their last thoroughfare, was not so strongly embanked as the others. Having prepared some seamen with axes and ropes to accompany the column, I ordered it forward: it moved rapidly to its point, headed by Major Thornhill’s company of H.M. 13th; a few moments sufficed to complete the destruction of the wounded spars, and we were speedily in the stockade, followed by the reserve under Lieutenant-Colonel Hampton, of the 20th native infantry. The Burmese chief in command was killed near the point of attack; they abandoned their interior defences (a trench and breastwork), and fled through their rear-gate, leaving a great number killed.

“Considering that, throughout these little operations, our investment was very close, and the enemy’s fire kept up without any intermission, I am happy to say that our loss has been singularly small^[15].

“Where all evinced not only ready obedience, but the utmost zeal, it would be difficult to remark upon individual claims to notice; but I must do myself the pleasure to acknowledge the cordial co-operation that I received from Captain Mitchell, of H.M.S. Slaney, who accompanied me at the disembarkation, and to whose readiness in affording me every assistance his ship could supply, the service was importantly indebted; and the exertions of his seamen, under the immediate command of Lieutenant Mathews, in getting the guns landed, and assisting in the battery, contributed essentially to accelerate the result.”

Having succeeded in capturing the Rajah of Cheduba, and made such arrangements regarding the island as circumstances admitted, Brigadier M‘Creagh re-embarked the European part of his force, and hastened to Rangoon, leaving Cheduba in charge of Lieutenant-Colonel Hampton, and under the protection of the Slaney, which sloop, we believe, was not engaged in any of the subsequent operations against the dominions of Ava. The island of Negrais, a barren desert, covered with an almost impenetrable jungle, and deep inlets of salt-water, was also taken possession of by Major Wahab and Captain Goodridge, who, finding it a place so little calculated for a military post, had already rejoined the commander-in-chief at Rangoon, having previously destroyed a stockade and twenty-eight boats at the mouth of the Bassein river.

After the capture of the Kemmendine stockades, the Burmese retired for a short time from the immediate vicinity of the British lines, and concentrated their forces at Donoobew, a strongly fortified town upon the Irrawaddy, about 60 miles to the northward of Rangoon. The rains had now set in, and the effects of a burning sun were only relieved by the torrents that fell from the accumulated clouds, and which brought disease along with their coolness. Constantly exposed to the vicissitudes of a tropical climate, and exhausted by the necessity of unintermitted exertion, it need not be matter of surprise that sickness soon began to thin the ranks, and impair the energies of the invaders. No one was exempt from the operation of these causes, and many officers, including Sir Archibald Campbell and Captain Marryat, were attacked with fever during the month of June. On the 14th, the latter wrote to Commodore Grant, reporting, that he had not a commissioned or warrant officer capable of doing duty; that seven of the Larne’s crew had already died from cholera morbus or dysentery, and that 26 more were in the hospital dangerously ill, besides many others slightly attacked or remaining convalescent. “I am afraid,” added he, “that we shall lose many men before we leave this place. The heavy and incessant rains, the unwholesomeness of the water, and the impossibility of procuring fresh provisions, to restore strength to the convalescent, forcibly point it out as the grave of a large part of the expedition.”

From the above circumstances, and as her services were not then essentially required, the Sophie was ordered to Calcutta, and directed to return as soon as possible, with provisions for both sloops, and as many seamen as she could procure, either by entering or impressment. Previous to the Sophie’s departure from Rangoon, six 32-pounder carronades were taken from her, to be mounted with four of the Larne’s guns on board the Satellite transport, formerly a sloop of war in H.M. service.

On the 25th June, two fire-rafts were destroyed by a small detachment under the command of Mr. Henry Lister Maw, midshipman of the Liffey, who had been left behind by Commodore Grant to act as naval aide-de-camp to Sir Archibald Campbell, and who was then employed in surveying the river above Kemmendine.

On receiving intelligence of the occupation of Rangoon, by the British armament, the Court of Ava was far from feeling any apprehension or alarm: on the contrary, the news was welcomed as peculiarly propitious; the destruction of the invaders was regarded as certain; and the only anxiety entertained was, lest they should effect a retreat before they were punished for their presumption. Notwithstanding the unseasonable period of the year, therefore, orders were sent to collect as large a force as possible to surround and capture the British, and Sykia Wongee (third minister of state) was despatched to assume the chief command. The result of these arrangements was little calculated to inspire the Court with confidence either in its officers or men.

On the morning of the 1st July, the Burman force was discovered in motion: the main body drew up upon the left of the British lines in front of the Kemmendine stockades and the Shwe-da-gon pagoda; but they were screened from observation by the intervening thicket, and their disposition and strength could not be ascertained. Three columns, estimated at 1000 men each, moved across to tht right of the line, where they came in contact with the piquets of the 7th and 22nd regiments of Madras native infantry, which steadily maintained their ground against these superior numbers. The enemy then penetrated between the piquets, and occupied a hill, whence they commenced an ineffective fire, but were speedily dislodged by three companies of the above regiments with a gun and howitzer, under the personal command of Sir Archibald Campbell, who had the satisfaction of seeing them fly in every direction towards their favorite haunt, and only place of safety, the jungle; leaving at least 100 dead on the field.

“Major Snodgrass seems to have forgotten the part which the navy bore in repulsing this large force; and that, when, to distract our operations and destroy the shipping, not fewer than fifty-three of their huge fire-rafts, protected by gun-boats, were sent down the river towards the fleet at the same time, all of these were, by uncommon skill and exertion, towed off and rendered harmless^[16].” The activity and zeal of Mr. Lindquist, commanding the row-boats stationed at Kemmendine, were very conspicuous on this occasion.

About the same period, Captain Henry Hardy, of the Teignmouth cruiser, then stationed just within the bar, and employed in examining a creek, to which Captain Marryat had directed his attention, destroyed eleven large country boats, some already loaded, and some loading with stone, for the purpose of blocking up the entrance of the river. The check sustained by the Burmese, on the 1st July, did not alter their plans, and they continued gathering strength in front of the lines and giving constant annoyance. It again, therefore, became necessary to repel them to a greater distance; and on the 8th, a column, about 1500 strong, under Brigadier-General Macbean, moved upon Kummeroot, a stockaded position about five miles from the Shwe-da-gon pagoda, whilst Sir Archibald Campbell embarked, with 800 men, for the attack of a fortified and commanding point of land, which not only obstructed the navigation of the river above Kemmendine, but afforded an excellent situation for the construction of fire-rafts, by the judicious employment of which, the enemy contemplated the destruction of our shipping. The result of these movements was thus reported by Sir A. Campbell, July 11, 1824:

“Having observed a disposition to re-cross part of their force to the Dalla side of the river, I determined, on the 8th instant, to make as general an attack as the very woody and lauadated state of the country would possibly admit of. For that purpose, I formed the force to be employed into two columns of attack; one proceeding by land, under the command of that excellent and indefatigable officer Brigadier-General Macbean, for the purpose of surrounding the enemy on the land side; while I, with the other, proceeded by water to attack their stockaded position, along the banks of the river in front. To this post the enemy appeared to attach the greatest importance, and the stockades were to constructed at to afford mutual support, presenting difficulties apparently not to be overcome without a great sacrifice of lives, I therefore resolved to try the effect of shelling, and consulted with Captain Marryat upon the employment of such armed vessels as he might select to breach, in the event of our mortar practice not succeeding. The shells were thrown at too great distance to produce the desired effect, and the swampy state of the country would not admit of any advance. The armed vessels, viz. the Satellite, Teignmouth, Thetis, and Jessey, the whole under the command of Lieutenant Fraser, of H.M.S. Larne, now took their stations according to a disposition made by Captain Marryat, and opened a fire, which soon silenced that of 14 pieces of artillery, besides swivels and musketry from the stockades, and in one hour the preconcerted signal of ‘breach practicable,’ was displayed at the main-mast head. The troops, as previously arranged, entered their boats on the signal being hoisted. The assault was made in the best order and handsomest style: Major Wahab, with the native infantry, landed, and immediately attacked the breach, while Lieutenant-Colonel (Henry) Godwin, almost at the same instant, pushed ashore a little higher up, and entered the work by escalade: the enemy kept up a sharp, but ill-directed fire, while the troops were landing, but, as usual, fled on our making a lodgment in the place. I now ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin to re-embark with the detachment of the 41st regiment, and attack the second stockade, which was immediately carried in the same style. The third stockade was evacuated by the enemy.

“The cool and gallant conduct of all the troops on this occasion was, to me, a most gratifying sight. To the officers and men of the breaching vessels every praise is due; and I much regret that severe indisposition prevented Captain Marryat from being present to witness the result of his arrangements^[17].

“The inundated state of the country did not admit of any communication with Brigadier-General Macbean from the shipping, nor did I know the result of the operations of his column, until I returned to Rangoon in the evening. Nothing could be more brilliant and successful! He took, by assault, seven strong stockades in the most rapid succession, throwing the enemy into the utmost consternation; and he had also the good fortune to fall in with a large body flying from a stockade attacked by the shipping, of whom a great number were killed.”

Ten stockades were thus taken from the enemy in one day, and upwards of 800 of his best troops were left dead on the ground; great numbers afterwards died of their wounds in the jungle; 38 pieces of artillery, 40 swivels, and 300 muskets were captured; – a loss of no small importance where fire-arms were so scarce. Soomba Wongee (second minister of the empire), a Woondock, and two other chiefs of the first class, were found among the slain; and the surviving troops, deprived of their leaders, either dispersed, or fled in confusion to the rear, there to await the arrival of the King’s favorite brother, the Prince of Sarrawaddy, said to be advancing with 70,000 men. The loss on the part of the British was comparatively very small – four rank and file killed; one captain, 35 soldiers, and 11 sailors wounded. The subjoined is a copy of an official letter from the commander-in-chief to Captain Marryat, dated July 9th, 1824:

“Sir,– I request you will accept my very best thanks for your able arrangement and disposition of the vessels employed in the attack of the enemy’s stockades yesterday; and I beg you will also do me the favor of conveying them to Lieutenant Fraser, R.N. Captain Hardy, and the officers in command of the Honorable Company’s cruisers Thetis and Jessey.

“I had the greatest satisfaction in observing the general good conduct of the row-boats and the boats of the transports; they carried the troops up to the assault in very handsome style, and Captain O’Brien, of the Moira, was the first man who leapt on shore, and entered the breach with the foremost of the troops. I am, &c.

(Signed)“A. Campbell.”

On the arrival of Sir Archibald’s despatches at Fort William, the secretary to government addressed him thus:

“The Governor-General in Council unites with you in regretting, that the severe indisposition of Captain Marryat, the senior naval officer, prevented his witnessing the successful result of his judicious arrangements on the occasion alluded to. You will be pleased to assure Captain Marryat, that his Lordship in Council entertains the highest sense of his valuable services, and will not fail to bring them under the notice of his Excellency Commodore Grant.”

On the 11th July, Captain Marryat wrote to the Commodore as follows:

“I must now call your attention to the condition of H.M.S. Larne, whose crew I am sorry to say have been rendered quite inefficient by disease. Since we have been on this expedition, we have had 170 cases of cholera and dysentery. We have had thirteen deaths – we have now thirty patients at the hospital on shore, and twenty in the sick list on board; our convalescents are as ineffective as if they were in their hammocks; they relapse daily, and the surgeon reports, that, unless the vessel can be sent to cruise for a month, there is little chance of their ultimate recovery. When I sent away the expedition, under Lieutenant Fraser, on the 7th instant, I could only muster three officers and twelve men fit for duty.

“The conduct of Lieutenant Fraser, on the several expeditions which he has commanded, has been that of a gallant and steady officer; and I am under the greatest obligations to Mr. Atherton, not only for his active services in the boats, but for carrying on he whole duty of the ship, during the absence and sickness of the other officers. The behaviour of Mr. John Duffill, master’s-mate of this ship, and of Messrs. Winsor and Maw, midshipmen, lent from the Sophie and Liffey, has been very satisfactory, and I trust, that when future opportunities may occur, they will so distinguish themselves as to have a fair claim for promotion.”

On the 13th July, Captain Marryat dropped the Larne down as far as the Dalla creek, on her way to the mouth of the river, from whence she returned, with the sickness much decreased, on the 27th of the same month. During the absence of that ship, her first lieutenant, William Burdett Dobson, who had long been confined by severe illness, conducted a reconnoitring party up the Puzendown creek, where Sir A. Campbell succeeded in releasing a few Burmese families, who were desirous of returning to their houses at Rangoon. “To the influence of their report of the kind treatment they experienced,” the British “were subsequently indebted for the return of the great body of the people, to whose services and exertions the army was so much indebted in the ensuing campaign^[18].” Being again despatched with a considerable force, after Captain Marryat’s return. Lieutenant Dobson captured thirty-five large cargo-boats, deeply laden with rice and saltfish^[19].

On the 4th August, Sir Archibald Campbell proceeded up the Syriam river, with a detachment of 600 men and some gun-boats, under the command of Brigadier William Smelt and Lieutenant Dobson, for the purpose of dislodging the enemy, who were employed in finishing a large field work, intended to command the river, and protect the surrounding country. Captain Marryat also went up, with two boats from the Lame, to superintend the debarkation, and to render every assistance in his power.

Upon approaching the landing place, which led to the pagoda of Syriam, they observed the remains of the old Portuguese fort, situated upon a commanding height, at the mouth of the Pegu river, a little above its junction with that of Rangoon, and which had long been concealed from view by trees and overgrown brush-wood, cleared, and scarped where the old wall had fallen down, and from fifteen to twenty feet high. Upon this the enemy had raised a parapet, and suspended huge logs of wood on the outside, intended to be cut away during the assault, and to carry the assailants before them in their descent.

The troops landed under the fire of the Jessey, and of a sloop named the Powerful, fitted as a mortar-vessel, and the advance-party moved on towards the fort until stopped by a deep, unfordable nullah, the bridge over which had been destroyed, purposely to check the progress of the invaders. This difficulty, however, was speedily removed, “and a very tolerable bridge constructed by Captain Marryat and his people^[20],” exposed to a galling fire, both of great guns and musketry. This service being effected (“with,” as Major Snodgrass observes, “the characteristic coolness and activity of British seamen”), the advance was sounded, and the enemy abandoned the place with the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them eight pieces of good artillery, and a considerable quantity of ammunition. In this affair three of the Larne’s crew were wounded: the good conduct of Messrs. Duffill and Winsor was particularly noticed and reported by Captain Marryat.

Sir Archibald Campbell next directed Lieutenant-Colonel Hastings M. Kelly, of the Madras European regiment, to proceed with part of the combined force to the Syriam pagoda, which is five miles in the interior, and was then occupied by about 300 men. The Lieutenant-Colonel, on arriving near it, found the enemy inclined to dispute the possession of their almost impregnable post; but they lost confidence as the British ascended a long flight of steps leading up to the pagoda, and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving behind them four pieces of artillery, and a great quantity of gunpowder.

In his report of these affairs, Sir Archibald Campbell acquainted the Supreme Government, that “from Captain Marryat and the officers of His Majesty’s navy he ever received the most prompt and cordial co-operation.”

The province of Dalla was at this time in a very distracted state, owing to orders having been received for a general levy of every man capable of bearing arms: the order had been most strenuously opposed, and even blood had been shed on the arrival of a person of rank, to enforce obedience to the measures of the Burman government. Sir A. Campbell thought the opportunity favorable for a little interference, to assist the opposition and escape of the discontented, and, therefore, ordered a detachment of 400 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, to embark in boats on the morning of the 8th August, and to proceed up the Dalla river, accompanied by Lieutenant Eraser, with directions to act in furtherance of the object alluded to, and to attack any part of the enemy’s cordon they might fall in with. The following is a copy of the Lieutenant-Colonel’s official report:

“I proceeded with the detachment you were pleased to place under my command, at 11 a.m., and after entering a large creek on the east side of Dalla, and proceeding about two miles, I observed two stockades, one on the right, and one on the left bank, immediately opposite to each other, both in commanding situations, particularly that on the left bank, which I instantly decided on attacking. The boats were hove-to for a short time, to make the necessary preparations for the attack; and as soon as these were completed, the whole moved on under a heavy fire from the guns and musketry of the enemy in both stockades. The landing was effected under an incessant fire from them, and after great labour and exertion in getting through the mud, which was remarkably stiff, and thigh deep, the scaling ladders were placed, and the stockade stormed and immediately carried. Some of the troops then re-embarked, crossed the river, and took possession of the opposite stockade.

“Our loss, although severe, is not so great as might have been expected from the nature of the ground we had to go over, and the sharp and severe fire kept up by the enemy until the scaling ladders were placed. The loss on the part of the enemy was but small, in consequence of the vicinity of the jungle, into which they escaped the moment our men entered their works.

“Of the conduct of the troops, I cannot speak in too high praise, although it will be impossible for me to particularize the officers who so gallantly led their men to the assault, as they are too numerous; many of them assisted in carrying the ladders to the walls.

“I felt myself highly indebted to Lieutenant Fraser, and a party of seamen and marines of H.M.S. Larne, whose unremitting exertions throughout the affair, greatly contributed towards the success of the day.”

“It is with regret I have to report that Mr. Maw, R.N., your acting aide-de-camp, was severely wounded at the early part of the day, whilst he and Captain John Campbell, H.M. 38th regiment, your (second) aide-de-camp, who was a volunteer on the occasion, were cheering on some of the seamen who accompanied us^[21].

“I have further to report, that the enemy, previous to their flight, threw some guns into a wet ditch that surrounded the fortifications. We found but two small ones, which were brought away. All the houses in both stockades were destroyed by fire, and a part of the palisade pulled down, before the return of the detachment to camp.”

Finer or more characteristic traits of British soldiers and sailors were never witnessed than on this occasion; the officers, less encumbered than their men, forming line breast-deep in mud and water, and passing the scaling ladders from one to another to be planted against the walls of the stockade. The Bengaleese sailors, however, in the row-boats, badly as they had often behaved before, were now more cowardly than ever; and a great part of the loss sustained by the assailants was occasioned entirely by their gross misconduct, a circumstance not adverted to by either Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly or Major Snodgrass. It amounted, altogether, to 6 men killed, and 39, including 4 officers, wounded.

In an official letter, addressed to Commodore Grant, of whose death he was then uninformed, Captain Marryat says:

“The gallantry of the officers employed in this expedition, viz. Lieutenant Fraser, Mr. Atherton, and Messrs. Duffill, Winsor, and [J. H.] Norcock, deserves the highest encomiums. I am sorry that our list of kllled and wounded is so heavy^[22], but it will be accounted for when I state, that in these attacks the Lascars, who man the other boats, will not pull into the fire unless they are led by the officers and men of H.M. sloop the Larne. The conduct of Mr. Maw, midshipman of the Liffey, has, during the whole period of his service here, been a series of gallantry. I have great pleasure in transmitting a letter from Sir Archibald Campbell, relative to his conduct, and adding my testimony to that of the commander-in-chief.”

“I regret,” says Sir Archibald, “the severe wound received by Mr. Maw. Of this young man’s gallantry of conduct and merit I cannot speak too highly: he has repeatedly distinguished himself by the most conspicuous and forward bravery .”

At this period, H.M. squadron on the East India station consisted of the following ships and vessels; – Tees 26, Captain Thomas Coe (senior officer), on her return from New South Wales and Manilla; Alligator 28, Captain Thomas Alexander, C.B., proceeding to Calcutta, after landing specie at Rangoon; Slaney 20, Captain Charles Mitchell, lying in the river Hooghly; Arachne 18, Captain Henry Ducie Chads, recently arrived from England, and on her way from Trincomalee to Madras; Larne 20, Captain Frederick Marryat, at Rangoon; Sophie 18, Captain George F. Ryves, daily expected there from Bengal; and the Liffey 50, commanded pro tempore by Lieutenant George Tincombe, still at Pulo-Penang.

In the impossibility that existed of engaging in any active operations in the direction of Ava, it was now judged advisable to employ part of the combined force, at Rangoon, in reducing some of the maritime provinces of the Burman empire. The district of Tenasserim, comprising the divisions of Tavoy and Mergui, was that selected for attack, as containing a valuable tract of sea coast, as well as being likely to afford supplies of cattle and grain. Accordingly, an expedition was despatched against those places, consisting of details of H.M. 89th regiment and the 7th Madras native infantry, the whole of the Honorable Company’s cruisers, three gun-vessels, two row-boats, three Malay proas, and six transports, the whole under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, C.B., assisted by Captain Hardy, of the Teignmouth. This force sailed from Rangoon on the 20th August, and reached the mouth of the river leading to Tavoy on the 1st September. A conspiracy amongst the garrison facilitated the capture of the place; the second in command making the governor and his family prisoners, delivered them to the British; and the town was occupied without opposition.

At Mergui, whither the armament next proceeded, and where it arrived on the 6th October, a more effective resistance was offered: a heavy fire was opened from the batteries of the town, but returned by the cruisers with such effect, as to silence it in about an hour. The troops then landed, and after wading through miry ground between the river and a strong stockade, which defended the town, being exposed to a brisk fire from the enemy, they advanced to the stockade, and escaladed in the most gallant style. The Burman warriors fled, and the town, when first taken, was deserted by the inhabitants, who, however, soon returned, and shewed themselves perfectly indifferent to the change of authorities.

Leaving part of the Madras troops to garrison Mergui, and some of the flotilla for their protection, Lieutenant-Colonel Miles returned with the remainder of his force to Rangoon, In time to take a part in the more important operations about to occur. The capture of Mergui was effected with the loss of only six private soldiers killed, one missing, and two officers and 22 men wounded.

On the 2nd September, in compliance with a request from Sir Archibald Campbell, that he would take the necessary steps to dislodge the enemy from the stockades upon the Dalla creek, which they had re-occupied. Captain Marryat proceeded thither for that purpose, accompanied by two mortar vessels and a detachment of gun-boats manned by the crew of the Larne.

The mortar-vessels and one gun-boat, with two or three howitzers mounted, having been anchored within 600 yards of the stockades, and the other boats having taken up a more advanced position, in a battering line, the whole opened their fire at 6 p.m., which was smartly returned by the enemy, both with guns and musketry.

At 9 o’clock, a detachment of row-boats, with troops under the command of Major Richard Lacy Evans, of the Madras army, pulled up the creek. By this time, the enemy’s great guns were silenced, and their magazine blown up; they still, however, held possession of the stockades, and maintained a constant fire of small arms.

The ditches of these works had been so widened as not to allow the scaling ladders to be planted, and a strong chevaux-de-frise was found placed across the creek to impede the advance of the flotilla. The original intention of storming the stockades from the river side was therefore abandoned, and Major Evans determined to attack the smallest in the rear. At 9-30, he landed with 150 men, forced his way through the jungle by single files, and succeeded in dislodging the enemy. Possession having been gained, the advance was sounded, and the boats pulled up to the main stockade, which was stormed without loss, the enemy retreating into the jungle. From the precision of the mortar practice, and the excellent fin of the gun-boats, which had completely riddled the stockades, the enemy’s loss must have been considerable: the British had only four men wounded this day, of whom three belonged to the navy. Eight gun carriages were found in the main stockade, and subsequently two very fine brass guns, which had been sunk in the ditch.

Leaving a sufficient force to defend the stockades, Captain Marryat and Major Evans then pushed higher up the creek, where they discovered between twenty-five and thirty boats and canoes, laden with arms and ammunition, the whole of which were either destroyed or brought away.

The zeal and activity of Lieutenant Fraser, Mr. Henry Hodder, acting master of the Larne, Mr. Duffill, and Mr. Alexander Cranley (midshipman), who had charge of the gun-boats on this occasion, “were as highly satisfactory” to Captain Marryat “as creditable to themselves.”

In his official report of this affair, Sir Archibald Campbell says, – “I cannot do adequate Justice to the sense I entertain of the ability and readiness with which I find myself at all times supported by Captain Marryat and the officers and crew of the ship under his command: nor ought I to omit mentioning, that the officers and crew of the transport ship Moira are volunteers on every occasion when the enemy is likely to be met with.”

Major Snodgrass makes a brief allusion to the capture of the stockades, upon the Dalla creek; but be is again silent respecting the navy.

On the 4th September, the Sophie returned to Rangoon, with provisions and a few volunteer seamen. Captain Ryves reported the loss of seven men, who had died of cholera morbus, and that he had been obliged to give his sloop a thorough caulking, in consequence of the severe weather she had encountered when proceeding to Calcutta. About this time, the gig of the Larne found floating the remains of an English sailor, whom the Burmese had first tortured to death, and then sawed in halves.

The captured stockades now became the site of constant warfare, the Burmese proving peculiarly tenacious of any passage being opened up the creek leading to Thontai, (the capital of Dalla, and the retreat of the Rangoon people). The gun-vessels, row-boats, and soldiers left in defence of these works, were each succeeding night assailed with musketry from the surrounding jungle, and the officers and men of the navy were constantly in their boats, watching, grappling, and towing away fire-rafts.

On the 5th September, at midnight, a straggling fire was again heard in the direction of the Dalla stockade, and shortly afterwards a rocket was thrown up, the signal previously arranged with the detachment, in case of immediate assistance being required. With the advantage of a strong flood tide, the boats of the Larne proceeded rapidly to the point of contention, where a heavy fire was exchanged; and as their approach could not be perceived, in consequence of the smoke, the officers and men cheered, to announce that support was at hand, and had the satisfaction to hear it warmly returned, both by the military and those afloat. The attacks of the enemy had been simultaneous; the gun-vessels in the creek having been assailed by a number of war-boats, while the troops on shore were opposed to a force estimated at from 1500 to 2000 men.

Upon Captain Marryat’s arrival, he found the enemy’s troops had not retreated, but still kept up a galling fire. The war-boats, which had endeavoured to board the Kitty gun-brig, had been beat off by the exertions and gallantry of Mr. Robert Crawfurd, commanding that vessel, and were apparently rallying at a short distance up the creek, with a determination to renew the attack; but on perceiving the Larne’s boats advancing a-head of the gun-vessels, they made a precipitate retreat. Chase was immediately given, and five of them, which had been most severely handled, and could not keep up with the main body, were successively boarded and carried.

The spears remaining in the aides of the Kitty, the ladders attached to her rigging, and the boarding netting cut through in many places, proved the severe conflict which had been sustained, and induced Captain Marryat to recommend the very meritorious conduct of Mr. Crawfurd to the favorable consideration of the Governor-General in Council.

From the number of dead found in the captured boats, and the crippled state of many others, the loss of the enemy in this water attack, cannot be estimated at less than 250 men. The Kitty had only two sepoys (doing duty as marines) killed, and her commander and four men wounded. The active and zealous support which he received from Lieutenant Fraser and Mr. Duffill was again publicly acknowledged by Captain Marryat; who also gave great praise to Messrs. King and Frames, commanding the Narcissa and Tiger gun-vessels, for the well-directed and destructive fire which they poured into the enemy’s war-boats.

Two days after this first rencontre with the enemy’s flotilla (of which Major Snodgrass makes no mention whatever), the commander-in-chief issued a general order, of which the following is an extract:

“Sir Archibald Campbell will take an early opportunity of communicating to Captain Marryat, R.N. how gratified he was by his prompt support at the point assailed, and the gallant pursuit of the flying enemy by himself and his brave followers; and which he will not fail to request Captain Marryat to communicate to the officers and men of H.M. navy, and also those of the transport service, who so handsomely came forward on this, as they have done on many former occasions.”

On the 9th September, Lieutenant Fraser was sent to search for the passage up to Thon-tai, by way of the Dalla creek; but, after an absence of three days, he returned without being able to find it. While on this service, Mr. Lindquist, commanding a detachment of row-boats, and one man, were wounded, by musketry from the shore.

The scurvy was now making a rapid progress among the crew of the Larne, in consequence of their having been for some months confined to a diet of salt and damaged provisions, added to a total privation of vegetables, and the usual effects of a long continued wet season. Supposing that a period of at least six weeks would elapse before active operations could be re-commenced. Captain Marryat was thereby induced to submit to Sir Archibald Campbell the propriety of proceeding with his ship to Penang, leaving the Sophie and Satellite to protect the transports, &c. at Rangoon. On the 10th September, he received the following answer:

“Under these circumstances, I most fully coincide with you in opinion, that no time should be lost in proceeding to Penang, where those comforts essentially necessary for the recovery of your crew are at present most conveniently to be had; aware as I am, that the most urgent necessity alone induces you to suggest the removal of the ship Under your command. I feel fully convinced that you will not lose a moment in returning to partake of the farther, and I trust more active, operations of the approaching campaign.

“In taking I hope a very short leave of yourself, and the officers and men of the Larne, I shall not dwell, as I otherwise would, on the valuable and ready aid I have invariably received from you all, since the commencement of the present service, embracing duties of perhaps as severe and harassing a nature as ever were experienced by either sailors or soldiers, and under privations of the most trying nature. Any number of Malay sailors you may require, to assist in navigating the Larne to Penang, are at your service.

(Signed)“A. Campbell.”

At the request of Sir Archibald, Captain Marryat left Lieutenant Dobson, with sixteen of the Larne’s crew, and nine supernumerary seamen belonging to the Alligator, in charge of the armed transport Satellite, stationed at Pagoda Point, where he had been for several weeks, “performing the anxious and important duties imposed upon him, in every respect as a valuable officer^[23].”

On the 11th September, the Arachne was reported off the bar. Captain Marryat, with only 27 of his original ship’s company, including officers, on board, was then dropping down from Rangoon; but he deferred quitting the river for two days, in order to give Captain Chads every information in his power. At this period, the European portion of the army fit for active service in the field was reduced to less than 1500 men. Seven hundred and forty-nine British soldiers had fallen victims to the climate, and upwards of 1000 were in the hospitals. Nearly one-fourth of the Sophie’s crew had died, and as many more were sick.

We must here remark, that the command held by Captain Marryat, under such peculiar circumstances, from May 31st to Sept. 11th, 1824, was so important, that, had it been in time of extended war, it would, in all probability, have been delegated to a flag-officer; that, during a period so novel and trying to a young commander, he never once incurred censure ; and that he did not give over the charge to Captain Ryves until the enemy had been so decidedly repulsed that Sir Archibald Campbell officially stated to him his conviction that the Sophie and Satellite were sufficient protection for the shipping. His various official reports were transmitted to the Admiralty, with the following letter from

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1. The principal sea-port in the dominions of the King of Ava.
2. No where can steam-vessels be employed more advantageously than on the Irrawaddy; but they should never draw more than five feet water, when deep, and their bottoms ought to be flat and very strong, as they must often be unavoidably run with force upon sands which shift every monsoon.
3. In the Hon. Company’s timber ship Ernâud, Captain David Jones, escorted by the Slaney sloop of war.
4. Snodgrass, 2d edit. p. 20.
5. It was hoisted, we believe, by Lieutenant Samuel Thornton, of the Liffey.
6. Total, mounted and dismounted, 70 long guns, 18 carronades, 3 swivels, and 9 jingals; 1257 round shot, and 2400 pounds of gunpowder. N.B. The jingal is a long matchlock, which moves on a pivot, and carries about a 1/2-pound ball. The Burmese generally load it up to the muzzle with pieces of lead, iron, &c. Being put through the wall of a stockade, or directly along a road, it is fired at troops advancing, and frequently does great execution.
7. A war-boat station, three miles above Rangoon.
8. At Rangoon, the S.W. monsoon sets in about the 6th May, with rain and squalls for four or five days. Fine weather succeeds for a fortnight, when heavy rains commence, and last with few short intervals till July. In August, the weather improves considerably: the N.E. monsoon begins towards the end of September, with occasional squalls and rain. From the end of October till the beginning of May, the weather is delightfully cool and settled, but the heavy fogs which prevail the greater part of that time are very pernicious, exciting agues and fevers.
9. Fifteen killed and wounded.
10. We have not been able to ascertain the name of the commander of the Thetis, who it appears was mortally wounded.
11. Mr. Goldfinch was then acting master of the Sophie.
12. Mr. Charles Kittoe Scott, mate of the Sophie, and Mr. Robert Atherton, acting purser of the Larne, were both slightly wounded.
13. About 300 Chinese and Malay sailors had recently joined the combined force at Rangoon, and some time afterwards 500 Mugh boatmen, natives of Arracan, arrived from Chittagong, to assist in transporting the army up the Irrawaddy. The whole of these men were placed under the directions of Major James Nesbitt Jackson, of the 45th Bengal native infantry, Deputy-Quarter-Master-General.
14. Here again Major Snodgrass is silent respecting the navy.
15. The military detachment had two men killed, and three officers and thirty-three men wounded: the Slaney one marine killed, and her first lieutenant (Henry Bathurst Houston Mathews) and four seamen wounded.
16. Quarterly Review, xxxv, 516.
17. The Satellite’s crew consisted of every effective officer and man belonging to the Lame, some volunteers from the Moira transport, and a small detachment of infantry and artillery.
18. Snodgrass, 2d edit. p. 60.
19. The village of Puzendown, where the Pegu and Rangoon rivers meet, is about a mite below the town of Rangoon.
20. Official despatch.
21. Mr. Maw received a ball in his head, and was obliged to return home for the recovery of his health.
22. Four men killed, and 15, including Messrs. Maw and Norcock, wounded.
23. In order to give protection to boats passing up and down the Rangoon river, gun-vessels, with ten sepoys in each, were anchored off all the creeks, from the bar to Pagoda Point.

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