Royal Naval Biography/Walker, James Robertson
JAMES ROBERTSON WALKER, Esq.
[Commander.]
Eldest son of James Robertson, Esq. a deputy lieutenant, and an active, upright, and useful magistrate of Ross-shire, (late collector of H.M. Customs at Stornoway, in the northern division of the island of Lewis, annexed to the same county,) by Annabella, eldest daughter of John Mackenzie, Esq. of Letterewe, on the banks of the grand and romantic Loch Maree. His paternal grandfather was pastor of the extensive parish of Loch Broom, and equally eminent for clerical virtues as he was celebrated for great personal strength, and the aid he afforded to the royal cause in the rebellion of 1745-6; during the heat of which, and at a most critical moment, he was the means of preventing a large detachment of the King’s forces, under the guidance of the Earl of Loudon and the celebrated Lord President Forbes, from being cut off by the rebels under the Duke of Perth. For his conduct on this occasion, he was made prisoner by some of his own flock, who had followed Lord Cromartie into the ranks of the young Pretender, and whose personal respect for their pastor alone prevented them from proceeding to the utmost extremity against him. After the suppression of the rebellion, this reverend gentleman used the most indefatigable exertions, and made great personal sacrifices, in procuring the pardon and release of many of his deluded parishioners.
The maternal grandfather of the officer whose naval services we are about to record, was Murdoch Mackenzie, of Letterewe, who espoused the cause of the Stuarts, and behaved with desperate bravery, when fighting under his kinsman, William, Earl of Seaforth, at the battle of Glenshiel, in 1718. Perceiving himself abandoned by his friends, he literally cut his way through the hostile ranks; but the exertion was so violent, that the hand with which he wielded his broadsword became swollen to such a degree it could not be extricated from the guard without the assistance of fomentations, applied by an old woman, the only inmate of a solitary hut, in an unfrequented part of the highlands. From thence he retired to his own residence on the banks of Loch Maree, where he was speedily joined by the Earl of Seaforth, who, on embarking for the Hebrides, embraced, and addressed him in these emphatic words: “Ah! Murdoch, had we all done our duty yesterday, as you did, the present melancholy tale could not be told of us.”
The subject of the following memoir, having early evinced a predilection for the naval service, embarked as midshipman on board the Inspector sloop, Captain (now Sir Robert Howe) Bromley, in Leith roads, April 6th, 1801. During the whole of the peace of Amiens, he served under Captain (afterwards Rear-Admiral) the Hon. Francis F. Gardner, senior officer on the Irish station; and in the spring of 1803, joined the Canopus 80, Captain John Conn, fitting out at Plymouth, for the flag of the late Sir George Campbell, who was then attached to the Channel fleet, but destined to serve under Lord Nelson, in the Mediterranean.
After a service of nearly two years in the Canopus, during which he was in repeated skirmishes with the batteries on Cape Sepet, and the French ships occasionally sent out to prevent a close reconnoissance of Toulon harbour, Mr. James Robertson was strongly recommended by Captain Conn to Lord Nelson, who most kindly received him on board the Victory, in which ship he had the honor of serving as forecastle-mate at the glorious battle of Trafalgar. On her being put out of commission he obtained a warm recommendation from Sir Thomas Masterman Hardy to Captain Brydges W. Taylor, who immediately consented to his joining the Thames 32, a new frigate, then fitting out at Chatham. By the latter amiable officer, whose subsequent melancholy fate we have elsewhere recorded, he was introduced in a very particular manner to Lords Hawkesbury and Amherst, with other distinguished personages, who soon afterwards embarked in the Thames to view the French coast, and the grand encampment of Napoleon’s “Army of England.” Captain Taylor also did Mr. Robertson the honor of taking him into his own boat, when the first attempt was made, under the orders of Commodore Owen, to destroy the Boulogne flotilla, by means of Congreve rockets.
In the summer of 1806, the Thames accompanied the Phoebe 36, Captain James Oswald, to the Greenland Seas, in pursuit of some French frigates which had been sent thither to interrupt our whalers. On her return from thence, she was ordered to the West Indies, where we find Mr. Robertson joining the Northumberland 74, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral the Hon. Sir Alexander Cochrane, in April, 1807. Some months afterwards, he followed that officer into the Belleisle 74; and served as mate of the signals at the capture of the Danish islands[1]. In Feb. 1808, he was appointed lieutenant of the Galatea frigate, vice Boyle, whose death at sea had been reported, but whom his intended successor found sitting at the captain’s table, giving not only the most convincing proofs of his being still alive, but also in the best of health and spirits.
On re-joining the flag-ship, which he could not do until April, Mr. Robertson had the mortification to find that several real death vacancies had occurred, and been given to others, during his absence; the rear-admiral, of course, considering him already provided for. He was, however, immediately appointed acting lieutenant of the Fawn sloop, captain the Hon. George Alfred Crofton; and, on the 28th May following, he commanded two of her boats at the capture of a large Spanish privateer schooner and three merchant vessels, one of the latter armed, under two batteries at the N.E. end of Porto Rico; of this truly gallant affair, performed in open day, under the very muzzles of the enemy’s guns on shore, and a continued fire of musketry from the surrounding bushes into which the privateer’s men had escaped after running their vessel aground and scuttling her in the bows, no mention whatever is made in the London gazette, nor indeed is there, to our knowledge, any published account extant.
On obtaining possession of the schooner, the sea being perfectly smooth, Mr. Robertson determined to tow her off; and after nailing sheet lead over the holes in the bows, succeeded in getting her afloat and fairly under way. He then directed her guns to be turned upon the enemy; but this had scarcely been effected when her magazine exploded, and all on board except himself and two seamen were blown into the water: the loss sustained on this occasion was one warrant officer, the carpenter of the Fawn, killed; and Mr. Farley, master’s-mate, a quartermaster, and two marines severely scorched and wounded: at the moment of the accident taking place, acting lieutenant Robertson was, fortunately for him, standing before the fore-mast, cheering and encouraging the people in the boats a-head to give way.
In the evening of the same day, Mr. Robertson rejoined the Fawn, with his four gallantly obtained prizes; and the schooner was then partially repaired: on the following day, however, she went down in a squall, by which disaster five men perished. On the 17th July, 1808, Mr. Robertson conducted another successful attack in the same quarter; cut out a merchant schooner, and spiked and destroyed the guns of one of the above-mentioned batteries. On this occasion, the Fawn’s boats were assisted by two belonging to the Pultusk sloop, the commander of which vessel (now Captain Charles Napier) accompanied them as a volunteer, merely to make himself acquainted with the locality through Mr, Robertson’s previously acquired knowledge.
On the 8th Dec. following, Mr. Robertson was appointed by Sir Alexander Cochrane acting first lieutenant of the Hazard ship-sloop, Captain Hugh Cameron, under whom he assisted at the capture of the French frigate Topaze, lying under a battery in the island of Guadaloupe, Jan. 22d, 1809[2]. This fine and valuable prize was entrusted to his charge for some time, during the absence of the senior officer’s first lieutenant.
The Hazard was actively employed at the subsequent reduction of Martinique, by the forces under Lieutenant-Geueral Beckwith and Sir Alexander Cochrane[3]; after which, Captain Cameron commanded a light squadron employed in watching the harbour of the Saintes, where a French force, under Commodore Tronde, was waiting for an opportunity of getting over to Guadaloupe.
On the 14th April, 1809, a large body of troops having arrived from Martinique, and been landed, for the double purpose of driving the enemy’s ships to sea, and of reducing the Saintes, Mr. Robertson was sent to row guard during the night, close in with their anchorage. He accordingly entered the harbour, and having let go a grapnel close under Mons. Troude’s stern, soon perceived that he was getting under weigh. Of this, the attacking army and blockading squadron were immediately apprised by means of rockets and blue lights; and thus Sir Alexander Cochrane and his consorts came into almost immediate contact with the object of their solicitude. The Hazard having joined in the pursuit of this French squadron, fifty-three days elapsed before Mr. Robertson could rejoin her, during which time he hud nothing to wear but the dress in which he left her. His appointment as lieutenant was not confirmed by the Admiralty until July 21st following.
On the 16th Oct. 1809, the Hazard and Pelorus brig-sloop, the latter commanded by Captain Thomas Huskisson, while cruising in the bay of Point-à-Petre, Guadaloupe, discovered a French armed schooner moored under the battery of St. Marie; and it being determined to attempt bringing her out that night, two boats from each were detached for the purpose, under the command of Lieutenants Robertson and Edward Flin, the latter, although of longer standing as a commissioned officer, yielding the precedence to the former, in consequence of his being the senior commander’s first lieutenant.
The schooner being surrounded by coral reefs, and the boats grounding at every effort to find a channel, while the enemy kept up a quick but harmless fire upon them, it was found impossible to close with her during a dark rainy night, though frequently within pistol-shot. These obstacles opposing, and a surprise being now out of the question. Lieutenant Robertson, after consulting with his brother officer, resolved to return on board and suggest to Captain Cameron, that if both sloops stood in sufficiently close to silence the battery and cover the attacking party, it might be practicable either to bring out or destroy the schooner during day-light. A signal was immediately made to the Pelorus to this effect, and the boats dashed on direct to their object, the commanding officer, in the Hazard’s pinnace, leading. When again within pistol-shot of the enemy, this boat once more grounded; but her crew gallantly leaping out, she was, by great exertion, got over the reef; and, in two minutes afterwards, Lieutenant Robertson found himself on the schooner’s deserted deck. The boats of the Pelorus, under Lieutenant Flin and Mr. Scott, master’s-mate, and the Hazard’s jolly-boat, commanded by Mr. Hugh Hunter, a young midshipman, closely following the example set them, were soon also alongside.
The French crew, on seeing the pinnace clear the reef, had fled to the shore, and taken shelter in some houses on the beach, from the doors and windows of which they now kept up a galling fire. Lieutenant Robertson soon perceived the impossibility of getting his prize out, for she was not only aground close to the beach, but also secured to the fort by a chain from the mast-head, and another from the stern-post under water. Every effort to set fire to her on deck failed in consequence of the heavy rain of the preceding night; but Mr. William Ferguson, acting boatswain of the Hazard, a most gallant and intrepid man, succeeded in lighting a fire below, which, rather sooner than he expected, communicated with the magazine, when she instantly exploded. Poor Ferguson, whilst in the act of regaining the deck, was blown up a considerable way into the air; but fortunately he fell clear of the wreck into the sea; from whence he was picked up in a perfectly naked state, his skin quite black, and his mind in a state of derangement. At the moment of the explosion, the boats, with the exception of the Hazard’s pinnace, were quitting the schooner; the latter was waiting under the bow for Lieutenant Robertson (who was thrown by the concussion into her, but not much hurt) and Mr. Ferguson, whom he had, but an instant before, called to down the main-hatchway. These, we believe, were the only casualties occasioned by the blowing up of the vessel; six valuable men, however, were killed by the enemy’s shot, and eight others wounded; of this number, three were slain and two dangerously wounded in the pinnace. The following is an extract of Captain Cameron’s official report:
“In justice to the officers and men employed on this service, I cannot omit particularizing the very gallant manner in which they approached the schooner, under a very heavy fire of grape from the battery, and of grape and musketry from the privateer, until they were nearly alongside, when the enemy quitted her, and joined a long line of musketry, and two field-pieces, on the beach, to the fire of which they were exposed during the whole time they were preparing to blow her up, at a distance of not more than ten yards.
“The privateer had one long 18-pounder on a circular carriage, and two swivels, and appeared to have from 80 to 100 men: she was about 100 tons, coppered, and apparently new. It is impossible for me to express my ideas of the very gallant manner in which Lieutenants Robertson and Flin conducted themselves on this occasion; and they speak in the highest terms of Messrs. (John Stuart) Brisbane and Hunter, midshipmen of this ship; Mr. Ferguson, boatswain; and Mr. Scott, mate of the Polarus; who, as well as every individual employed, were volunteers on the service.”
After the action Lieutenant Robertson waited upon the commodore of the squadron, who was pleased to pass a high encomium on his conduct, and personally to thank him in the warmest terms for the manner in which the Hazard was conducted and fought after Captain Cameron had been called from her, by signal, in the early part of the battle: he subsequently granted him the following testimonial:
“These are to certify the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that Lieutenant James Robertson, being senior officer of H.M. sloop Hazard on the 18th Dec. 1809, when in action with the French frigates la Seine and la Loire, which were moored in Ance la Barque, Guadaloupe, and strongly protected by two batteries, notwithstanding which they were both destroyed by the squadron under my orders, and the Hazard bearing a conspicuous part, her commander, Hugh Cameron, was slain, and the command devolving on Lieutenant Robertson, his conduct appeared to me that of a gallant and experienced officer.
(Signed)“S. J. Ballard.”
Sir Alexander Cochrane, who had been a distant observer of this action, was likewise pleased to approve of Lieutenant Robertson’s conduct, and to give him an order to command the Hazard, until the arrival of Captain Cameron’s intended successor, who was then at Halifax, refitting the brig he commanded, and not expected to return from thence for some months: at the same time, the vice-admiral kindly said, he would request Lord Mulgrave to give him rank as lieutenant from the date of his first acting appointment. All this was not a little flattering to so young an officer, at a moment when the island of Guadaloupe was to be attacked, and an enemy’s squadron was hourly expected from Europe to attempt its relief; nor was it less flattering to him, that he should be ordered to place the Hazard in a situation to give the first intimation of the enemy’s approach. In a few days afterwards, however, we find him resuming the duty of first lieutenant, under the command of Captain William Elliot, (now C. B.), who having just before most highly distinguished himself at the capture of a French national brig, la Nisus, in the port of Des Hayes, was removed from the Pultusk brig to the Hazard, at his own earnest solicitation.
During the subsequent operations against Guadaloupe, we once more find Lieutenant Robertson on board a vessel in flames, as will be seen by the following handsome testimonial:
“I certify that Lieutenant James Robertson served under my command, as senior lieutenant of H.M. sloop Hazard, from the 25th day of Dec. 1809, until the 23d day of Jan. 1811, when I was superseded in consequence of being promoted. That during the period mentioned, he at all times conducted himself as a zealous and most attentive officer, indefatigable in his exertions on all points of service, and particularly so at the attack on Guadaloupe, when the Hazard having led the fleet to an anchorage at l’Ance de Barque; and having anchored under the batteries a considerable time before any other ship, and under which batteries an enemy’s schooner called la Mouche was lying, I sent him in a boat to board her, which he succeeded in, notwithstanding a heavy fire was kept up on her from the batteries, which were trying to sink her. On this occasion, although the schooner was on Are, he succeeded in bringing her off, and saving from the flames the French ‘general marine signal-book,’ and the private signals of all the maritime nations then in alliance with France, together with other important documents, for which the commander-in-chief was pleased to express his thanks.
(Signed)“William Elliot.”
La Mouche had just before arrived from France with despatches, and was perceived to be on fire while the Hazard’s crew were in the act of furling sails. A boat was hastily lowered down, and Lieutenant Robertson, taking with him a few marines only, hastened to board her. By this time, part of the schooner’s deck was already burnt; and the heat was so intense, that all her guns went off while he and his red jackets were employed in cutting away the masts, in accomplishing which the whole of the little party were much scorched.
Guadaloupe having surrendered by capitulation, the Hazard was ordered home with the bearers of the naval and military despatches; and, after undergoing extensive repairs, sent to the Newfoundland station; where she captured and destroyed many American vessels, in the beginning of the late war waged by the United States against Great Britain. On leaving that sloop, he received the following certificate from Captain Elliot’s successor:
“This is to certify, that Mr James Robertson served as senior lieutenant of H.M. sloop Hazard, under my command, from the 24th Jan. 1811, to the 24th Oct. 1812, when he left to join H.M. ship Antelope, bearing the flag of Sir John T. Duckworth, during all which time he conducted himself in a most exemplary manner, evincing a constant zeal for the service, and ability in the discharge of his duty, such as must always reflect the greatest credit on himself, while it gave the utmost satisfaction to me; and I feel happy on the present opportunity of bearing an unqualified testimony to his merits.
“Given under my hand on board H.M. sloop Hazard, St. John’s Harbour, Newfoundland, this 24th Oct. 1812.
(Signed)“John Cookesley, Commander.”
“H.M.S. Antelope, Great Belt, Oct. 24th, 1813.
“Sir,– I beg leave to acquaint you that, being astern of the convoy, in the station assigned to me by you, I yesterday, at noon, observed several of the enemy’s row-boats ranging along shore, evidently with the intention of attacking the convoy when anchored for the night. I determined to embrace the opportunity of an interval of thick weather, which fortunately offered, of sending inshore unnoticed one of the three row-boats taken a few days since from the enemy, with orders to seize the first favorable moment to take or destroy as many as might be found practicable. I was satisfied that, should she succeed in getting near the land unobserved, she would pass for one intent on the same views as themselves. My intention was no sooner made known, than that most eminently zealous and gallant officer. Lieutenant James Robertson, requested to be allowed to go in her on this occasion, to whom I added Messrs. Pole and Madden, midshipmen, fifteen seamen, and four marines, the whole having volunteered their services. The enterprise set out successfully, the boat being enabled to gain an eligible situation before the weather cleared up.
“When the convoy anchored, the enemy’s armed boats did the same, under the batteries of Rodby, as did also close to them Lieutenant Robertson, with the intention of attacking them, so soon as it should be dark. At 5 p.m., he observed a large armed schooner three miles distant, having a lugger-rigged boat towing astern. He weighed and worked to windward, till in her wake. When nearly within pistol-shot, the schooner, apparently confident of success, put twenty-four picked men on board the lugger, slipped her, and both commenced a joint attack, with a heavy fire of great guns and small arms, on our boat, which was returned by her six-pounder and small arms, until close alongside the lugger, which vessel, while in the act of being boarded, lowered her sails, declaring she had surrendered; but at this critical moment, perceiving that our boat had fresh way and must unavoidably shoot a-head, they cut the rope of the grapnel, which had been thrown on board them, again hoisted their sails, and re-commenced the action. The schooner having made sail to be off, on seeing, as she supposed, her consort surrender, on this hove-to, and renewed a heavy fire for her support, which was as briskly returned. The lugger then made for the schooner, and the people had just succeeded in getting out of her, on board the latter, when our boat also arrived alongside: not a moment was lost; Lieutenant Robertson and his intrepid crew entered pell mell along with them; and in a few minutes, with irresistible impetuosity, drove every man below. She proved.to be the Danish privateer schooner Eleanor, fitted for sixteen guns, but having only one long 9-pounder (on a pivot), two short 18-pounders, and two swivels mounted, with a quantity of small-arms, and a complement of thirty-seven men, twenty-two of whom had been selected from the King’s boats. She had always been accustomed to carry sixty-five men, is a fine vessel, and has been out five weeks, but made only one capture, a Swedish sloop in ballast. She sustained a loss of three men killed and four dangerously wounded: I am happy to say, this truly gallant exploit has been achieved without any loss on our part, except two men wounded – a seaman severely, and a marine dangerously.
“Convinced that a bare recital of the foregoing circumstances, of which, until the close of day, I was an admiring though distant spectator; and, after dark, heard and saw very distinctly, by the heavy fire kept up; will, both with the Admiral and Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, have infinitely more weight, and enable them more correctly to appreciate the merits of the officers and men, than could be effected by any eulogium of mine, I shall abstain therefrom, aud merely observe that, abstracting this circumstance, as also the degree of judgment and enterprise with which Lieutenant Robertson had a few days previous, when detached from this ship, in a boat, captured two of the enemy’s armed vessels, which combined were infinitely superior to that which he had to oppose to them, my duty compels me to observe, that, since I have known the service, I have never met in it a, young man more eminently gifted with every quality calculated to render him an ornament to his profession. He speaks in the highest terms of the firmness and intrepidity with which he was seconded by Messrs. Pole and Madden, James Black (coxswain), and every individual of the boat’s crew. Mr. Pole has passed his examination; Mr. Madden, who was the first on the enemy’s deck, has a few months of his time to serve; and James Black, to whose coolness and steadiness in steering and managing the boat in the various critical situations in which they were placed. Lieutenant Robertson, in a considerable degree, attributes his success, has been upwards of thirty years in H.M. service, and is a most exemplary and meritorious character. I am, &c.
(Signed)“Samuel Butcher.”
“P.S. Since writing the above, I have received from Lieutenant Robertson the enclosed memorial of his services, which I have to request you will be pleased to transmit to the commander-in-chief, for the purpose of being laid before the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. You will perceive it contains a series of zealous and gallant achievements, during an uninterrupted course of nearly fourteen years service, rarely equalled by so young an ofGcer, his age not exceeding twenty-five.“S. B.[5]”
So convinced was the captain of the Antelope, and indeed every officer on the station, that the Admiralty would promote Lieutenant Robertson for these exploits, that subsequently, when employed with other officers of the ship in successful boat attacks, it was agreed upon by Captain Butcher and himself, that his name should not be mentioned in the reports, in order to give the others a better claim. On the 6th of the following month, Lieutenant Robertson was removed into the Vigo 74, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral (now Sir Graham) Moore, commander-in-chief on the Baltic station. On this occasion he received a certificate from Captain Butcher, of which the following is an extract:
“These are to certify, that Mr. James Robertson served as lieutenant in H.M.S. Antelope, under my command, from the 8th Feb. 1813 until the 6th Nov. 1813, at which time he was, at the request of Rear-Admiral Graham Moore, removed to the Vigo, to serve under his flag. The zeal, ability, and correctness of conduct manifested by him on every occasion, entitles him to the highest praise it is in my power to bestow, and have deeply impressed on my mind his pre-eminent merits as an officer.”
In Dec. 1813, the Vigo returned home, and was paid off in consequence of being found defective. Lieutenant Robertson, instead of promotion, then had the honor of receiving the thanks of the Admiralty, for his conduct in the Baltic, and an order to proceed to the Lakes of Canada; “their lordships selecting for that arduous service, officers who had had opportunities of distinguishing themselves.” On his arrival at Kingston, Lake Ontario, in the summer of 1814, he was appointed by Sir James Lucas Yeo to the Montreal, commanded by his gallant relative the late Captain George Downie; and we shortly afterwards find him employed in watching the movements of the American squadron in Sackett’s harbour, where, on the night of their sailing from thence to blockade Kingston, he had the good fortune, with only two gigs, to capture two loaded transport vessels in the midst of the enemy i and succeeded in carrying them off undiscovered. He subsequently accompanied Captain Downie to Lake Champlain, and there bore a distinguished part in the gallantly fought, though disastrous, battle off Plattsburg, Sept. 11th, 1814[6]. When tried by a court-martial for his conduct on that occasion, he read the following
“Narrative of the proceedings of H.M. late ship Confiance, and of the squadron on Lake Champlain, from the 3d to the 11th September, 1814, both days inclusive.
“On the 3d Sept. 1814, Captain George Downie took command of H.M. late ship Confiance, and of the naval establishment on Lake Champlain; and I the same day joined as senior lieutenant.
“The Confiance had been launched eight days previous, and was then alongside a wharf, with top-gallant-masts an end, courses bent, and the major part of her guns in; but a very considerable part of the artificers’ work behind hand, and manned by drafts from H.M. ships Warspite, Ajax, Ceylon, Leopard, and several others, (also a few from transports,) all of whom arrived at l’Isle-aux-Noirs the day previous to the Confiance being launched, with the exception of a few of the Ceylon’s who arrived a short time before, and some who had been previously on the establishment.
“On the 4th, the seamen were employed in stowing ballast and provisions, and variously about the rigging; the artificers fitting magazines, catheads, tillers, bitts, carronade chocks, hammock nettings, driving in bolts, making top-gallant and royal-yards, gaff, spanker-boom, &c. &c. &c. On the 5th, artificers employed as before, seamen reeving running rigging, coiling away cables and hawsers, getting the rest of the guns on board, their carriages having just arrived, as well as some more long carriages in which we mounted the guns previously put into short carriages; but neither beds nor coins arrived with them.
“On the 6th, Lieutenant Duell arrived with fifty-five petty-officers, seamen, and marines, from H.M. ships at Quebec. Employed bending the top-sails, getting the stores on board, and shifting the crew into the ship. At sun-set, the fore magazine being finished, got part of the powder on board, and prepared to quit the wharf. The joiners were employed during the night in fitting the after magazine.
“On the 7th, at daylight, hauled off from the wharf, and by dint of towing, warping, and sweeping during the whole day, against wind and current, we anchored late in the evening a little below the frontier, in company with H.M. brig Linnet. Whilst warping up, the rest of the powder was got into a boat and towed astern, till the after magazine was finished in the evening.
“On the 8th, we weighed in company with the Linnet, and by sailing, towing, sweeping, and warping, we got up to Chagy, where we anchored in the afternoon, and were joined by H.M. cutters Chubb and Finch, and the gun-boats. Quartered the ship’s company, and cleared the decks. Artificers employed in fitting chocks, beds, and coins for the guns; the magazine passages, &c. &c.
“On the 9th, we remained at anchor the whole day, employed in setting up the rigging, scraping the decks, manning and arranging the gun-boats, and exercising great guns. Artificers employed as yesterday. Armourers at the forge all day, fitting carronade locks to the long guns. After dark, we received a subaltern officer and ten men of the 39th regiment, and a Serjeant and ten men of the royal marine artillery, to complete the complement.
“On the 10th, at daylight, weighed and commenced warping up the Lake. At seven, the breeze freshening, we made sail and attempted to work to windward; but the ship being flat-built and drawing but eight feet water, the channel narrow, and the wind blowing hard directly a-head, obliged us to anchor at eleven a.m. having made little or no progress. Employed in the afternoon clearing the decks and preparing for action, exercising great guns, shortening the breechings fore-and-aft, &c. &c. Artificers making shot-lockers, altering beds and coins, and driving in belaying pins. Armourers at the forge fitting the gun-locks.
“On the 11th, the wind having shifted during the night, and now blowing a smart breeze up the Lake, we weighed before daylight, squadron in company, and ran up with the top-sails on the cap. Shortly after daylight, the guns were scaled, as Captain Downie said, to give intimation of our approach to the British array. They were then double-shotted, springs got on both bowers, and the stream-cable was led through the stern-port and bent to the sheet-anchor. Captain Downie then called all the commanding officers of the squadron on board the Confiance, and gave them particular directions as to what object they were to direct the fire of their respective vessels against in the action, ‘to prevent as much as possible,’ he added, ‘the necessity of making signals.’
“Having approached within a league of Cumberland Head, the enemy’s mast-heads were seen over the land. The squadron then hove-to, and Captain Downie, accompanied by the master, went in his gig to reconnoitre the enemy’s position. At the expiration of half an hour, the boat having returned, the signal was immediately made to ‘bear up and sail large;’ the top-sails of the Confiance were hoisted, and top-gallant-sails set: under this sail, with the jib and spanker, she went into action; hauling close round Cumberland Head, on the larboard tack.
“The Linnet, supported by the Chubb, was directed to attack the enemy’s brig, the Eagle (the van and weathermost of his line); the Confiance was to keep her wind until on the bow of the Eagle, then put her helm a-starboard, and, when ‘yard-arm and yard-arm,’ fire the starboard guns into her, which had been previously loaded with canister, in addition to the two round-shot. When clear of the Eagle’s stern, the Confiance’s helm was to be put a-port; and when athwart the bows of the Saratoga (the senior officer’s ship and second in the line), to anchor, first by the stem, and then with one or both bowers. Our gun-boats were directed to pull up with the greatest expedition, fire once, then board the Ticonderago schooner (the third in the enemy’s line); and the Finch was ordered to support the gun-boats, or carry the Preble cutter, the rear vessel of the American line.
“The Confiance being in advance of the rest of the squadron, the whole of the enemy’s line, including his gun-boats, commenced firing on her when within gun-shot, by which she sustained, with other considerable damage, the loss of her sheet-anchor. The wind heading and then dying away, we were compelled to anchor rather before the beam of the Saratoga, at the distance of nearly half a mile. The small bower cable and spring being shot away the moment the anchor was ‘let go,’ the best-bower was immediately dropped, the spring on which suffered the same fate.
“The action then commenced on our part, the foremost guns bearing only on the Eagle, the midship and after guns on the Saratoga. The Linnet soon after took her station before the beam of the Eagle, and the Chubb having never anchored, passed a-stern of the Linnet, and dropping between the Confiance and the Eagle, and then between that ship and the Saratoga, with her colours struck, prevented the Confiance for some time from firing on the enemy whilst she drifted slowly within the line of fire. At the time the Confiance anchored, our gun-boats were at a considerable distance from the enemy’s line, and pulling up slowly, apparently in confusion, commenced rather a distant fire on the Ticonderago, with the exception of two or three which gallantly and unsupported advanced nearly within musket-shot of their object, but were soon compelled to retire. The Finch, ordered in support of the gun-boats, edging too far to leeward, grounded on a shoal out of the line of fire, and consequently was of no further service in maintaining the action than having in her advance, in conjunction with the gun-boats, hastily forced the Preble to cut and retire in shore with her colours struck, where she afterwards rehoisted them. Captain Downie, with many of the best men of the Confiance, having most unfortunately fallen early in the action, the remaining part, with some exceptions, required the utmost exertion on the part of the surviving officers, to encourage and induce them to withstand the effect of so destructive a fire. About the middle of the action, the Eagle was compelled to cut, when she made sail, with an evident intention of quitting the action altogether; but passing close inside the Saratoga, and being hailed hy her, she again anchored between that ship and the Ticonderago. la this new position she kept up a destructive fire on the Confiance, without now being exposed to a shot from that ship or the Linnet. The fire of the Saratoga, about the same time, was silenced, and an attempt was made to get her larboard guns to bear on the Confiance, by cutting her bower-cable and swinging to the spring; but this evolution was never completely executed.
“The Confiance having now only four guns fit for service on the side opposed to the enemy, and they being lumbered by wreck, it became absolutely necessary to attempt to get the starboard guns to bear; this could not be expected to be easily executed, as the surviving crew now evinced an evident disposition to discontinue the action, and the anchor we were riding by being the only one left to us. A spring was notwithstanding got on the cable; the crew, by dint of entreaty, were induced to haul on the spring, and veer the cable, until the object was nearly accomplished; but the spring being only from the quarter, it then became necessary to get a bridle on it from the stern port: this was done; Lieutenant Creswick having with his own hands bent it, assisted by the other officers: but such a panic had now seized the surviving crew, that encouragement no longer availed, and not a man could be induced to haul on tbe bridle, which would have effectually brought the whole of the starboard guns to bear on the Saratoga, one fire of which (each gun being loaded with canister, in addition to a double shot) must inevitably have sent her to the bottom, or compelled her to strike: this we had a right to expect, as she did not fire a gun for at least fifteen minutes previous to the colours of the Confiance being struck. The attention of the Ticonderago having been but for a short time called to our guu-boats, gave her an opportunity nearly during the whole of the action, of keeping up a steady, deliberate, and latterly a raking fire, on the Confiance, while the new position of the Eagle gave her the same advantages. The enemy’s gun-boats, which appeared at the commencement of the action extremely shy, taking advantage of the perilous situation of the Confiance, and the extraordinary conduct of the principal part of our own boats, had now an ample opportunity, without risk to themselves, of complying with the written orders issued by Captain Macdonough prior to the action, viz. ‘that the fire of his whole force should be concentrated on the Confiance, to insure her capture or destruction.’
“When the crew of the Confiance would no longer continue the action, they alleged as their reasons, the fate of our two cutters, the conduct of our gun-boats, and the fire of the whole of the enemy’s force having been directed to them during the greater part of the action; and also the apparent inactivity of the land forces. The dreadful carnage on board, and the shattered and sinking state of the ship, conspired to depress their spirits to that pitch, as to render every effort on the part of the surviving officers unavailing, in attempting to force them to continue the action. In this situation, making no further resistance, the numerous and unfortunate wounded below in extreme danger of drowning, the water being above the gun-room deck, humanity, and the now hopeless state of the action, dictated to myself and to the surviving officers the propriety of giving the painful orders to strike the colours. A considerable time elapsed before the enemy was in a condition to take possession of the Confiance, during which time every effort was made to keep her from sinking, by pumping and bailing at the hatchways, for the preservation of the wounded, it being necessary to elevate their heads to prevent them drowning.
“The Chubb not having anchored, and consequently her early fall; – the Finch having grounded in such a situation, as not to be able to render any service in maintaining the action; – our gun-boats not having accomplished what they were equal to, and ordered to perform, by which means the Ticonderago was left at liberty to keep up a destructive fire on the Confiance during the greater part of the action; – the disorganised state of the crew of the Confiance, in consequence of their being called into action before there was sufficient time to train them to the guns, and to acquire a necessary knowledge of each other, and of their officers; – the number of guns disabled in the Confiance, in consequence of the bolts drawing, and otherwise, together with the judicious plan adopted by the enemy, of concentrating the fire of his whole force on the Confiance, must have operated in elevating the spirits of our opponents, while it could not fail in depressing those of so new a ship’s company. But notwithstanding all these disadvantages, and that the Confiance (assisted by the Linnet only) bore the whole brunt of the action, it was most decidedly in our favor until after the Eagle took up her new station, and until the moment the Confiance failed in the attempt to wind, for the reasons which have been already mentioned.
(Signed)“James Robertson.”
The conduct of Captain Macdonough to his prisoners was the extreme of delicacy and attention; not even permitting the American colours to be hoisted over the English in the prizes. He allowed Captain Daniel Pring, the senior surviving British officer, to proceed to England on parole; and he permitted Lieutenant Robertson to return to Canada, for the purpose of settling the affairs of the much-lamented Baptain Downie, agreeably to directions he had himself left on that head. The following correspondence (under a flag of truce) subsequently took place between the generous American and the subject of this memoir:
“U. S. ship Saratoga, at Plattsburgh, Sept 21st, 1814.
“Dear Sir,– When you left the Saratoga, I was under an impression that the sword of my friend Captain Lawrence, who fell on board the frigate Chesapeake, had been given up to his friends who took charge of his effects; my having been informed of the contrary, and that Captain Lawrence’s sword was retained by Captain Broke, I beg the same thing may be observed with the sword of Captain Downie, and that it may be delivered to the officer who will deliver this request. I beg, my dear Sir, this may be considered as a point of etiquette, and in no way reflecting on your late commander’s memory. I am, dear Sir, with respect and esteem, your obedient servant,
(Signed)“T. Macdonouqh.”
“To Lieutenant James Robertson, R.N.”
“Montreal, 25th September, 1814.
“Dear Sir,– In reply to your letter of the 21st instant, which I did not receive until this morning, requesting that the sword of the late Captain Downie should be delivered to you, as a point of etiquette, and quoting as a precedent the instance of Captain Broke having retained the sword of your late friend Captain Lawrence, I have the honor to observe, that Captain Lawrence lived to see his ship surrender to the British flag, consequently Captain Broke had an undoubted right to have the emblem of Captain Lawrence’s services presented to him; but as Captain Downie fell early in the late action, and the command of the Confiance then devolved on me, I conceive, that though you have an unquestionable title to my sword, who am alone the only officer responsible for her surrender, it is a duty I owe to the memory and friends of my ever to be lamented commander, never to acknowledge the propriety of his sword being delivered to you as a point of etiquette. Should you, my dear Sir, still think that this is a case in point with the one you mention, I am ready to deliver the sword of the deceased; but cannot consider the transfer in any other point of view than that of private property taken in the Confiance, and in no manner emblematic of the surrender of the late Captain Downie to the arms of the United States. I have the honor to be, dear Sir, with much regard, your most obedient servant,
(Signed)“James Robertson.”
“To Captain Macdonough, commanding the U.S. squadron,
Lake Champlain.”
It is proper to mention, that previous to this, Captain Macdonough had very politely, and with a complimentary speech, returned Lieutenant Robertson his own sword. At an interview which took place between them, on the return of the latter to the United States, he very handsomely agreed to waive his claim to Captain Downie’s sword, for the reasons pointed out in the lieutenant’s letter.
Mr. Robertson appears to have been detained in America until the conclusion of the war, and did not return to England until the summer of 1815. On the 20th Aug. he was tried by a court-martial, and most honorably acquitted of all blame on account of the loss of the Confiance; and on the following day, a commission was signed at the Admiralty, promoting him to the rank of commander. He then returned to his friends, after an uninterrupted service of nearly fifteen years; but was not long before he became a candidate for further employment: his repeated endeavours, however, have been uniformly unsuccessful. In June, 1820, he received the following letter from Admiral Sir Alexander I. Cochrane:
“Dear Sir,– I have perused the accompanying papers, which have brought to my recollection many of the instances you quote, particularly the services you performed in the Hazard’s boats and at the time Captain Cameron was killed, when the French frigates were destroyed at l’Ance le Barque. If I could consistently make application to the Admiralty in your favor, to procure you employment, I would feel much pleasure in doing so; but my applications on various occasions have been so numerous as to preclude me from making any more. I am confident it is the wish of Lord Melville to reward merit, and as your services give you a just claim, you cannot do better than state them in a letter to his lordship. Wishing you every success, I am, dear Sir, &c.
(Signed)“Alex. Inglis Cochrane.”
This gallant officer married, in June, 1824, the only daughter of the late William Walker, of Gilgarren, near Whitehaven, co. Cumberland, Esq. on which occasion he obtained H.M. permission to assume the name of Walker, in addition to that of Robertson. His wife’s brother, William Walker, Esq. lost his life on the 1st June, 1819, under the following circumstances. He had embarked with his sister on board an English schooner, bound to Italy; after travelling in which country, he intended to escort her to other parts of the continent. Having arrived off Cadiz in the night time, the schooner fell in with a Spanish frigate, which ran her on board, notwithstanding that satisfactory answers had been given to all the questions put by an officer previously sent to examine her. While thus entangled, the frigate most disgracefully fired a great gun, and Mr. Walker, being near the muzzle, was shattered to pieces, the explosion also wounding one of his servants and a seaman. A kind of enquiry was subsequently instituted into the conduct of the Spanish captain; but our Government, particularly Lord Castlereagh, was much blamed, and very deservedly so, for their truckling conduct in this most lamentable affair. Mr. Walker was a man of transcendant abilities; his genius might be said to have been universal; but he was not a supporter of the then existing ministry.
- ↑ See Vol. I. Part I. p. 263.
- ↑ See Suppl. Part I. p. 364.
- ↑ See Vol. I. Part I. p. 264 et seq.
- ↑ See Vol. I. Part II. p. 878, et seq.
- ↑ The above letter is in every particular correct, save that Lieutenant Robertson himself proposed the plan to Captain Butcher.
- ↑ See Suppl. Part IV. pp. 95–102, and make the following corrections: p. 95, line 11 from the bottom, for first read just; and p. 100, line 10,for John read James.