The Conservative (Lovecraft)/July 1919/In the Editor's Study
In the Editor’s Study
The League
Endless is the credulity of the human mind. Having just passed through a period of indescribable devastation caused by the rapacity and treachery of the an unwisely trusted nation which caught civilisation unarmed and unawares, the world purposes once more to adopt a policy of sweet trustfulness, and to place its faith again in those imposing ‘scraps of paper’ known as treaties and covenants; this time setting up as its bulwark against barbaric inroads a prettily and abstractlu conceived ‘parliament of man and federation of the world’ popularity and semi-officially labelled as “The League of Nations.” It is to be a very nice and attractive League, we are told; brimful of safeguards against ordinary war, even though somewhat deficient in safeguards against Bolshevism. War, in fact, is to be formally and distinctly prohibited, or at least discouraged; which is of course an absolute guarantee of an immediate millennium of universal pence! Ultimately, as the grave proponents of the scheme condescend to inform us, all nations are to be included in this Utopian circle of friendship and confidence; thus giving us the valued collaboration of our highly honourable German, Turkish, and Bulgarian brothers in the momentous task of governing the future earthwide Elysium. Verily, it is a pleasing vision.
But visions generally become dangerous when mistaken for practical possibilities, and the present case is not likely to prove an exception. Since a war-weary and mentally fatigued world is really listening soberly to the vague theorising of league-advocates, it behooves us to awake to full consciousness and examine this roseate rhetoric in the white light of reason, history, and science. To sign any hastily drawn and clumsily patched league covenant without such an examination would be contrary to the traditions of a free and enlightened people.
Is it indeed true that man has suddenly discovered an infalliable panacea for all political ills? Is it indeed certain that a general entanglement of diverse and in many case oppossed countries offers a solution of all national difficulties? Have we indeed exchanged the natural laws of mankind and this earth for those of fairyland? To all these queries The Conservative is inclined to venture a negative reply.
Warfare, whose minimising is the avowed object of the proposed league, is something which can never be abolished altogether. As the natural expression of such inherent human instincts as hate, greed, and combativeness, it must always be reckoned with in some degree. Men will submit to argument only up to a certain point, beyond which they invariably resort to force, however great the odds against them. Would the league reduce warfare? On the contrary, it would probably have a precisely opposite effect. By multiplying international contacts, it would multiply international animosities; and upon each outbreak of trouble the indirectly involved powers would be less likely to act constitutionally as suppressors, than to divide according to sympathy and previous alignment, and to participate as combatants. Oaths and treaties are worth no more than the honour of those who make them. Set up one league, and it will soon be undermined by a score of clandestine inner leagues.
What we need as an international safeguard is not a cumbrous and futile federation of miscellaneous nations good and bad, with the independence of each one virtually destroyed; but a simple and practical alliance betwixt those powers such as the United States, Great Britain, France, and Italy, which inherit in common the highest ideals, and which possess almost no conflicting interests. Those who hold up our Federal Union as an example of a “League” in working order would do well to mark the fact that the component states are all of one general type, and not in any way comparable to the widely diverse nations of the globe. Such an alliance, properly armed, would constitute an almost resistless and stable force in world-politics; affording the best defence possible for our civilisation, and providing the best possible guarantee against needless wars.
Let us cease to think in unrealities, or to mouth such benevolent but empty catchwords as “disarmament” and “universal brotherhood.” We are living not in Paradise but on Earth; and will fare best if we marshal the harmonious forces of civilisation in a sensible way for an attainable object, rather than rashly yoke together opposed and dissimilar cultures in the vain hope of realising a fantastic and impossible ideal.
Bolshevism
The most alarming tendency observable in this age is a growing disregard for the established forces of law and order. Whether or not stimulated by the noxious example of the almost sub-human Russian rabble, the less intelligent element throughout the world seems animated by a singular viciousness, and exhibits symptoms like those of a herd on the verge of stampeding. Whilst long-winded politicians preach universal peace, long-haired anarchists are preaching a social upheaval which means nothing more or less than a reversion to savagery or mediaeval barbarism. Even in this traditionally orderly nation the number of Bolsheviki, both open and veiled, is considerable enough to require remedial measures. The repeated and unreasonable strikes of important workers, seemingly with the object of indiscriminate extortion rather than rational wage increase, constitute a menace which should be checked.
To a certain extent, our government will probably meet these conditions with legislation affecting seditious speech and treasonable acts; but if a permanent cure is to be accomplished, something deeper and more educational will be needed. It will require propaganda to combat propaganda. The present agitation undoubtedly arises from false belief in the possibility of a radically altered social order. The workers who strike, and the shouters who incite to crime, are obviously possessed of the notion that the property of the wealthy could practicably be shared with them; that even if they were to seize the things they covet, they could continue the enjoyment of civilised existence and of protection against violence.
We need a new Menenius Agrippa to proclaim and demonstrate widely the total fallacy of such an illusion. Our present social order, whilst capable of some degree of liberalisation, is the product of the natural development of human relations. It is not ideal, nor could anything on earth be ideal—but it is inevitable. Just as long as some men are more intelligent than others, so long will there be inequality of wealth. The type of persons who indulge in strikes and socialism seem never to realise how much they depend on the brains of their hated “economic masters.” They do not reflect that if they were to seize the factories and governments as they desire, they would be totally powerless to run them. The lawless I. W. W. sometimes boasts of its prospective ability to overthrow orderly government and substitute a sanguinary reign of the so-called “proletariat.” Perhaps such a catastrophe will come, just as the Russian catastrophe came; but how little will the blind anarchists gain therefrom! With the intelligent element removed, the rabble will use up the resources of civilisation without being able to produce more; cities and public works will fall into decay, and a new barbarism arise, out of which will spring in time the natural chieftains who will constitute the “masters” of another era of capitalism. Far better that the impressionable and inflammable masses be taught these things before they embark upon a futile revolution which will ruin all civilisation, themselves included, without helping anyone.
For Official Editor—Anne Tillery Renshaw
Associational politics, happily dormant since the sordid period of 1916, has once more raised its sinister head to challenge the achievements of those who have laboured in behalf of the United’s evolution; and distateful though the subject may be to the true friend of amateur literature, prompt discussion is necessary if the work of recent terms is not to be undone. Out of its native darkness after a welcome absence of three years comes the turbulent Cleveland element (apologies to Mr. Samuel Loveman—shining exception!) with its attending train of blatant vulgarity and innuendo, bent on seating in the Official Editor’s chair a candidate of such conspicuous unfitness for power that his defeat becomes a public duty on the part of those who cherish the progress and paramountcy of the United.
Direct comment on The Cleveland Sun and what it represents is obviously impossible in these columns, because of the boorishly sneering attitude which that contemporary has chosen to adopt toward The Conservative and his efforts in amateurdom. Comment, under these circumstances, could not but reflect a certain amount of personal disgust and purely subjective opposition. But no such inhibitions of good taste restrain the pen which would point out reasons why one William J. Dowdell of Bearcat notoriety must not be allowed to acquire the enormous—almost supreme—influence us a molder of policy which goes with the Official Editorship of the United Amateur Press Association.
Mr. Dowdell, ever since he became old enough to entertain opinions of his own, has consistently favoured the cruder and less desirable side of amateur journalism. His bitter and puerile hostility to those improvements of 1915–16 which placed the United upon its present cultural basis, and his very singular oversights as Secretary in mailing proxy ballots, are too well known to require citation; while his more recent complete devotion to the National speaks for itself. The absurd anti-Campbell outbursts appearing in the Bearcat three years ago worked greatly to the detriment of the United, and gave the National ground for one of its illiberal attacks upon us. As a publisher—and it is as a publisher par excellence that he makes his appeal for votes—no one can fail to see that Mr. Dowdell’s claims far exceed his accomplishments. He is indeed, a veritable Prince of Broken Promises. Members of the United who contributed cash for the co-operative paper he was to issue in 1916, are still awaiting the arrival of that paper; meanwhile wondering why their literary matter was pirated by Mr. Dowdell’s personal Bearcat, and why their money has not been refunded!
Mr. Dowdell glibly pledges himself to a continuance of the McGeoch editorial policy if elected. Do his past and present performances warrant such a prediction? Since actions speak louder than words, if appears to The Conservative that the election of Mr. Dowdell would result in an abrupt drop in the official organ from classical to plebeian standards. Mr. Dowdell is clever, and could go far in literature if he chose, but up to now he has shown no inclination to succeed except on a very low cultural plane—the plane of commercial “yellow” newspaper journalism. His artistic birth has not yet take place. It is probably no exaggeration to say that the Bearcat and Sun, as now conducted, are fair specimens of the grade of official organ which Mr. Dowdell would give us—when he might condescend to give us any. Need more be said? Forewarned is forearmed!
The vote of every well-wisher of the United Amateur Press Association should be cast for Mrs. Anne Tillery Renshaw as Official Editor. Mrs. Renshaw, now an Instructor in Pennsylvania State College, and a reciter and poetess of repute, heels no introduction to amateurs. Her work us a recruiter has been the greatest constructive force in the United during recent years, and of available candidates she alone is able to maintain the McGeoch editorial standards. Under her guidance the official organ can continue to act as a nucleus for the intellectual activities of the Association, without it, the organ must inevitably lose prestige, and the best elements of our membership become dormant or disappear entirely from amateurdom. Few realize how much of next year’s programme hinges absolutely upon Mrs. Renshaw’s election.
It would be interesting to analyse the motives of those “dark forces” which have set up a candidate in opposition to Mrs. Renshaw. Significant indeed is their close connexion with the rival society—Mr. Dowdell is now a National member only, and has not been in the United for a period of more than two years. These Clevelandites come to us from the National with plans which if successful will tend to submerge our Association and restore to the senior organisation its long-coveted ancient supremacy. Shall we not rally to the defence of the United with votes for Mrs. Renshaw as Official Editor?
Amateurdom
Judging from the quality of most of the United papers which have lately reached The Conservative’s desk, amateur journalism has now attained a cultural level not before touched since the later eighties and early nineties. At what other period in recent years has the space of six months afforded such a display of wit and intellect as is included in the journals appearing since the dawn of 1919? To mention The United Amateur would be redundant. Under the McGeoch regime that organ is wholly beyond praise; a model which our competitors both envy and emulate. But the uniformity with which individual publications maintain high standards, is as remarkable as it is encouraging. In steady succession have arrived The Recruiter, Pine Cones, The Hellenian, Corona, and The Piper; the last named of which comes just in time for admiring recognition in these columns.
Pine Cones and Corona represent a departure from conventional typography which establishes an excellent precedent. Too much importance has been attached to the printing-press in modern amateurdom, and it is gratifying to observe that editors are beginning to realise the more basic object of literature—the diffusion of thought irrespective of medium. It is noteworthy that these non-printed journals occupy the highest rank, intellectually, amongst the season’s products. If this worthy example is followed as it should be, our circle will be enriched by the utterances of many learned and cultured members hitherto inarticulate through inability to issue printed papers.
The untimely death of Mrs. Helene Hoffman Cole is a source of lamentation throughout amateurdom. In the loss of so gifted and diligent a worker, the cause suffers immeasurably. United members perused with melancholy interest the May official organ, which contained numerous tributes to Mrs. Cole, and which forms a literary monument to her honoured memory. Of corresponding value will be the forthcoming Hellenian, commenced by Mrs. Cole but shortly before her demise, and completed by Mr. Cole as an affectionate memorial.
That amateurs of intelligence are not indifferent to man’s chief solace and source of inspiration, is well demonstrated by the almost simultaneous appearance of two poems in praise of books; one by Mr. Kleiner in The Piper, the other by Mr. Goodenough in these columns. Both pieces represent genius of a high order, and both will awaken an universal response from those readers who have weighed carefully the relative value of life’s various blessings.
Mr. John Milton Samples’ regularly issued monthly, The Silver Clarion, is an amateur journal whose progress and development should be watched with interest. At present censured by certain critics for its atmosphere of sanctity and unsophistication, it has lately enlarged its editorial staff and embarked upon a course of steady artistic devlopment. Its policy, however, will not be altered; and it will remain as a sturdy exponent of honest Anglo-Saxon virtue in an age tainted with degeneracy and continental ideals.