The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Taft, William Howard
TAFT, William Howard, 27th President of the United States: b. Mount Auburn, Cincinnati, 15 Sept. 1857, son of Judge Alphonso (q.v.) and Louisa M. (Torrey) Taft. After graduating with honors from Yale (1878) he studied law in Cincinnati being admitted to the bar in 1880. From 1881 to 1883 he was assistant prosecuting attorney in Hamilton County, Ohio, and for a time Collector of Federal Internal Revenue. From 1883 to 1887 he practised law in Cincinnati, after 1885 being assistant county solicitor. In 1886 he married Miss Helen Herron. In 1887 Governor Foraker appointed him to fill an unexpired term as judge of the Superior court. He was later elected for a full term; but in 1890 he was appointed solicitor-general of the United States by President Harrison. In 1892 he was made a Federal judge of the sixth circuit, a position for which by temperament and training he was admirably fitted, and the work of which he found most congenial.
On 12 March 1900 President McKinley chose him to head a commission to establish civil government in the Philippines, and on 4 July 1901 he became first civil governor. Taft accepted both appointments at the expense of his personal preference for a career on the bench, being influenced by a deep sense of responsibility toward and a genuine affection for the Filipinos. In 1902 Roosevelt twice offered him an appointment to the Supreme Bench of the United States, but he put aside what has been his chief personal ambition because he felt his immediate duty was to continue in the islands. As an executive his work was highly successful. In 1902 he conducted at Rome the important negotiations for the purchase of the Catholic Friars' lands. To a remarkable degree he won the confidence and affection of the Filipinos, though he disappointed many by his frank statement that in his judgment it might be two generations before they would be ready for complete self-government. He believed in “The Philippines for the Filipinos,” and opposed exploitation primarily in the interest of American capital. He urged tariff concessions for Philippine products.
On 1 Feb. 1904 he became Roosevelt's Secretary of War, and for over four years was engaged in such important enterprises as the building of the Panama Canal. In 1906, when disorders called for American intervention, he was sent to Cuba, and for a time acted as provisional governor. In 1907 he visited Cuba and Panama, and later Japan and China, going to the Philippines for the opening of the legislative assembly, and returning by way of Russia. In 1906-13 he acted as president of the reorganized American Red Cross.
By 1907 Roosevelt was exerting his influence to secure the Republican nomination for his Secretary of War, whom he described as possessing “a standard of absolutely unflinching rectitude on every point of public duty, and a literally dauntless courage and willingness to bear responsibility,” besides a knowledge of men, tact and kindliness. Nominated on the first ballot, June 1908, Taft resigned as Secretary. The campaign with Bryan was fought largely on the issue of continuing the “Roosevelt policies,” the President declaring that Taft was ”the man who I feel is in an especial sense the representative of all that in which I most believe in political life.” With this recommendation, and on the strength of his ideal training for the office, Taft was given 321 electoral votes to Bryan's 162.
As President he lacked the magnetism and dramatic force of his predecessor. In general he took a moderate position on public questions. “We middle-of-the-road people,” he said (1911), “who are not extremists are, we believe, the real Progressives, because you do not make progress by great strides; you make progress step by step.” His position on important issues may be summarized as follows: (1) In connection with the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill he used his influence in favor of downward revision to a protective basis, just sufficient to cover the difference in cost of production between here and abroad. Though not satisfied with some provisions, he signed and defended the law as the best ever passed. He favored further revision on the basis of reports to be made by a tariff commission; and he vetoed later revisions of several schedules largely because they were not based on such reports. He worked for reciprocity with Canada. (2) On conservation his fundamental views were not so different from those of the Progressives as they seemed to believe. He hesitated, however, to stretch the executive power, and Congress was slow to give him the power he requested. Unfortunately his support of Secretary Ballinger against Roosevelt's friend, Pinchot, appeared to place him in opposition to the policies of his predecessor. (3) In the matter of railroad and trust regulation he favored strict enforcement of existing law and his administration secured the dissolution of the Standard Oil and Tobacco trusts. He urged the clarification of the Sherman law and favored Federal charters for corporations doing interstate business. (4) He was opposed to the more radical schemes of direct popular government, in particular the “recall of judicial decisions.” (5) He favored and extended civil service reform, worked for efficiency and economy in government, especially urging a budget system and advocating pensions for Federal employees. (6) In foreign affairs he worked heartily for peace, negotiating treaties for arbitration and the judicial settlement of international difficulties, which were rejected by the Senate. By “dollar diplomacy” the administration sought to secure opportunities for trade and the investment of capital. This policy was denounced by some as leading to imperialistic interference in the affairs of weaker nations, and making government diplomacy a mere agent of big business.
Some of these views were too progressive to suit the old leaders, and yet it was not long before the insurgent Progressive-Republicans were denouncing the President as too friendly with reactionary party bosses and big business, and a deserter from progressive standards. Believing in the necessity of party government, the President did feel it necessary to work with and through the party majority in Congress. For a time he withheld patronage from insurgent senators and representatives, and when he changed his policy the damage had been done. The defense of the Tariff Bill, the dismissal of Pinchot, the repeated vetoes of later tariff reduction bills, the veto of the grant of statehood to New Mexico and Arizona because of radical provisions in their constitutions, all increased his unpopularity. The elections of 1910 gave the Democrats a majority in the House and showed a popular discontent with the old Republican rule and a drift toward Progressive Republicanism or toward the Democratic party. In Congress the insurgent Republicans often joined the Democrats to defeat the regular Republicans. In 1910 Roosevelt returned from Africa, and before long was openly taking issue with the policies of his successor. By 1911 the Progressive Republicans were planning to prevent the renomination of Taft. At first La Follette was to be their candidate, then they turned to Roosevelt. Early in 1912 he agreed to accept the nomination. In the States having direct primaries Roosevelt made a much better showing than Taft; but the control of the party machinery by the regulars brought about the President's renomination. The Progressives started a new party, ensuring the overwhelming defeat of the President in November and the election of Wilson.
The outstanding feature of the administration was the conflict between conservative and progressive forces; but the confusion and recrimination should not obscure important developments during these four years. Among these were the reform of the rules of the House of Representatives (1910); the corporation tax (1909); increased powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission; Postal Savings Bank (1910) and Parcel Post (1912); Children's Bureau (1912) and Department of Labor (1913); publicity for and limitation of campaign contributions (1910-11); submission of amendments on income tax and direct election of senators.
Since 1913 Mr. Taft has been Kent professor of law at Yale University, lecturing on constitutional law in the college and the law school. He has continued to take an active interest in promoting international peace and a League of Nations. During the World War he was joint chairman of the National War Labor Conference Board.
With the calming of factional bitterness, Mr. Taft has gained again in the public esteem and confidence, and the accomplishments as well as the mistakes and difficulties of his administration appear in a better perspective.