The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Van Buren, Martin
VAN BUREN, Martin, eighth President of
the United States: b. Kinderhook, N. Y., 5 Dec.
1782; d. there, 24 July 1862. His father, Abraham
Van Buren, was of Dutch descent, a
farmer and a tavern-keeper. He attentded the
village school, studied at Kinderhook Academy
and in 1796, when 14 years of age, entered the
law office of Francis Sylvester, where he read
law and other subjects. In 1802 he entered the
law office of William P. Van Ness of New York,
an influential man and a close friend and
defender of Aaron Burr. The latter paid considerable
attention to young Van Buren. In 1803
he was admitted to the bar, returned to Kinderhook
and practised his profession with great
success. He was married in 1807 to Hannah
Hoes, but the latter died in 1819. From 1808
to 1813 he was surrogate of Columbia County.
He was in the State senate 1812 to 1820, and in
February 1815 was made attorney-general, holding
this office till 1819. In 1816 he removed to
Albany and entered into a partnership with
Benjamin F. Butler. He was elected United States
senator in 1821 and re-elected in 1827, but
resigned his seat in 1828 on his election to the
governorship of New York. While holding the
offices mentioned Van Buren became interested
in politics. His father was a Jeffersonian-Republican,
and Van Buren followed him politically.
The State politics of New York were
factional and complex in this period. It was
out of this situation that the principles involved
in the spoils system were developed. It was a
thoroughly established system when Van Buren
was made a member of the “Albany Regency,”
and he had in his own person experienced its
operation, both to his advantage and disadvantage.
The “Albany Regency” was a group of
men organized to control the politics of New
York and was sponsor for the spoils system in
local, State and national affairs. While United
States senator his political views became more
and more fixed and precise. In general he was a
strict constructionist, a States Rights man, and
against the United States Bank. He was
closely associated with Senator Benton of
Missouri and Andrew Jackson, and thus laid the
foundations of a life-long intimacy with these
men. He was opposed to the principle of
internal improvements at national expense though he
was at first willing to vote for such improvements.
He voted for the tariff of 1824 and
1828, but later was in favor of a tariff for revenue
only. As chairman of the judiciary committee
he endeavored to enlarge the influence of
the Federal judiciary. As governor of New
York he urged, in his first message, a Safety-Fund
banking system, a plan whereby banks
mutually insured each other's soundness. He
resigned the office in March 1829 in order to
become Secretary of State in Jackson's Cabinet.
He used his influence to bring the followers of
Crawford and Jackson together in preparation
for the campaign of 1828, and did much to
make Jackson's election possible. Van Buren was
responsible, more than any other man, for the
political creed of Jackson's administration. He
resigned in 1831, because he felt that the
public measures of the administration would be
attributed to his intrigue, and thus made to injure
the President. Van Buren has been accused of
being primarily and chiefly responsible for the
“Spoils system” which flourished under Jackson.
While he did not oppose the system, the
main responsibility cannot be placed on Van
Buren. His most important work as Secretary
of State was the opening up of trade in American
vessels between the United States and the
British West Indian colonies. The restrictions
placed by Great Britain were removed and a
source of international irritation disposed of.
In June 1831 Van Buren was appointed Minister
to England and spent some months abroad.
In January 1832, however, the Senate rejected
his appointment. Before his return to New
York 5 July 1832 he had been nominated for
the vice-presidency, and was elected in
November. While he held this office he was the
chief adviser of the President. He, however,
disapproved the removal of the deposits. The
Democratic-Republican Convention, which met
at Baltimore 20 May 1835, was anxious to find
a man to preserve the unity of the party
and one who would carry on the principles
of Jackson's administration. Van Buren
received the unanimous vote of the convention.
His platform declared that Congress did not
have the power to distribute the surplus revenue
without a constitutional amendment. He
was opposed to the distribution of the proceeds
of the sale of public lands among the States;
to internal improvements at national expense; to
a recharter of the United States Bank and to
the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia. He was elected to the presidency by
a combination of the Middle States and New
England against the West, which voted for
Harrison, with the South divided. The
electoral vote was 170 for Van Buren and 73 for
Harrison. His Cabinet, with a single exception,
was the same as Jackson's: John Forsyth of
Georgia, Secretary of State; Levi Woodbury
of New Hampshire, Secretary of the Treasury;
Mahlon Dickerson of New Jersey, Secretary
of the Navy; Amos Kendall, Postmaster-General,
and Joel R. Poinsett, Secretary of War.
In his inaugural address he stated his policy
would be “A strict adherence to the letter and
spirit of the Constitution.” Van Buren inherited
the financial troubles of Jackson's
administration. He was not responsible for the Panic
of 1837, and on the other hand did much to
repair its damage. He called an extra session
of Congress 15 May to meet the first Monday
of September. His message to Congress was
an important state paper. He declared that
the law provided that the Secretary of the
Treasury must deposit public moneys only in
banks that paid their notes in specie; that,
therefore, some agency must be provided for
the custody of public moneys. He opposed the
re-establishment of a national bank, because
it was wrong in principle and the popular
will had twice been expressed in opposition to
it. He urged what was called the independent
treasury system. The collection, safekeeping,
transfer and disbursement of public moneys
should, Van Buren said, be managed by public
officers. His suggestion was not finally
incorporated into law until 4 July 1840 and the act
was repealed in 1842, but was again re-enacted
in 1846 and this principle became a cardinal
feature of American finance. This was the most
important State act of Van Buren, and showed
courage, firmness and the qualities of a statesman.
Two other measures advocated by Van
Buren and passed, were the issuance of $10,000,000
in treasury notes and the postponement of
the distribution of the surplus among the
States. Another question that arose in Van
Buren's administration was the reorganization
of the Texan Republic and its annexation to
the United States. Van Buren was against
both of these propositions, but the matter
did not become a pressing one while he
remained in office. Van Buren was a candidate
for re-election in 1840 and the unanimous
choice of the convention. He was opposed by
the Whig candidate, Harrison, and was
defeated by an electoral vote of 234 for Harrison
to 60. He was charged with being a
“Northern man with Southern principles.” As
ex-President he was active in expressing his
political views. In 1843 he declared for a
tariff for revenue only. He was a candidate
for President in the election of 1844. The
great question was the annexation of Texas,
desired especially by the southern representatives
to the convention. Van Buren's nomination
seemed assured two months before the
convention met, but now it was certain that his
nomination depended on his surrendering his
views on this question. He courageously set
forth the reasons in his famous letter of 27
April. The nomination went to Polk,
although on the first ballot Van Buren received
146 votes, or 13 more than a majority. The
rule, however, required a two-thirds vote. In
1848 he was the Presidential candidate of the
Free Soil Party but the Whig candidate,
Taylor, was elected President. This ended his
political career. After the election he spent
two years in Europe, and on his return in 1855,
he lived quietly at his old home in Kinderhook.
The character of Van Buren has been a matter
of some controversy. He has been called the
first politician-president. He was brought up
in an era of politicians and was made President
by such men. His early political associates
were men from this class, so that it is not
strange that he did not measure up to the highest
standard of statesmanship. However, he
was not entirely lacking in real ability and
statesmanship. He was known as a polite,
affable, good-natured, mild, courteous and dignified
gentleman. He was also known as a shrewd,
practical, skilful politician, and was accused of
Being more anxious about the means than the
end. He was the “Little Magician” in his
ability to bring things to pass politically, but,
except occasionally, his action seems not to
have been determined by great moral forces.
On the other hand he, on several important
occasions, took the unpopular side of questions
when he knew that such a course would be
likely to have a very bad effect on his political
career. His action on the Texas question in
1844 is a notable example and proved that he
had moral courage. Calhoun was certainly
wrong in asserting that he was only a practical
politician with whom “justice, right, patriotism,
etc., were mere vague phrases.” He loved the
Union, was anxious that money should not be
taken from the people without exceedingly
good reasons, and had a dislike for slavery and
its extension. He at least showed great
statesmanship during the panic of 1837 and is
responsible for one of the most important and
fundamental fiscal policies of the United States.
Bibliography. — There are numerous lives of Van Buren. Consult Bancroft, George, ‘Martin Van Buren’ (1889); Shepard, Edward M., ‘Martin Van Buren’ (Boston 1899); American Statesman Series, the best biography but very favorable. Contemporary campaign biographies are by W. H. Holland (Hartford 1835) and by David Crockett (Philadelphia 1836). Consult also a biography by William L. Mackenzie (Boston 1846), unfavorable; Orth, S. P., ‘Five American Politicians’ (1906); West, E. H., ‘Calendar of the Papers of Martin Van Buren’ (1911); Richardson, J. D., ‘Messages and Papers of the Presidents’ (Vol. III, 1896).
 
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