The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1676-1764, Abridged

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1676-1764, Abridged

Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites

The original French, Latin, and Italian Texts, with English translations, 1896-1901. Translation to modern English, 2016.

EDITORIAL STAFF:

Editor Reuben Gold Thwaites

Editor John Swapceinski (2016)

Finlow Alexander [French]

Percy Favor Bicknell [French]

John Cutler Covert [French]

William Frederic Giese [Latin]

TRANSLATORS:

Crawford Lindsay [French]

Mary Sifton Pepper [French & Italian]

William Price [French]

Hiram Allen Sober [French]

John Dorsey Wolcott [Latin]

Assistant Editor Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser Victor Hugo Paltsits

The original English translation is housed on the College of Arts and Sciences webserver at Creighton University. The physical volumes were scanned and transcribed by Thom Mentrak, Historical Interpreter at Ste. Marie Among The Iroquois, and then formatted and organized by Rev. Raymond A. Bucko, Jesuit. Editing and further translation by John Swapceinski.

YEAR 1676

LETTER FROM FATHER JEAN ENJALRAN TO --. SILLERY, OCTOBER 13, 1676.

Reverend Father,

At last we have safely arrived at the goal of our voyage, after more than three months' sailing, and after traversing more than 7500 miles of ocean in all the dangers and amid all the inconveniences to which one is exposed when one undertakes this kind of travel. This voyage is usually made in two months, and it is a unusual occurrence when more than three months are consumed in it. If one followed the straight course, there would not be more than 3000 miles to cover: but those who had sailed at the same time as we arrived long before us.

I wrote from la Rochelle how we had fortunately escaped being captured by the Dutch in the first vessel which sailed from that port. The fear of a like accident made us resolve to take passage in another vessel, in which we thought to be in greater security; but God led us to take another way, by which we have discerned the care that he took of our missions. For if we had sailed in that second vessel, which we had intended to take, we would have arrived here even much later; and it was of the utmost importance that we should arrive at the time when we did, neither sooner nor later, as you will see by what follows.

The vessel which we took was a merchant vessel, which arrived from the river of Bourdeaux at the port of la Rochelle on the 22nd of April, and sailed from there two days later. This hasty departure brought it about that, after I, with the Reverend Father Albanel, had taken much trouble to provide for the things necessary to the embarking of the four Jesuits, a nephew of our Bishop, and six young men from Auvergne, -- who arrived to engage themselves to serve our fathers in the missions, -- I had to sit up all the night which preceded our embarking, for the writing of various letters. This caused me a severe abdominal pain, which had not altogether left me when I entered the sailboat which was to carry us to our ship.

It was on the Tuesday after low Sunday, toward evening, when I said farewell to France, on entering that sailboat. The weather appeared quite calm; but before we had reached our vessel, which was nearly 5 miles away from la Rochelle, there arose a great wind which carried us all at once beyond the isle of Re, nor could we govern our sailboat; and we would never have reached the ship if they had not come to our aid.

It was in this great excitement that I was seized with that ailment which people call "sea-sickness." It was so violent in me, considering the bad condition that I was in, that Father Albanel said he had never seen the like, and drew from it a bad omen for all the remainder of my voyage. I barely remember how I got into the vessel: all that I observed was, that the surgeon of the vessel, -- who was by nation a German, and in Religion a lutheran, -- having put me in a cabin which was altogether like a chest, in which one man could hardly lie down, put on my head his great nightcap and in my mouth half of a nutmeg, telling me in his jargon that that would keep me warm. Then I fell asleep until the next day.

As we were at anchor that night, it was a quiet one for me, and the next day I went up on deck to reconnoiter. I felt myself so fully restored that I helped our sailors to lift the anchor, because we were in a hurry to set sail. I then had the pleasure of seeing nearly one hundred and fifty craft, large and small, under sail; they wished to use the escort that we had, -- three large war vessels, which were especially intended to convoy fourteen great store-ships laden with wheat, no one knowing where that convoy was destined. There were fishing-vessels on their way to Newfoundland and to various other places for the cod-fishery, which were to sail for some time upon our course; and a vessel of the king's, which was going with us to Quebec to escort back to France a large vessel which had been built there. We arrived all together at the roadstead of belle Isle in two days. We had not far advanced toward belle Isle when almost all the passengers -- and especially our fathers, with the exception of Father Albanel -- became seriously ill; and I, who thought that I had escaped, was attacked more violently than ever.

Although sea-sickness is not feared save when fever accompanies it, -- which does not usually occur, -- still I do not know whether there is any suffering more severe for certain persons. Even our captain, who had made the voyage to Canada nineteen times, urged me at the start not to rise from the cabin which served me as bed, until they should put me ashore. However, I breathed a little when we arrived at the roadstead of belle Isle, where we remained at anchor nearly three days, and where we found Sir de Chateaurenaut, who was to be the admiral of this little fleet. I had no desire to go to see the fortress of belle Isle, having said farewell to France; but the salvos of cannon which were fired, with the flourish of trumpets from the war-vessels, gave us a fine diversion. We three priests said mass on Sunday; and from that time they gave me the office of pastor on our ship, aboard which were fifty-four persons. I did not long exercise it; for, when they weighed anchor to leave belle Isle, I was again seized with my malady, and retained it for a month and a half without finding rest either night or day. Our other fathers got off more cheaply.

After making nearly 1000 miles with our escort, we had to leave it because the vessels seemed to us to keep too much toward the south, -- which made us believe that they were going to Portugal, or would pass through the strait to go to Messina. We have not yet learned anything about them.

Some days after leaving our escort, the wind separated us from the other vessels also. We thought, however, that we had then escaped the dutch corsairs who had closely watched us; and in fact we had only three or four alarms, which were without result. But when we no longer feared these enemies, wind and storms declared a furious war on us. They were nearly always contrary to us; and on the eve of May 14, we had a tempest which at once carried away the mainsail, and caused us to endure furious shocks. It lasted only three or four hours; if it had lasted longer, I do not know where it would have cast us, for the vessel no longer obeyed the helm. We met another, fifteen days later, longer and more furious. I had then recovered from my illness.

The Wednesday after Pentecost was the day of that second tempest. Father Albanel was astonished that on that day I had not the least attack of my trouble, although until then I had been almost racked apart on days much less rough than that one. It was a fearful thing to hear the noise which the casks of oil or wine made as they smote against each other. This was the principal cargo of our vessel, which incurred a great loss. We were in the captain's cabin, which he had given us for our lodging, where, do what we might, we were drenched on all sides. When the first sea came in through a porthole, which they had not been able to close entirely, I arose -- for we were all abed -- to go and remove some clothes which were wet, and to deliver Father Albanel from a danger which threatened him -- for above his head he had some guns, which were about to become detached. When I had risen to do this, although I had seized a little post that was stout, there came a sea which threw me out of the cabin against a cupboard, upon which my head struck so violently that I broke in the cupboard. A moment later, there came another wave which broke, and overturned the table and everything in the cabin; but neither I nor the other fathers were injured by all those furious blows. Night brought back a calm for us. This tempest seemed to us to have been prophesied by a tremendous quantity of porpoises that we had seen on the eve of Pentecost.

After that, we voyaged at random for a long time, without being able to discover clearly where we were. On the day of the blessed Aloysius Gonzaga, we discovered a land which was not known at first; it was, however, an unspeakable consolation for us to see land. After approaching it, we recognized that it was the island of Cape Breton, which is American soil, much below the gulf of our river of Saint Lawrence. This discovery set us right. During a calm of some hours, which led us to cast anchor in the harbor of that island, we took within three hours more than three hundred cod, for provisions had already failed us. However, this diet of fresh cod is so satiating that, for the first time, I was compelled to use some brandy, for which I had always had much horror. Yet I have since found that with reason is so much of it used on the sea and in this country.

A week later, leaving that land, we discovered isle Perce, where we wished to land, although that put us a little out of our course. There it was that, with another of our fathers, we first set foot on the soil of America and worshiped the cross of Jesus Christ, which we found erected upon a great height. They give to this land the name of isle Perce, although properly speaking it is the mainland, which is separated from the remainder of New France only by the river of Saint Lawrence. This is where our French ships go to engage in the great fishery. We went to see a captain of a vessel from Bayonne, France who was fishing at bonnaventure island, which almost joins the isle Perce; he was catching every day six thousand cod. We also saw at this place for the first time some Indians, who were from Gaspe (Micmacs), a land that adjoins Acadia, which also belongs to New France. These Indians seemed to me, when I first saw them, friendly.

There is one of our fathers who formerly labored as missionary in this country. He is now in a place nearer to us, where at the age of more than eighty years he labors with uncommon fervor. The Micmac language is different from the other languages, and no one but the father understood it; but God has willed that he has still been able to instruct a father who came from France two years ago, who is to start at an early day to go to establish a mission in that country, 500 miles from us.

I must say that people in France erroneously suppose that the voyage to Canada is not difficult or dangerous. For, besides the dangers which prevail upon the sea, which are as great as everywhere else, our river, on which one must make nearly 500 miles to arrive at the port of Quebec, often causes the loss of great ships; and one commonly remains three weeks on that river. We remained on it as long as that, and during that period I landed several times. Good fortune made me not want to land one day when the men had decided to go hunting in the forest; for I would probably have followed our surgeon, who went astray in the woods. Still, they gave so many signals that he found the right way; and the sailboat which awaited him brought him back to us, so disfigured by the mosquitoes that he was unrecognizable.

The last day of our voyage was the most dangerous; since, however, I saw the land before me, I did not fear for myself, for I thought that I could easily save myself by swimming. What put us in peril of destruction was another ship, arriving from France, which had anchored near us, in a great current where a calm had obliged us to stop in case the tides, which are furious on that river, should cause us to drift upon some of the rocks. The captain of this ship, who supposed that we were weighing anchor to sail, although in fact we were only shifting our position, weighed anchor at the same time; the result of this was that the current came and dashed him upon us. I never saw such confusion as when the yards of our masts came clashing against one another. What caused us most fear was that all the men shouted that their anchor had become caught in ours.

God sent us a gust of wind, which conveyed us from there. But this wind, having left us, soon put us in a greater peril; for, being unable further to use the sails, the tide had carried us upon a ledge of rocks, where we came near perishing. Then all the men were compelled to make great efforts to pull at an anchor which had been cast on the side opposite the shoal, to bring the ship away from the rocks. We set to work like the others. The first time, some of those who were pulling let go because the anchor dragged them along. The second time, the same thing having happened, I tried to hold firm, and I made the neatest leap -- one which I shall not repeat for a long time -- for the rope dragged me with incredible velocity. From this effort, the rope broke, and the anchor was lost. As for me, I had already been thrown upon a coil of the great cable so that I was on the point of having my head crushed if the rope had not broken.

After all these dangers, we were happy when we began to see the French settlements, and the beautiful fields covered with corn, along the entire length of the fair island of Orleans; and you could not realize the comfort that one receives from seeing in this country the churches of the few parishes which have already been formed. But what was most agreeable to us was to see Quebec, which we saw only when we were a quarter mile from it. There we anchored, night having made us fear to approach too close to the land and entangle ourselves with the other vessels which were in port in the great basin of Quebec. Our fathers went forth to meet us; but we did not disembark until the next morning.

Before I speak of our landing at Quebec, I must not omit a noteworthy circumstance in connection with our meeting some Micmac Indians, of whom I have already spoken. That Christian girl who was among them, who appeared to have an excellent character, and who was well formed, told father Albanel, as best she could -- for the father did not know her language -- that she implored him to allow her to embark with us to come to Quebec, where she might find the means for subsistence together with other Indians, who were her relatives; "because," she said, "among those people" -- speaking of the French who were there -- "my purity is in great danger. They are wicked people, who would cause my soul to burn in hell."

The Father assured her that he would be glad to do so, but that the matter did not depend on him. That good girl was satisfied with his consent; and as I was the last of all our fathers to enter the sailboat which was to convey us back to our vessel, she jumped in after me, with surprising quickness, and came to sit down near me, -- smiling, and showing me in a most gracious and modest manner, the contentment that she felt at going away with us. But her joy was not long, for a Frenchman of importance on those shores, who had taken her there in his barque, called her back with threats; she turned a deaf ear to all that. Seeing that he could not compel her to come, he asked a captain, who was fishing at that place, to make her leave the sailboat.

The captain came to her with strange fury; and seeing that he gained nothing by threats, he rudely struck her, and seized her as if to cast her into the sea. But she stood still, willing to allow herself to be thrown overboard, and suffered everything without saying a word. No one dared to speak in this emergency. As for me, -- who knew nothing of his plan, and to whom Father Albanel, who was then observing profound silence, had said nothing except "Meddle not in this business," -- seeing that they were about to treat her more severely, I told her, as best I could, that she must depart. She, who had remained motionless until then, turning toward me, said to me in a tone which moved me to compassion, in French terms, "No, no," indicating to me that I should not make her do that. I then told her that they would treat her ill. I do not know what she understood, but she went away at once, appearing extremely grieved. As for me, I was more distressed than she when I knew the reason which made her go away.

It was the 22nd of July, in the early morning, when we set foot on shore. The bank was covered with French people, who came to greet us. After saluting our Lord in our beautiful Church at the college of Quebec, we were conducted by the Reverend Father Superior to the bishop, who embraced us cordially, as did also all his priests. One of the most beautiful things that one can see in this country is the most cordial union which exists between these gentlemen and us, as well as with the Gentlemen of Saint-Sulpice, who are 150 miles from here on the island of Montreal.

It was a stroke of good fortune that we arrived at that time. For on that same day, the same morning, the men arrived who serve our fathers who are with the Ottawas, 1250 or 1500 miles from us; they come once every year to obtain the things which are necessary for them. Through them, our fathers learned the necessity of sending a person to that country; so our leader, Father Albanel, was at once appointed to go and take charge, as superior, of the mission of St. Francois Xavier, which is one of the most remote in this country.

This post was occupied by father Allouez; but this father, to whom God seems to have given the gift of tongues, was to go more than 500 or 750 miles farther, to take the mission of the Illinois, previously in charge of the late father Marquette of the province of Champagne, who had died in the midst of these vast forests. I have seen here the two men who accompanied him on that journey, who have told us the circumstances of his death.

The Reverend Father Superior admired the coincidence of the arrival of Father Albanel, who was the only man who could go to fill that place, -- just as Father Allouez was the only one who could go to strengthen that mission of the Illinois, which consists of fifty thousand people in a single village, and which we would have lost. It did not depend on Father Albanel that I did not follow him to that mission. The Reverend Father Superior informed him that he had already thought of sending me there; and as for me, I had always had the idea that I would perhaps be assigned to those missions of the Ottawas; but it was decided that I ought rather to spend this year in learning the Algonquin language, which is the one that can be of use to us in that country.

And so, after they had fed us for a week in the manner of the country, with extreme kindness, they sent me to this residence of Sillery, where I now am with a father of the province of Bourdeaux, who had come with us from France. It is a solitary house, distant 4 miles from Quebec, and one of the first residences which we had in Canada; there have been at this place as many as fifteen thousand Algonquins together, who gave occupation to one missionary or to several, but the contagious disease among the Indians, war, or the liquors which constitute this country's misfortune, have entirely destroyed or scattered them. In consequence, we have only a few Algonquin families, who come here at certain times, by whom we try to profit to give ourselves practice in their language. This house is situated on the shore of the Saint Lawrence River, as are nearly all the French settlements. There is a handsome church dedicated to St. Michael, which serves as parish church for our French people. There are here four of us priests, and one of our Brothers. The one who is superior in this house has charge of the Indians, and is our teacher for the language; we write every day under him, as if in a school.

The other one has charge of the French. As for us, we have nothing else to do but study the language, and that is an engrossing occupation for us; for I think that the first ones who made progress upon these languages must have needed extraordinary help from God. We have also a band of a hundred and fifty Abenakis Indians; their tribes live near new England. God has used in behalf of the salvation of those poor abandoned souls a cruel war, which was kindled between the nations of the Mahicans, Abenakis, Sokoki Abenakis, and other peoples, and the English of Boston and of all new England. These English are not willing to submit to the king of England, and are the sovereigns in that country. They have wearied the patience of those poor Indians, who have killed more than four thousand of the English, and are in a position to do them much harm. These English have asked assistance of the governor of Albany and of Manade, -- or Manhattan, as others say, -- who is also governor of all New Netherland, which now belongs to the king of England; and have asked him to urge the Iroquois to declare war on those tribes, which they have willingly done. Those English of Boston had promised the others that they would submit to the king of England; but when they were called upon to keep their word, they would do nothing of the kind. The governor of Albany would gladly, after that, have stopped the Iroquois but it was then too late. They have already burned several of the Abenakis, and we have some of the Abenakis here, who had escaped on the day when they were to be burned.

Those Indians whom we have here have left their country on account of this war. It is believed that they, as well as those who are assembled in another place belonging to the French and called Three Rivers, killed many English before coming. They appeared before our governor, who received them on condition that they would not return to make war on the English; and as regards the Iroquois, it has been decided that they should not fight on the territories of the French. It has been feared that that might bring upon us war with the Iroquois, who have every desire to wage it upon us. Still, when all things seemed ready for this war, and while our fathers who are among the Iroquois were expecting at every moment either death or captivity, they were so fortunate as to persuade these peoples to go and find the governor, who had gone to their borders to speed the construction of a fort which he is having built there.

The Mohawks were the first to arrive there; but, seeing that the ambassadors from the other Iroquois nations did not come, they fled, for fear of being killed. The Senecas, who were the most eager to make war upon us, have not come; the three other nations have come. It is hoped that they will change their determination. If they make war with us, they will cause much trouble in this country; for, as the French settlements are isolated, the Iroquois come in bands to kill the people and burn the houses, when one least thinks of it.

However, we are profiting here by the opportunity for us to instruct these Abenakis and some Sokoki Abenakis. These Indians appear to me the most reasonable; and although in their manner of living one may with truth call them savages, their nature appears to me in some sense much more amiable than that of many Europeans. Their captain, after some conference with the Father who has charge of the Indians, addressed all these people several times, to have them come to prayer. They nearly all came to it, and I am never so touched as when I hear them pray and receive their instructions with admirable docility. Although the Father understands something of their language, still he makes urgings to them in the Algonquin tongue, and the captain repeats them to his people in his own. It is something charming to hear him. He will be solemnly baptized at an early day, along with his wife, at Quebec.

I have stripped myself of almost everything that I could give them, and I do not account it ill employed. I hope that God will obtain for me, by means of some zealous persons, the things which may help us to win these poor Indians. One must be provided in this country with medals; small crucifixes a finger in length, or smaller still; small brass crosses and brass rings, also some in which there is the figure of some saint, or the face of Jesus Christ or the Blessed Virgin; wooden rosaries, black and rather thick, which they wear hanging from the neck or about the head; knives, the heaviest, etc. If I had the advantage possessed by some of our Fathers, who have annuities in France, I would with only 200 silver coins make many conversions.

After having spoken of our mission of Sillery, I ought still to say something of the others, of which there are many interesting things to relate which are not known in France. As concerns your request for information about Quebec, Quebec is one of the most beautiful ports in the world, and one that would be suitable as the location of a fine city. However, it is nothing but a pretty village, which is divided into a lower and an upper town.

In the lower town are the warehouses and residences of the merchants, which give it a fine appearance. In the upper town are the houses of the bishop; he is building a fine structure for himself and all his priests, whom he is training there, with about thirty youths of the country, to supply with them the parishes which are being formed in various places. There also are the house of the governor, the fort, the house of the intendant, the houses of the hospital and Ursuline nuns, who are magnificently lodged; and finally, our house or college, which is finer on the outside than convenient within.

Our church is, however, as beautiful and as large as the church of the college of Puy. We saw it consecrated, and the feast of St. Ignatius was observed there as magnificently as one can observe it in France. Our house bears the name of college, and there is an endowment for three instructors. Those who are there have not the opportunity to labor much for the Indians. There are six of our fathers: ordinarily the Reverend Father superior, who is father Dablon, and two other fathers from the province of Paris, who are old and broken with the labors of the missions, -- one of whom, however, always reads at meals. There is another father, who has the charge of providing necessary supplies for the missionaries; and a preacher, who is now to take the place until now occupied by Father Matthieu -- that is, to exercise the office of purveyor, and to teach Theology to seven young men whom father Matthieu had for pupils during 6 years, having taught them rhetoric, philosophy, and during three years, Theology. A serious infirmity obliges him to return this year to France. The Father Superior has often told me that an arm had been torn from him when he lost this father. He was universally loved by all classes; I miss him as much as all the others do.

Besides these fathers, there is a young teacher who teaches two or three classes; a layman who has presented himself to the college, who teaches reading and writing to the youths; and another, who teaches all the mathematics necessary for this country. He has instructed most of the captains who bring vessels to this country. We have various Brothers in this house and elsewhere who render us great services; and others, French laymen, who are useful to us in the missions. That is what I can tell you of our house and of Quebec, where there are in all not more than a hundred houses and eight hundred persons. They estimate in Canada more than ten thousand French people, many of whom have much trouble to live. The land yields corn enough, but God does not bless those dealers in brandy, which ruins the Indians and the missionaries' labor. In these past years they have had a lack of corn, which has almost brought famine into the country.

What is remarkable is that here the corn is planted and harvested in three months; and there would be some to ship elsewhere, as they have begun to do, if everyone would make the most of his lands. None but our poor missionaries -- who are in the country at a distance from the French settlements, which do not extend over more than 150 miles -- are deprived of these advantages, and are compelled to live like the Indians, which is a life that causes horror. We are here deprived of many of the conveniences which were deemed necessary in France, and we are well content to sleep in our clothes on a single mattress or a bag of straw; but, even so, this life is easy when one compares it with the life of those missionaries. We have within the space of those 150 miles three principal missions: this one, where I am, which is the refuge of all the Algonquins and of other tribes who are allied to them, although we see here all sorts of Indians. There is another, which has been formed again for the Hurons, and for some Iroquois who have come that they may have liberty to perform the exercises of good Christians. This place is in the woods, 7 miles from Quebec, where a fine village has been built in the fashion of the Indians.

There are about three hundred people there, either Hurons or Iroquois. That place is called Lorette, because Father Chaumonot, who had been at Loretto with the late father Poncet, has had built in that place a chapel on the same pattern as that of Loretto, where our French go on pilgrimages. Our Indians have an admirable veneration for this place; witness that Iroquois who carried in his arms one of his little daughters, who had died nearly 250 miles from here, -- to the end, he said, of having her buried with the Blessed Virgin's other children.

One is charmed to hear the various choirs, which the men and the women form to sing during mass and at evening prayers. The nuns of France do not sing more agreeably than some Indian women here; and as a class, all the Indians have much aptitude and inclination for singing the hymns of the Church, which have been rendered into their language.

There is another mission at La Prairie, Quebec, which is 150 miles from here, where there are two of our missionaries, who have charge of three hundred Iroquois and of some French people. These Iroquois came from their country to live in this place as Christians. They expel from it, as at the mission of Lorette, those who have become intoxicated. The bishop administered confirmation there to eighty Iroquois, and he told us that he had never been so touched as when he saw the fervor of those new Christians. That is where that Iroquois is who came to France, and to whom the King is godfather. We have, besides that, two missionaries who go and follow the Algonquin, Innu, and Papinachois Innu Indians; and in the forests, 500 miles from here, others, who are continually making new discoveries. I do not give an exact description of all the labors of the missionaries, which surpass everything that is written of them in France; and the ideas that I have at present are different from those that I had in France.

For the other missions, we have eight of our fathers, a brother, and some French laymen among the Iroquois, where Father Raffayse is superior of the mission to the Senecas. They are more or less distant from one another, and are much exposed to dangers. There are eight others of our fathers, 1250 miles from here, in the country of the Ottawas, scattered in various missions. Some of these have under their direction more than twenty thousand people. Father Nouvel is there, who is superior of all those missions, and Father Druillete; and that is where I hope to go next year.

Jean Enjalran.

YEAR 1677

A 3RD VOYAGE TO THE ILLINOIS, MADE BY FATHER CLAUDE ALLOUEZ. 1677.

A SUCCESSOR to the late father Marquette was needed who should be no less zealous than he. To fill his place, father Claude Allouez was chosen, who had labored, the leader in all our missions to the Ottawas, with Untiring Courage. He was engaged, at the time, in that of st. Francois Xavier in Green Bay, and was soon ready to set out.

Let us hear what he says of his voyage.

FATHER ALLOUEZ SETS OUT OVER THE ICE. A YOUNG MAN KILLED BY A BEAR; OF THE REVENGE THAT WAS TAKEN FOR THIS. VARIOUS CURIOSITIES ENCOUNTERED ON THE WAY. 1677.

The weather being favorable for setting out, -- it was toward the close of October, 1676, -- I embarked in a canoe with two men, to attempt to go to winter with the Illinois. But I did not go far, for the winter had set in so early that year that, the ice overtaking us, we were compelled to go into camp, and wait until the ice was strong enough to bear us. It was not until February that we began our voyage -- an unusual mode of navigation, for, instead of putting the Canoe into the water, we placed it upon the ice, over which the wind, which was in our favor, and a sail made it go as on water. When the wind failed us, in place of paddles we used Ropes to draw it along, as horses draw carriages.

Passing near the nation of the Potawatomis, I learned that a Young man had recently been killed by bears. I had, in times past, baptized him at the point of st. Esprit, and his parents were of my Acquaintance, which compelled me to go a little out of my Way, so I could console them.

They told me that bears, having taken on fat during autumn, retain all winter and even increase their bulk, although they eat nothing, as naturalists have remarked. They sleep in the Hollows of trees -- especially the females, to bring forth in them their young -- or else they Sleep on the branches of fir-trees, which they break off for the purpose of making a bed of them upon the snow. This they do not leave all winter, unless Hunters discover them by means of their dogs, which they train to this sport. This Young man, having caught sight of one of them on these pine-branches, discharged at it all the arrows in his Quiver; but the bear, feeling itself struck, although not by a deadly blow, rose up and sprang upon him, tore off his scalp, and disemboweled him, mangling and dismembering the entire Body. I found his mother in great distress. We said together the prayers for the departed.

Afterward, by way of avenging, they said, this death, the relatives and friends of the deceased went to make war on the bears while they were still in good condition, -- that is, in winter; for in summer they are thin, and so famished that they eat even Toads and Snakes. The war was so successful that, in a short time, they killed over 500, of which they gave us a share, telling us that God delivered the bears into their hands as satisfaction for the death of that Young man who had been so cruelly treated by one of their nation.

At 30 miles from the village of the Potawatomis, we entered a deep bay, from which we carried our Canoe through the woods as Far as the great Lake Michigan; this portage extends about 4 miles.

The vigil of st. Joseph finding us on this Lake Michigan, we gave it the name of that great saint; accordingly, we shall call it, from this time, the lake of st. Joseph.

We embarked on the 29th of march, and had to contend vigorously with the ice, which we were compelled to break before us to secure a passage. The water was so cold that it froze on our paddles, and on that Side of the canoe on which the sun did not strike.

Our great difficulty was that, the rivers being still frozen, we could not enter them until the 3rd of April. We consecrated that river into which we at last entered, during the season of holy week, by a large Cross which we planted on its bank, in order that a number of Indians who resort there for their Hunting -- some by Canoe on the lake and others on foot through the woods -- might be moved to pray.

The next day, we saw a rock 7 or 8 feet out of the water and 4 or 6 yards in circumference, named "the pitch rock." Indeed, one could see the pitch Trickling down in little threads on the Side on which the sun was warming it. We took some and found it good for pitching Canoes; and I make use of it for Sealing my letters. We saw also, on the same Day, another rock, a little smaller, part of which was under water and part out. That part which was wet by the waves was of a beautiful red color, bright and shining. A few Days afterward, we came across a stream that issued from the slope of a Hill, the waters of which appeared mineralized; the sand in it is red, and the Indians tell us that it comes from a little lake in which they have found small pieces of red Copper.

We proceeded, continuing always to coast along the great prairies, which extend farther than the eye can reach. Trees are met with from time to time, but they are so placed that they seem to have been planted with plan, to make avenues more pleasing to the eye than those of orchards. The base of these trees is often watered by little streams, at which are seen large herds of stags and hinds refreshing themselves, and peacefully feeding upon the short grass. We followed these vast plains for 50 miles.

After voyaging 190 miles over the lake of saint Joseph, we finally entered the river which leads to the Illinois. I met there 80 Indians of the country, by whom I was welcomed in a hospitable manner. The Captain came about 30 steps to meet me, carrying in one hand a firebrand and in the other a Calumet (tobacco pipe) adorned with feathers. Approaching me, he placed it in my mouth and he lighted the tobacco, which compelled me to make pretense of smoking it. Then he made me come into his Cabin, and having given me the place of honor, he spoke to me as follows:

"My Father, have pity on me; allow me to return with you, to bear you company and take you into my village. The meeting I have had today with you will prove fatal to me if I do not use it to my advantage. If I lose the opportunity of listening to you, I shall be punished by the loss of my nephews, whom you see in so great number; they will be defeated by our enemies. Let us embark, then, together, so I can profit by your coming into our land." That said, he set out at the same time as ourselves, and shortly after we arrived at his abode.

FATHER ALLOUEZ ARRIVES AT THE VILLAGE OF THE ILLINOIS. DESCRIPTION OF THAT VILLAGE AND THE COUNTRY. THE FAITH IS PROCLAIMED TO ALL THE NATIONS.

Despite all the efforts that we made to hurry our journey, it was not until the 27th of April that I was able to arrive at Kachkachkia, the great village of the Illinois. I entered, at once, the Cabin in which father Marquette had lodged; and the old men being assembled there with the entire population, I made known the reason for which I had come to them, -- namely, to preach to them the true God, and his only son Jesus Christ. They listened attentively to my whole speech and thanked me for the trouble that I was taking for their salvation.

I found this Village largely increased since a year ago. Formerly, it was Composed of but one nation, that of the Kaskaskia; at the present time, there are 8 tribes in it, the first having summoned the others, who inhabited the neighborhood of the river Mississippi. One cannot be sure as to the number of people who Compose that village; They are housed in 351 cabins, which are easily counted, as most of them are situated upon the bank of the river.

The spot which they have Chosen for their abode is situated in latitude 40 degrees 41 minutes. On one Side of it is a long stretch of prairie, and on the other a multitude of swamps, which are unhealthy and often Covered with fog, -- giving Rise to much sickness, and to loud and frequent Peals of thunder; they delight, however, in this location, as they can easily see from it their enemies.

These Indians are naturally high-spirited, brave, and daring. They wage war with 7 or 8 different nations, but do not use guns, finding them too cumbersome and slow. They carry them, still, when they march against nations who do not understand the use of them, to frighten them by the noise and put them to rout. Usually, they carry only the club, the bow, and a quiverful of arrows, which they shoot with such skill and rapidity as scarcely to give time to those who have guns to Take Aim. They carry also a large shield, made of the skins of the wild bison, arrow-proof, and covering the whole Body.

They have several wives, and are extremely jealous of them, leaving them on the least suspicion. Usually these wives conduct themselves well, and dress modestly; not so the men, who feel no shame at their nudity.

They live on Indian corn and other fruits of the earth, which they cultivate, like the other Indians, on the prairies. They eat 14 kinds of roots, which they find in the prairies; they made me eat some and I found them good and sweet. They Gather from trees and plants 42 different kinds of fruits, all of which are excellent; and catch 25 sorts of fish -- among them, the eel. They Hunt the deer, the bison, the Turkey, the Wildcat, a species of tiger, and other animals; they estimate up 22 kinds of these, and some 40 kinds of game and birds.

I have been told that, lower down the river, there are saline springs, and that they make salt from them; I have not yet seen the experiment tried. I am also assured that, not far from their village, there is slate-stone as fine as ours. I have seen in this country, as with the Ottawas, red Copper -- which is found, as elsewhere, in little pieces, on the banks of the river. And, lastly, they assure me that there are here rocks with pitch, similar to those which I saw on the shores of lake St. Joseph. The Indians Cut them, and find silver -- like veins; they pulverize these and make of them a fine red paint. They also come across other veins, from which the pitch oozes; this, when thrown into the fire, burns like ours.

On the 3rd of may, the festival of the holy Cross, we planted in the middle of the village a Cross 35 feet in height, chanting the "vexilla" in the presence of a large number of Illinois of all the nations. They did not regard Jesus Christ Crucified as a folly, or a scandal; on the contrary, they assisted at that ceremony with great respect, and listened with admiration to all I had to say regarding that mystery.

The time of my departure having come, I said goodbye to these peoples, and left them eagerly anticipating my return as soon as possible -- an expectation all the more willingly encouraged by me, as I see the mission quite promising. Doubtless, the devil will oppose himself to it, and perhaps will profit by the war which the Iroquois intend to make against the Illinois.

Postscript by Dablon: In the year after, 1678, father Allouez set out on his return to that mission, to remain there two consecutive years, so he could therefore work more effectively for the Conversion of those peoples. We have since learned that the Iroquois have made an incursion, but that they were defeated by the Illinois. This will go far to provoke war between these nations; and will do much injury to this mission.

NEW FRANCE IN THE YEARS 1676 AND 1677.

THE IROQUOIS MISSIONS IN 1676.

THE War that the Iroquois wish to wage upon us not only places the fathers who are in their country in great danger of Being killed, but has also Caused great Delay to the progress of the Gospel. Since those Barbarians have at Last succeeded in Exterminating the Susquehannock, who had held out against them for over 20 years, they have become so insolent that they talk only of breaking the missionaries' heads, by way of beginning hostilities. Drunkenness, which prevails among them to a horrible extent, adds a license brazen enough to Attempt anything.

The upper Iroquois -- that is, those who are most remote from us, like the Senecas and the Cayugas -- are the most arrogant and most insolent. They run after the missionaries with hatchets in their hands; they pursue them with stones; they Overturn their Chapels and their little Cabins; and in a thousand other ways subject them to most infamous treatment.

The fathers endure everything, and are prepared for everything; for they know that the Apostles planted the faith in the world not otherwise than through persecutions and through sufferings. What Consoles them in the pitiful condition in which they are placed is to see the fruits that God derives for his glory and for the salvation of these same Indians by whom they are so ill-treated. For, during the year that has passed since these Disturbances began, they have baptized more than 350 Iroquois -- among whom, besides 27 adults, 171 Children died after Baptism, which is a certain Gain for heaven.

I can obtain nothing further from Fathers de Carheil, Pierron, Raffeix, and Garnier, who are among the Upper Iroquois, because their chief Occupation is to suffer at every moment through the constant threats and insults that those barbarians heap upon them. Father Pierron has, during the past year, baptized 90, nearly all of whom were children, and 50 of whom died after baptism. Father Carheil writes from Cayuga that the spiritual Gain this Year is 38 persons who have been baptized, 6 of whom are adults; and 36 who have died, all except three being Children. In a village of Seneca where Father Garnier is, 40 children and 14 adults who had been baptized have died within a year. As for Reverend Father Raffeix, who is in another village of Seneca, he writes that he has derived great advantage from a general Influenza with which God has Chastised those barbarians, and which in one month Carried off more than 60 little children.

The Fathers who are Among the lower Iroquois -- that is, at the Mohawk nation, Oneida, and Onondaga -- are not all persecuted, and even promote God's Kingdom among those nations, as may be seen by The following Extracts from some of their Letters.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES BRUYAS, SUPERIOR OF THE IROQUOIS MISSIONS, WRITTEN AT THE MOHAWK NATION ON THE 31ST OF JULY, 1676.

I write you concerning what passes in the mission Of Mohawk. Last year, God had granted me the grace of baptizing an elder, one of the most important persons in this village, whose fervor led me to hope that I should soon see this church increased by a large number of Christians; and never has it been more fruitful than at that time. Pierre assendasse, who is the Notable person of whom I speak, was Removed from it at the time when his person would have been most necessary. That good neophyte was Snatched away from us in august of 1675, after having been tried by God in an illness of nearly six months.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES DE LAMBERVILLE, WRITTEN FROM GANNAWAGE, A VILLAGE OF MOHAWK ON THE 6TH OF MAY, 1676.

ALTHOUGH I am not yet very well versed in the language of the Iroquois, with whom I have lived only a year, I have baptized nearly 50 persons, 9 or 10 of whom died happily after baptism.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER PIERRE MILLET, WRITTEN FROM ONEIDA IN THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY ON THE 1ST OF JUNE, 1676.

The service of God Has increased, and the worship of the demon has diminished this year, in this mission. Affairs are disturbed in the Direction of the Senecas, who intend to wage war on us.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER JEAN DE LAMBERVILLE, WRITTEN FROM ONONDAGA IN THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY ON THE 18TH OF JUNE, 1676.

YOU will Hear as much about war from here as from Europe. The Minds of our Iroquois are always full of it, and there is no probability that they will cease to kill men (as they say) so long as they find them in the woods.

They are Bringing 50 captives from a distance of 500 miles from here, to whom they have granted their lives because they intend them to work in their Fields. They acted differently with some prisoners whom they took from the Mahicans, with whom they have been at War for a short time. The Mahican captives they have Brought here have been cruelly burned, but the sufferers have had the good fortune to Receive baptism, which I administered to them before their deaths. One of them made me Return to him when he was already half burned, to make him pray once more. I was touched at seeing him make the sign of the Cross in the midst of the flames.

We always have to contend against the tricksters, who are bitterly opposed to us because we discredit them by showing that all the trickeries that they make use of to cure the sick are nothing but foolish and senseless tricks. This was shown recently in their Attempt to cure a girl who had become so crazy that she ran about the streets. To Succeed, they persuaded her parents that she had seen 9 feasts in dreams; and that, if they gave these, she would be cured. The parents agreed to this, and from all sides they gathered great heaps of meat to fulfill properly those dreams. Our noble disciples of Asclepius, whose plan was to to eat their fill, made a large circle of Bark in which the crazy girl was put. They placed 7 or 8 persons around The Circle, who rattled small gourds filled with peas. The tricksters also entered the Circle, in which they Burned tobacco -- some in honor of the Stag, others in honor of the owl, others in honor of the bear, -- all imitating the voice of the animal to which they offered their kind of sacrifice. Afterward, He Among them who was best versed in The art of trickery made incisions in the patient's temples, from where he sucked blood; this he Spat out, sometimes with bears' teeth, sometimes with human Hairs or Stag's bristles which he had Concealed in his mouth, bringing them out therefore as if they had been spells that had been cast upon her. Hearty Thanks were tendered to these Worthy physicians, but the crazy girl became no wiser from their treatment. It was but the prelude to the feasts, of which they were to have the largest share.

The first 2 began with a ceremony quite usual among these people, in which all who had dreamed of some Article during the year came to Sing in the crazy girl's Cabin, and to have Their dreams divined so they might be fulfilled. That festival lasted 2 days, and all who wished to be relieved of the need that they had for corn, for meat, for mats, for Robes of bear or Tiger skins, and for other similar things, had only to say that they had dreamed of these, and they were at once given to them. A woman was impertinent enough to Sing that she had dreamed of my cassock, and that she would die if I did not give it to her. I had no difficulty in Replying to her nonsense, and to him who came to bring me word of it. I took the opportunity to persuade them of that silly belief that the fulfillment of their dreams prolongs life.

The 3rd Feast was a Masquerade of people dressed like bears, who Danced in a surprising Manner.

The 4th was a sort of quarrel, in which they threw ashes at one another.

The 5th was a Dance, which was performed to a quite Agreeable air.

In the 6th, They Cast spells at one another and Then removed them, in this manner: The guests were covered with feathers from their heads to their feet, and were all masked; and while they were preparing for the Ceremony, 4 women on one side and 4 on The other, showed by Singing and by shaking their gourds in cadence that all this had Been inspired by the Spirit of the dream. Everything being ready, 8 masked men emerged from the Cabin, followed by 8 others who all carried pouches filled with charms; and when Each had taken his post, they drew up as if in battle array, and danced to the sound of the gourds; 8 on one side and 8 on the other were in line, and Represented a sort of Combat. They made their approaches in cadence.

They all Began, when these bands were 15 feet apart, to throw Feathered charms at one another. After that, they mingled together, and in the melee some were seen to fall half dead, others to Writhe and Roll on the ground; some became either frenzied, or blinded, or attacked by other kinds of diseases, through the violence of the spells cast at them -- until the victorious group, by throwing counter-spells, cured the Bewitched ones by counterfeited vomitings, and by Poultices that they applied to them. Some, however, remained incurable, and had to be carried to their Houses.

The 7th was a Dance of a Warrior clad as an Indian from the south.

The 8th and 9th Were not decent, and this compelled me to oppose them by the usual means, -- that is, to speak by presents, which I did. I Pointed out to them that those kinds of feasts would call down God's Anger upon them.

Garacontie, that brave Christian Captain of whom so much has been said, opposed as strenuously as he could all those superstitions, in the presence of the chief men of the village. For that purpose he gave 3 solemn feasts.

In the first 2, he stated at the outset that he had not dreamed of the feasts to which he had invited those whom he addressed; and that he had Renounced all those useless superstitions. He Afterward protested against the gluttonous excesses that take place in the eat-all feasts.

In the 3rd, as he is aged, he Sang his death-Song. He saluted the master of life and upon whom, not on our dreams, depended our life and our death. He also saluted the Bishop of Canada, and the other persons of note in the country, -- telling them, as if they had been present, that he wished to die a Christian and that he hoped that they would pray for him. Throughout his speech, the guests ate in profound silence, and Listened to Him with admirable attention. His Enemies and the infidels do not relish that kind of Song; they say that the faith has upset his mind, and they do all they can by their evil speeches to make him vile and contemptible. But he always sustains himself by his strength of mind, and maintains his Rank and his reputation, which is so great that when they speak of him they merely say, "the elder" and "the man of Note," without naming him.

THE MISSION OF THE OTTAWAS IN 1676.

THE missions of the Ottawas have within a year Given to The Church 367 persons who have all been baptized. Of all that number not more than 60 are adults. The remainder are children, most of whom have gone to Heaven since baptism.

I shall merely add Extracts from some Letters from the fathers there, for the Consolation of those who know them.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER CLAUDE ALLOUEZ, WRITTEN FROM ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER, NEAR GREEN BAY ON THE 26TH OF MAY, 1676.

SINCE last spring, I have been able to give only traveling missions, in order not to abandon some while attaching myself too closely to others. During the short time that I spent in those of the Mascoutens and the Miamis, I found in the Cabins 2 children who were dying, -- one a Miami, the other a Mascouten, -- and baptized both of them before they died.

When I was Recommending some Christian girls to be discreet, in accordance with the profession of Christianity that they made, -- telling them that it exacted more Reserve and Modesty from them than from those who were not baptized, -- they showed me that under their blankets they kept Eagles' Talons hanging at their sides, as a soldier carries his sword, with which to defend themselves against The insolence of the young Men.

As for The Mission of the Meskwakis, where last year we planted a large cross in the middle of their village, we may hope for a great deal from their conversion, since we see that Our Lord has made Them share his cross, and afflicts them in many ways. Last winter they were killed by the Sioux. During The following summer, their corn was frozen; they gathered little of it, and that little rotted in The autumn in the places for storage where they had Concealed It. Last winter, many died of disease; the Illinois made raids upon them, and Carried off others into captivity. During some visits that I paid to them, I baptized 17, Among whom were 10 adults, who died after baptism. Of the old Christians in that tribe, who were 144 in number, 27 died. The Winnebagos and the Sauks, who halted here near our church throughout Lent, came assiduously to listen to our instructions and to pray.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER LOUIS ANDRE, WRITTEN FROM THE BAY DE PUANTS ON THE 10TH OF APRIL, 1676.

Green Bay, where my mission is situated, comprises 6 tribes Scattered about the foot and along The two sides of the bay. They are more or less distant from one another -- Some, 25 miles; others, 15 or more.

This compels me To Be always in the Field, -- during The summer, in Canoes; during The winter, on the ice, -- to go and instruct them, one after another. I have from 400 to 500 Christians on this bay. Since my last Letter, in April of the past year, I have increased this church by the baptism of 45 persons, and having much to endure from those who are not Christians. One of them Burned my little house, which I had built for myself near his village. He did so perhaps to allay the sorrow that he felt for the death of his 2 Children, who were killed some time ago by an Indian. One of the children was baptized, and was only 3 years old; The other, who Was not, was 5 or 6 years of age. When I had entered his Cabin one day, and had prayers said, -- quite close to the bones of his children, without knowing it, -- he said to me: "have you Sense?"

I replied: "What think you of it?"

"I think that you have none," he said to me, "my child was baptized and was killed."

I assured him that I Entirely disapproved that deed, and that I had blamed the murderer. Then I spoke to him of the happiness of the child who had been baptized. He seemed rather satisfied with this; but still, when I had gone, he burned my Cabin.

After remaining 16 days with that tribe which is called Wild Rice [i.e., Menominee], I left to go instruct another tribe which has no French name, but is called in the Indian tongue Otiasawatenon. I Remained there 3 weeks. Then I went farther up the bay, where I baptized 19 persons. Afterward, I stopped with the Winnebagos.

This year, we have among the Winnebagos 7 or 8 families from a nation who are neutral Between our Indians and the Sioux, who are at war. They are called Iowa, or Sioux Mascoutens. Their village, which lies 500 miles from here Toward the west, is large, but poor; for their greatest Wealth consists of bison-hides and of Red Calumets (tobacco pipes). They speak the language of the Winnebagos. They say that they have no knowledge of The western sea, although they live at a distance of 12 days' journey beyond the great River called Mississippi; but they assert that they have seen Indians who say that they have seen a great lake far away Toward the Setting sun, The Water of which is bad.

The same Father Andre has made some rather Curious Observations on the tides of Green Bay, where they are perceptibly Felt. That bay is over 75 miles long, by 17 or 20 miles in width in some places. It Receives all the waters of the great Lake Michigan, or, rather, it Sends to the lake the waters that it Receives from several Rivers which discharge into it. He has drawn up an accurate journal of the winter tides under the ice, and another of the Summer tides. He found that they were irregular; that in The Space of 24 hours there were sometimes 2 full tides, sometimes 3, sometimes 4; that, when there are only 2, they delay at some periods, and at others they advance. He noticed their connection with the course of the moon. Despite all the care that he took, he has not been able to say exactly in what Quarter of the sky the moon is When the tide is full, owing to its vagaries. He has taken a great deal of trouble to Ascertain the causes of those tides. He considers that they come from the Lake Michigan, rather than from the effect of the winds -- which may contribute to the Variableness of the tides, for they are exceedingly variable in that bay. He has further Remarked that there is no wind strong enough to Prevent the tide from rising and falling throughout the time while it prevails; that the wind affects it, and is the cause of its being low when it should be high; and that it ebbs and flows to an Extraordinary degree. But the wind does not make it always fall without ever rising again, nor does it always rise without ever falling, even when the wind prevails with the same force for several consecutive days.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER ANTHOINE SYLVY, WRITTEN AMONG THE MASCOUTENS, OR FIRE NATION, APRIL 6, 1676.

AFTER a Journey of over 750 miles from Quebec, here I am, having come to this country to take charge of this mission. This village is Made up of 2 different peoples, who speak Entirely different languages -- namely, those who are called Miamis, with 6 tribes of Indians; and those who call themselves the Mascoutens, who also have 5 or 6 other tribes with them, so that I find myself in the midst of many thousand Indians to be instructed.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER PIERSON, WRITTEN FROM ST. IGNACE, AT MISSIMILIMAKINAC ON LAKE HURON, ON THE 25TH OF APRIL, 1676.

GOD has granted so many blessings to my Huron mission of Petun, that I have the satisfaction of seeing this little church gradually increase in number. It has been augmented this year by 45 Children and some 47 adults, whom I have baptized.

Ever since the medicine-men and tricksters gave me their word, more than 2 years ago, To abandon their customary trickeries and superstitions, they have no longer relied on them. There are still among the infidels some errors which we shall attempt Completely To abolish and Exterminate. The Iroquois from Seneca came here this winter on an Embassy, and gave valuable presents to our Hurons, under the pretext of wishing to join them to go Together to Fight the Sioux, with whom they are at war. But we Fear that under that misleading semblance, they Conceal another plan, which is to lure all our Indians to their country; and that would be the Ruin of this church.

What we can Extract from the Letters of Father Gabriel Druillettes is that he has had this year more than 50 baptisms in the Church of Sault Ste. Marie; and from those of Father Pierre Bailloquette, -- who carries on a traveling mission throughout the Lake Huron country and in that of the Nipissings, to the various tribes dwelling there, -- that during a single expedition of a month's duration, he baptized 50 children. We learn, finally, from the letters of Father nouvelle, that Within a year, in the mission of st. Ignace, 140 Algonquins have been baptized, among whom are 10 adults.

JOURNAL OF THE LAST WINTER MISSION OF FATHER HENRY NOUVEL, SUPERIOR OF THE MISSIONS OF THE OTTAWAS. EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF THE SAME FATHER, DATED FROM THE FORMER COUNTRY OF THE SAUKS, NEAR LAKE ERIE, THE 1ST DAY OF JANUARY, 1676.

Those of the Amikwas, or Beaver nation, who passed by our house of st. Ignace, told me that they were all going to winter together near lake Erie and they asked me for a missionary to accompany them. I offered to follow them wherever they might go. They set out ahead of me; and I left on the 8th of November with 2 Frenchmen, and with no other Guide than the Map that we had drawn in accordance with their reports.

We Navigated For 8 days -- sometimes to the East, sometimes to the southeast, passing nearly Always by poor lands, without Rivers and without any fine timber; one sees there nothing but small firs and other wretched trees with which the whole country is entirely Covered.

After 10 days' navigation, I Came upon a Cabin of some Indians called Passamaquoddy, married to some Algonquin women whom I had formerly seen at tadoussac and at Sillery. As these women are Christians and their children are baptized, they showed great joy at meeting so unexpectedly a missionary whom they had formerly seen more than 1000 miles from there. We started Together the next day, and going toward the south, we came to a wholly different country, in which were many lofty Oaks and Maples, and abundance of other Excellent timber; there were even fine apple-trees, from which the Hurons and Algonquins secure ample supplies.

On the 12th day of our journey, after Changing our direction to the southwest, we came to swampy lands, where we had great trouble in finding a Lodging-place. We were so uncomfortable there that -- being compelled by bad weather -- we Broke camp on the following morning, to retire to a recess in a cove, in which we were no better off. I found there another Cabin Of Passamaquoddy, married to some Nipissing women, whom I had an opportunity to instruct. On the following day, after starting in foggy weather, we took refuge in a cove where the rain and thunder detained us for a day. But a Northwest wind So chilled the air the following night that the cove was frozen over. We remained there as in a prison for 6 days, without any hope of going farther -- until we carried our Canoes and all our Baggage to an Islet close by; there, breaking the ice in front of us, we Embarked successfully.

On the Following day, the 1st of December, we left the lake to Enter a fine River, where navigation is easier. The approach of winter compelled us to be diligent; and while we pushed on as fast as we could, we missed a branch of a River which we had to Enter to follow our Route. This forced us to Retrace our steps, to Sleep at the Camping-place that we had left. On the Following day, I arrived at the Camp just abandoned by the Indians whom I was Seeking, and with whom I was to spend the winter. I saw evidences of the successful Hunt that they had had: the Remains of the bears, the Deer, and the Turkeys that they had killed, and of the pike and other fish that they had taken. This caused our people to rejoice; but I was grieved to see a large Dog suspended at the top of a painted pole, as a sacrifice to the sun. We Overturned everything, Broke the pole, and cast the Dog into the river, with the scalp of an extraordinarily large and hideous bear which had also been sacrificed.

On the 4th of December, we reached a place where the river divides into 2 branches. This is the country of the Sauks, which is advantageous as regards Hunting. There are all sorts of animals -- Stags, Deer, bears, Wild-cats, and others; and there is an abundance of Game. There are great Tracts covered with wild apple-trees, and lofty walnut-trees whose nuts are larger than those in France; they are Long, and like medium-sized oranges. On the banks of that River we saw some extraordinarily fine trees. They are taller and larger than Oaks, and of bushy growth; and Their Bark resembles Scales. As the leaves had all fallen, we could see only the fruit that they bear; these are round, and hang down from the branches, to which they are suspended by slender stalks as Long as one's finger.

Continuing our Route along a branch of the River, without Meeting either falls or Rapids, we Finally, on the 7th of December, arrived at Our wintering-place. There I found the Indians. Our Cabin was soon built, and also the Chapel. The foundation consisted of 3 logs from a great Oak, on which the Chapel was Built in the shape of a bower; the floor, the walls, and the ceiling were of Bark only.

My mission was not confined to the Indians who were Encamped with me, but I Extended it by excursions to those who were Hunting in the Neighborhood. With that object, I started on the 29th of December to go to the Nipissings, 20 or 25 miles away in the forest, to instruct them. On that journey, I saw the great damage caused to the timber by the Beavers, in the sections of the country where they are not Hunted. I found a great many of their Lodges several Stories high, built with an industry that causes us to admire the skill and energy of those animals in cutting large trees with their teeth, in dragging them, and in fitting them together in so adroit a manner that they are comfortably lodged.

I made a 2nd Excursion as Far as the Misissakis, a few days' journey from our residence. The cold was then severe; it Was about january. The nights especially were Exceedingly Cold. At last I reached those Indians. I spent some days in teaching the Catechism, in going from Cabin to Cabin to give Instructions, and in preparing some Christian trainees for baptism.

I also made some other Trips, after which I proceeded to our winter quarters, when I found that a sick Christian trainee had relied on the sun by sacrificing a Dog, which he had sacrificed by suspending it from the top of a long pole. I reprimanded him as he deserved, and also those who had participated in that Impious act. I ordered them, as a reparation for that sin, to make a large Cross, and to plant it on the bank of the river in front of the Chapel. This they did; and after I had blessed it, all the guilty ones came to make reparation to Jesus Christ.

I Continued to perform my duties until the middle of march. Finally, as the season that was suitable for our Return approached, I concluded That winter mission by a solemn Thanksgiving. We learned that among the mississaki Indians, who Had separated from us to go Hunting at a distance of some days' journey from where we were, 65 had died of hunger.

THE MISSION OF THE ABENAKIS AT SILLERY.

THE War that these Indian people, among whom the English dwell, wage against the English has given rise to this mission. We already knew the cause of the War, but we had not yet had positive news of the result, which has been disastrous to the English, through their own Imprudence. For, instead of attempting to avenge themselves only upon a single nation called the onnonrhaganis (Narragansetts?), who Had revolted against them, they attacked all the Indian tribes who Surround them, and who are numerous. The Extraordinary contempt in which they held those peoples, whom they have always treated Harshly, led them to Believe that it would be easy, either to destroy them Utterly, or to reduce them to such a condition that they would never again have to Fear a similar Revolt. But they have found themselves much hindered in asserting their claims, For they have hardly ever attacked the Indians without being repelled with heavy loss. So far has this gone that, once, out of 400 English soldiers barely 7 or 8 returned; in addition, a portion of the country that they inhabit was sacked; several villages were pillaged, Destroyed, and burned; and many english of both sexes were massacred or made slaves by those barbarians.

God has employed that war as a means for making The Gospel known to a portion of those Indian tribes -- to whom the English not only did not announce it, but even did not allow it to be announced. This will appear in a letter from Father Jacques Vaultier, who has charge of the Algonquin mission at Sillery.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES VAULTIER, WRITTEN FROM SILLERY ON THE IST OF JANUARY, 1677.

AT the beginning of the war that the Abenakis have waged with the English, many of them, dreading Its consequences, decided to take Refuge in the country inhabited by the French. Two tribes especially -- namely, that called the Sokoki Abenakis, and that of the Abenakis -- Carried out that plan, and set out upon their Journey about the beginning of The summer of 1675. The Sokoki Abenakis took the Road to Three Rivers, where they have settled; and the Abenakis found Shelter at this place, called Sillery, which was formerly so Renowned on account of the Algonquin missions. They arrived here in the middle of spring in 1676, after suffering during The winter from so unusual a famine that many of them died. No sooner had they established themselves here than we talked with them about the mysteries of our Religion.

A marked Change showed itself in the morals of the majority of them, and that, as regards trickeries and superstitions, they publicly declared that they had Renounced them; and that they even Repelled with One voice a stranger who dared to tell them that the quickest remedy in sickness was to rely on the demon. Also, despite the serious illnesses with which many of them were afflicted throughout the Summer, they never made use of those Diabolical Remedies; and some of them, on being requested by a trickster to prepare for him what was needed for talking to the Devil, openly resisted him.

As regards drunkenness, which is their greatest failing, almost all of them usually abstained from it. Many even seemed to have become Entirely free from that vice, avoiding occasions for relapsing into it and Resisting when they found themselves Allured to drink. Some added a public protestation that they would never give way to it if they could once obtain baptism.

Finally, as regards Impurity, in which They had observed no moderation before being instructed, they showed hardly any trace of their Former lust after their instruction. But, as they had come to this place only since May, 1676, and as nearly all of them left in November in the same year, to go to their winter quarters, Each band to their own district, it was decided that they needed a longer trial to test their constancy.

THE TADOUSSAC MISSION.

THE Tadoussac Mission includes a great many tribes that come from the north to carry on their petty trade with the French. Father de Crespieul and Father Boucher have spent the winter with them.

Here is a short Extract from the journal that Father Crespieul has written of his winter mission.

Reverend Father,

On the 6th of September, the Indians Came from all sides; and in a few days they formed 13 large Cabins, which gave me a great deal of occupation in Instructing them, and in Administering to them the holy sacraments. I do not know who were the most diligent at prayer and at the Instructions: the Innu, the Algonquins, the Abenakis, the Eskimo, the Naskapi Innu, and the Papinachois Innu; or the Mistassini Innu at Kwakonchiwets, who had come down to this place for the first time. They were delighted to see our new church so far advanced and so well Adorned, for they had never before seen a Chapel.

After three weeks, we left Chicoutimi, Father Boucher and I, to Go to Lake st. John. We were 4 days on the Road; suffering from bad weather, snow, wind, and cold; being chilled through in our Canoes.

The Indians gave us no slight consolation by their patient Endurance of the fatigues that they underwent on the Rivers and the Lakes. On the 2nd of November, we arrived at Metabetchouan, where many Indians had been awaiting us for 8 days. They fed us with everything that they could procure. We were Delighted to see and to be able to Instruct there 5 Cabins of our Indians of Lac Saint-Jean, and 4 families Of Algonquins from Three Rivers, who had come there solely for that purpose, when they learned from some others that we were to spend the winter there. Others, on learning of our arrival, came and sought us.

Some Mistassini Innu arrived, and asked me to aid them. Father boucher Immediately Embarked for that purpose, and Encamped 5 miles from here; he confessed 2 families of Maliseets, and Consoled a poor widow, with her relatives, for the loss of her husband. He Had been drowned a few days before in the lake, on which he was surprised by a storm after venturing to Embark alone in his Canoe, to come to us at Chicoutimi, and to Bring us here with the others.

The Father Afterward went to winter with the Naskapi Innu. I left on the 30th of November, together with 8 families, to Enter the forest. We had to Endure a great deal of bad weather before we could encamp. On the following day, God gave us an elk for our subsistence. Hunger compelled us to decamp on the feast of st. francis Xavier with much trouble and Inconvenience. We Encamped at some distance in the forest, opposite the Island of Metabetchouan which reminded me every day of the peril that I had there Avoided in a Canoe.

We remained in this place until the 7th of January, 1677, continuing always to Instruct those poor Indians; and Enduring cheerfully in those bark Cabins The severity of a piercing cold, the lack of food, and a thousand other petty Inconveniences.

On the 7th of January, we proceeded to Encamp at the River of The Iroquois -- so called because they were killed and defeated there. The fog and the bad weather without snow, which Prevented the Hunters from Running down The Elk, made us Suffer to an Extraordinary degree.

On the 5th of June, I started from Metabetchouan with 19 canoes, and Encamped at Kouspahigan, where 7 large cabins of Indians awaited us.

On the 6th, we reached Chicoutimi where I was kept fully occupied amid more than 400 persons, whom I had to instruct. After this, I Embarked for the Tadoussac Mission, to which I was Invited, and from where I shall return, as soon as I can, to Chicoutimi. Then I shall go to Lac Saint-Jean.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER BOUCHER.

ALTHOUGH fatigue and sufferings be Inseparable from our winter stays with the Nomad Indians, -- who dwell in one place only so long as the Game supplies them with means of subsistence, -- I have spent the winter with much pleasure; for I have derived much Consolation from the piety of the Indians whom I accompanied into the woods. My host and his wife behaved well; and I must bear this testimony in their favor that I have never yet seen better Christians.

As I had to go in the spring to the Papinachois Innu, I was compelled to start early from Lac Saint-Jean, so not to lose the opportunity of the barque that was to take me at tadoussac. We were eleven days on the Road, instead of the 3 Usually spent in that journey. During that period, we suffered everything that people can Endure who, Laden with packs, have to spend most of the time up to their Knees in half-frozen water; and who, after becoming thoroughly fatigued, are without hatchets with which to Cut wood, or bark with which to Shelter themselves, and have no other bed than the Snow. Besides, the provisions that we had taken for 3 days had to Last us for Eleven, for we had neither gunpowder nor lead to Hunt with.

We arrived at 1st at tadoussac where I Embarked to go to the Papinachois Innu and to the seven Islands. There I found many Indians who showed a great desire to be instructed, and others who are now Christians in name only, for they have not seen a missionary for a long time.

After losing the anchorage where we were to take Shelter from the heavy weather, The northeast wind freshened, and became so furious during a dark night that it compelled us to Heave to; and, what is extraordinary, it caused us to drift 45 miles across in 4 or 5 hours, -- so that, while we estimated being not far from the shore on the north side, we were south of the point of bik Island, between 3 Rocky Islets. The sea was so high, and its waves broke over us so often, that The entire Crew were compelled to remain in the Cabin. Finally, a sea heavier than the others Overturned everything in the Hold; and 2 sailors who were ordered to go there found that we were near the shore, and began to Call out: "Land, Land! We are lost; let Everyone come out of the Cabin!" We cast anchor, and found ourselves safely Moored in 30 yards of water. It lacked only The time needed to say a prayer for us to have been lost beyond recovery.

THE MISSION OF THE GOOD SHEPHERD AT RIVIERE DU LOUP. EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER MORAIN, WRITTEN ON THE 20TH OF JUNE, 1677.

THIS Mission is composed of two tribes, -- namely, the Micmacs and the Maliseets, -- the Maliseets have not been Instructed. Consequently, they are averse to Christianity, and are Exceedingly addicted to drunkenness, to trickery, and to polygamy. The other tribe -- the Micmacs -- have been instructed; but it is so long since they have had a Missionary that they have almost Forgotten The Instruction that they had received. I shall say of Each tribe what especially concerns it.

The Maliseets are a tribe of about 400 or 500 people, as far as I can judge, whose country consists of Three Rivers on the south Side as regards the river Saint Lawrence -- namely, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, and the River st. John. As the River st. John is the largest of the three, and is one of the finest rivers of Canada after the Saint Lawrence River, its banks are also more thickly populated than those of the others. Although they have but one language, it still has Some variation in proportion as they live Farther away from here and, as those of Penobscot are nearer the Abenakis, their language also resembles that of the Abenakis more closely. They are wanderers and nomads, more than any other people in this country, and have communication Equally with us and with the English of new England. Those of Penobscot are allied in war with the Abenakis against the English.

As This is their country, they are the most numerous In this mission. At first, they seemed to me to have a great contempt for prayer, to which many of them did not take the trouble to come, although they were at the door of the Chapel. But afterward, by force of urging them in public, -- and through the report made to them by those who came to The Instruction, concerning what I said about the absent, -- and especially by visiting them in their Cabins, they all ended by coming, with few exceptions, regularly to prayer. Toward the end, I saw that many were beginning to accustom themselves to it, and no longer to find It so strange. Some even abandoned their wives, and retained only one. The Picture of a damned person, which I Exhibited in the Chapel, inspired them with beneficial ideas, as some told me. Considering the short time in which we have Instructed them, they are not so addicted to drunkenness as they were. You would say of many that they are beginning to understand that it is wrong to become Intoxicated, and to be disinclined to do so deliberately.

What also leads me to hope that these people will submit is that they are not lacking in Respect for the Archbishops (therefore the Indians of the south call the missionaries); they listen to them readily and pay attention to what they tell them. Their Nomad and Wandering life is a great obstacle to their Instruction; but I hope that the Fields that have been offered them for the cultivation of Indian corn, and the Chapel that is to be built for them, will persuade them to become stationary to some extent, -- or, at least, to come Here more constantly throughout the spring.

The Micmacs are also a tribe of About 400 or 500 people, Scattered along the sea-coast From Gaspe To Cape Breton. Their language differs from that of the Maliseets; and although they are neighbors, they do not love each other much, and have no close relations with each other. They are Here as in a foreign country; consequently the whole tribe does not gather here. There is only a band of nearly 200 people who follow a Chief who has an affection for this spot. From What I have seen, They seem much more humane and more gentle than the Maliseets, and they are not so inclined to vice. I shall not say much about them at present, because I have seen little of them, since I have been with them during only 7 or 8 days.

Although they have forgotten the Instruction that they had received, -- because for several years they have been taught For only 2 months, during Which time Reverend Father Richard, who had formerly been their Teacher, saw them 2 years ago, -- They still preserve Something of their Former Christianity. And, although they still retain many Things connected with their superstitions and their trickeries, I Think that they could easily be weaned from these if they could be made to remain stationary. But they are untiring Hunters who never stop, and who have not the patience to Remain 8 Days in one place without returning to their Hunting.

YEAR 1678

THE YEARS 1677 AND 1678. SENT TO REVEREND FATHER PIERRE DE VERTHAMONT, PROVINCIAL OF THE JESUITS IN THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE.

IROQUOIS MISSIONS.

FATHER Jean de Lamberville, the superior of these Missions, writes me that our Fathers suffer great persecutions there -- both from the Indians addicted to liquor, who are becoming more and more unbearable; and from those who try to renew the war against the French. Both carry their insolence so far that our missionaries are frequently struck, pursued in the streets, driven from the cabins, and threatened with cruel massacre, so war may be brought on by their death.

Father Jean de Lamberville adds that, although he has frequently seen the hatchet lifted above his head, he has still within a year baptized at Onondaga thirty-six children and twenty-three adults -- all of whom, with the exception of twelve, died after baptism. Within the same period, his brother, Father Jacques de Lamberville, and Father Bruyas, who have charge of the Mohawk villages, have baptized more than forty persons there, most of whom have already taken possession of heaven.

Father Millet has baptized fifty-two persons at Oneida. Father de Carheil, who has suffered most from the fury of the Iroquois, and who, within two years, has been in constant danger of immediate death, has still administered baptism at Cayuga to more than fifty persons; and has sent to Paradise more than forty children.

Farther on, Fathers Raffeix and Garnier, who are at Seneca where the danger is greater (because this is the nation more particularly anxious for war), have this year administered baptism to two hundred and twelve Indians, among them being more than seventy children, a portion of whom have gone to swell the number of heaven.

IROQUOIS MISSION OF SAINT FRANCOIS XAVIER DU SAULT, DURING THE YEAR 1677.

FATHER Fremin, who is the superior of this Iroquois Mission, informs me, by a letter from Father Cholenec, of its flourishing condition since it has been established a little above La Prairie, Quebec, at the foot of Lachine Rapids, on the river Saint Lawrence.

THE OTTAWAS MISSIONS.

FATHER Henri Nouvel, who is the superior of those Missions, writes me that the Indians there belong to two different tribes. The first and most numerous is that of the Kiskakon Ottawas, consisting of five hundred people. "Their village," he says, "is near our Chapel of Saint Ignace at Mackinac. The chiefs and most notable elders of the Kiskakon Ottawas are Christians, and perform their duties well, as do also the majority of the women and children. Christianity is held in esteem among them, and their ancient superstitions are despised."

The Father adds that he is a witness of the labors performed by Father Pierson for his Church of the Petun Hurons, among whom he has this year baptized five adults and twenty-six children, in our chapel of Saint Ignace.

As for Father Bailloquet, he does no less good in the neighborhood of lake Huron.

Father Druillettes governs the mission of Sault Ste. Marie, where the Indians from all quarters land during the summer. Broken down by age, and worn out as he is by past fatigues and many infirmities, the good Father still labors with almost unparalleled energy.

Father Charles Albanel, who is superior of the Missions of Saint Francois Xavier in Green Bay, informs me of the success of his labors, and of those of our Fathers who are engaged in instructing the neighboring tribes. He writes me that the Mission of Saint Francois Xavier is a center; and that, from time to time, the Indians gather there from all quarters, and come to be instructed in the fine chapel that we have built there.

Father Andre has administered baptism to more than one hundred Christian trainees; Father Silvy, to about thirty among the Mascouten; and Father Allouez to a considerable number among the Meskwakis and elsewhere.

TADOUSSAC MISSIONS, TO THE EAST AND NORTH OF QUEBEC.

THESE Missions comprise that of the Micmacs and Maliseets, that of the Papinachois Innu, and that of the Innu and other Northern nations. Father Morain has charge of the first, Father Boucher of the second, and Father Crepieul of the third.

Father Morain, who has his residence at the Mission of the Good Shepherd near riviere du Loup, was compelled during a portion of the summer to seek his flock in the woods.

Father Boucher spent the winter with the Papinachois Innu, who dwell below Tadoussac, which no missionary has yet done. Although the Father saw all his plans thwarted by the faithlessness of those who were to take him to the Indians' rendezvous, he still set out, although weakened by a long illness, and by a great scarcity of food, which he had endured for more than three months. In the severest period of the winter, -- without provisions, and without any bark to shelter him during the night, -- after eight days of fatigue, he reached the lake on which some Indian cabins were erected.

As soon as his arrival became known, those who were only 30 or 37 miles away came to him at once. The fervor of the older Christians, the regret of the erring ones, and the strong inclination for baptism shown by several infidels, soon made him forget his past fatigues. He lived with them during the remainder of the winter.

Father de Crepieul tells me that he spent all of last winter in continual expeditions, seeking for strayed sheep. At the end of last summer, Providence made him travel 150 miles, from Chicoutimi to Tadoussac, for the salvation of an Indian girl, who awaited his arrival that she might go to heaven; and for the purpose of administering baptism to eleven children. After this, he returned to Chicoutimi to perform the same act of charity for another Indian girl.

Father de Crepieul then left that place to go up to Lac Saint-Jean, which he had no sooner reached than Indians, in number sufficient to fill twenty canoes, came to be instructed in the fine chapel built on the shore of the lake. After some time, he had to leave this post, being called to Chicoutimi, where many Indians awaited him; and he made them perform all the Christian exercises in another Chapel, built at that spot.

He remained there some days and then set out for Quebec, where he had not been for a year. He had only time to perform the spiritual exercises there, after which he embarked to return to Tadoussac. On his way, he found almost everywhere opportunities of doing fruitful work -- especially while going up to Chicoutimi and to Saint Jean; for these journeys, performed in a canoe and late in the season, are arduous. One must be exposed to rain, snow, and frost; must sleep on the Sand, or on rocks; must shiver with cold all night, without being able to warm oneself, and endure hunger; and must pass through a thousand dangers amid whirlpools and rapids.

After enduring all these discomforts many times, going and returning between Tadoussac and Lac Saint-Jean, he finally remained at Lac Saint-Jean at the beginning of last winter, with the intention of passing that season there in receiving the Indians, -- who go there from a distance of 40 or 50 miles on all sides.

Thus did Father de Crepieul pass his winter. In the following spring, he was obliged to leave Lac Saint-Jean and proceed to Chicoutimi, where he was expected by a great number of Indians -- Mistassini Innu, Maliseets, Abenakis, Papinachois Innu, Naskapi Innu, Algonquins, and Innu.

YEAR 1679

NEW FRANCE, IN 1679.

THE MISSION TO THE OTTAWAS.

The Ottawas comprise a large number of different and quite Important nations. We have divided them into 3 principal missions, where we have three residences, -- namely, Sault Ste. Marie, which lies at the outflow of lake superior, and which is especially the resort of nations from the north; St. Ignace at Mackinac, for the various peoples who are on lake Huron; and St. Francois Xavier, for the people on Green Bay, and for other nations that lie more toward the south.

THE MISSION OF ST. IGNACE AT MACKINAC.

IT Comprises four quite distinct missions: that of lake Huron, That of the Nipissings, that of the Hurons of the Petun, and that of some Ottawas who have settled at St. Ignace.

THE MISSION OF THE APOSTLES ON THE LAKE OF THE HURONS, AND OF THAT OF THE NIPISSINGS.

FATHER Pierre Bailloquet has charge of these two missions; he has worked hard in them and suffered much for six years, since he must Seek out these peoples, who are scattered in various places along these two lakes, and cover more than 500 miles of country, which he accomplishes in a Canoe during the summer, and in winter over the ice, with Incredible hardships.

He has been many times in danger of being murdered by some of the more sinful among these Indians, who would not suffer his reproofs. One of them three times raised a hatchet over his head; others have Driven him from their Cabins and closed their doors on him when he called to Instruct them, or to look for their sick. Others have made him obnoxious by their slanders Because he combated their superstitions and diabolical trickeries.

THE HURON AND ALGONQUIN MISSIONS WHICH ARE AT ST. IGNACE, AT MACKINAC.

THE condition of these missions will be Understood from the letter written to me by Father Jean Enjalran, who went up last year to the Ottawas. He Begins as follows:

"Fathers nouvel and piercon, with whom I have been living this year, have left to me the charge of gathering information of all that has happened here since the last news that they sent you.

"The Algonquin Mission here has been Composed, this winter, of four different nations; that of the Kiskakon Ottawas, who are Christians, is the most Important. They have comprised, altogether, about 1,300 people, -- which is a somewhat large number in these areas, where the Indians live so widely apart. I do not include in this number those who have come in at different times and have made some stay here. The Huron mission of Petun, of which father piercon has charge, consists of 500 people; There were but 300 during the winter, the others having gone hunting with a part of their families. These two missions are 2 miles apart.

"Now I come to the Algonquin mission. Father nouvel took a lodging, at the close of November in 1677, in a small bark cabin, situated between the village of the Kiskakon Ottawas and the new village of the Ottawas. It was distant 2 miles from the house in which we usually live, and where the church of St. Ignace stands, which does service for the Hurons, especially in winter, at which time our Algonquins cannot assemble. I took up my abode in it 8 or 10 Days after, on the vigil of st. francis xavier. It would perhaps be thought that the little experience I have of this sort of habitation makes me exaggerate its discomfort, were I to tell all that we have suffered in it; but that would not prevent its being quite true that the smoke alone, not to speak of other discomforts, has caused us more distress than can be imagined. We had built a small bark church Adjoining our Cabin, in which, when we wished to escape the smoke, the cold would not permit us to remain long.

"I shall close with a Circumstance which happened at the end of our wintering. Before we withdrew to our house of st. Ignace, we formed the plan of planting a Cross, to satisfy the devotion of the Kiskakon Ottawas, who Had often expressed The desire to see one set up in their village.

"We singled out a person to Cut and bring the tree. Those who were engaged in the work set about their task with much pleasure. A Young man of the Ottawas cleverly made a lance and sponge to represent the mystery of the death of Jesus Christ, and to set off the Cross by this embellishment. We planted it on the Saturday before passion Sunday.

"That evening, the same two infidel Indians came to us; and having expressed their pleasure at the planting of the Cross, they added that they came to inform us that several persons were surprised at seeing the lance and the sponge attached to the Cross -- features which they had not observed on the Crosses which are in lands where the French have settlements. 'You will say that I speak amiss,' said one of these, 'and that I am not qualified to speak on these Matters, because I have two wives. But I state only the feelings of some of the most distinguished among all the nations who are here assembled, and who believe that the lance means that the Iroquois are soon to cause us to perish, and that Jesus is about to deliver us into the hands of our enemies.'

"We also learned a somewhat remarkable Fact, -- that the Sioux put to death upon the Cross those whom they capture in war; For, in that country, these are the Only persons whom they put to death. They also offer drink to their victims in a vessel of bark fastened to the end of a pole; this also affords our Indians a pretext for disliking the Cross, because the Sioux are their enemies. We tried to persuade these poor, blind people, and they withdrew, apparently satisfied, -- especially when we told them that for 4 years the Hurons had venerated every year, on that Day, in our church of St. Ignace, a Cross which has on it all the Instruments used at the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ.

"The next day, all the People assembled to venerate the cross. After they had said some prayers, they fired two volleys as a salute to it. At the first volley, the sponge was struck with a ball; and at the second, the lance was thrown down, struck by two or three Bullets. If we had not, on the Spot, shown our resentment, the contempt that had just been shown for the most sacred thing of our Religion would have been an occasion for mockery. In few but strong words, we made them understand the infamy of the act, and we abruptly withdrew into the Chapel. The door was at once closed upon everyone.

"Our Indians seemed struck with Consternation, and we could not refrain from permitting to come into our Cabin at least a few of the most Distinguished men of all the nations, who came to us to express the embarrassment that they felt at an Insult which we had so deeply resented. 'I rightly told you' (a Kiskakon Ottawa, who is not yet a Christian, said to me) 'that we live in this country like Dogs, without order or rule.' Each expressed, in various ways, his disapproval. The old men would have wished that the Young men of Each nation had taken different locations, so the Guilty ones might be found out. One man went into the woods to Cut two small trees, and he and his brothers worked all that evening in making a lance and a Sponge, and in restoring everything to the same condition in which it had been before.

"We found, the next day at Dawn, that all had been mended; and as we had pointed out that it would be wise to enclose it with a small palisade, that was carried out even better than we could have desired. When they had finished, the Kiskakon Ottawas, whom the affront more particularly affected, came in a Body into our Cabin, bearing a wampum Collar, and said: 'We come to make amends to Jesus Christ, and to appease him, making reparation for the insolence of those who have outraged him.'

"It was then Agreed that all who had been present at the affront should be present also at the reparation; and that, after the Kiskakon Ottawas had presented their Collar to Jesus Christ, and we in his name had accepted it, the chiefs of other nations should speak by turns, declaring that the action of their Young men displeased them, and urging all to honor Jesus Christ on his Cross. From that Insult done to the Cross, there accrued more honor to Jesus Christ than we would have been able to procure for him by the Instructions of many years."

THE MISSIONS OF ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER, IN GREEN BAY.

THE Residence of st. Francois Xavier is situated 5 miles from the foot of Green Bay, on the river which discharges its waters there. It forms the center of all the missions which are carried on among the neighboring peoples, -- whether on Green Bay, where there are six nations speaking two different languages; or among the Meskwaki, where there are four nations; or among the Mascoutens, who Number as many as 12 nations, speaking 3 different languages, and who, when gathered together in this village, aggregate at least 20,000 people.

We have had as Many as 7 or 8 Gospel workers within the last six years, -- who, besides the large number of nations that have kept them closely occupied, owing to the diversity of so many languages, have had far more to do in combating the vices to which these peoples are subject.

They are inclined to idolatry, offering almost constantly sacrifices to the sun, to the thunder, to bears, to the bison, and to The special divinity which Each of them has chosen in his dreams. To their special divinity they attribute all the good luck of their wars, their Hunting, and their fishing, -- As, on the Other hand, they attribute their sicknesses and all other misfortunes to some evil spirit, or to some spell that has been Cast upon them. To Drive this away, they practice a thousand sorts of trickeries over their sick people, which are only shams, -- the tricksters or medicine-men pretending to draw from the Bodies of the sick either stones, or wood, or hair, or other things. Sometimes, like our own charlatans, they execute this cleverly, to not be found out in their deceit; sometimes, with horrible Cries, Conjoined with most extraordinary postures and contortions of the Body; and, finally, with festivities and superstitious dances, which they prescribe for the cure of the sick. Besides, all the Indians of these parts are passionately attached to These fooleries and superstitions and to all their sacrifices; and this it is that gives so much trouble to missionaries.

All our fathers of this residence divide themselves into three groups, so they can carry on three different missions. Father Charles albanel has charge of st. Francois Xavier, and has been superior of it since his return from France in 1676; that was after he had made the discovery, by land, of Hudson Bay. He accomplished a 1st journey there, in which he suffered all that can be imagined. Subsequently, he was captured by the english, who were at Hudson bay, and carried to England, from there to France; but he gave himself no rest until he had recrossed the ocean. And after all These fatigues and so much travel, he had hardly disembarked at Quebec when he offered himself for fresh labors, and, 3 days after, was notified to go up to the Ottawas and to proceed to our most remote missions. This he did with great Joy and Courage, becoming there prematurely old and Broken down, -- as he now is, at Green Bay, -- the summer after his arrival from France. Only after his death shall we become Acquainted with the Events that took place during his last journey from Hudson Bay; his Companion in travel has refused the account of it, which he Will not Communicate to anyone until after the death of the father. The public loses, in this way, many matters of great education.

THE MISSIONS WHICH ARE ON GREEN BAY.

FATHER Louis Andre has labored Indefatigably for many years in the missions of Green Bay, which he has had assigned to him as his portion. He has found the people fierce, proud, superstitious, and given to every species of vice. His patience has borne with their Insults. His Courage has Traversed, almost Unceasingly, all their territory, amid the many dangers of death that he has escaped. His firmness has bravely resisted their idolatry. At the present time, he Counts more than 500 Christians on the whole bay.

He must be Constantly in the Field, for the Reason that these six nations are distant from one another 25 or 37 miles. Fathers Allouez and silvy have also taken part in the labors of this mission; but their main occupation has been in that to the Meskwaki and the Mascoutens, which are the large villages that Contain more than 20,000 people.

THE MISSIONS OF ST. MARC AMONG THE MESKWAKI, AND OF ST. JAQUES AMONG THE MASCOUTENS.

THOSE two fathers have had charge of these missions -- sometimes conjointly, and at other times separately. They have planted everywhere the Cross, which everywhere, also, is held in veneration. They have built Chapels there, at which the crowd of people has always been great, in order to hear the Instructions. They have taught them there, in the Cabins, and sometimes have been obliged to preach in the streets. They have healed many sick people by baptism, which they have Conferred on more than 500 persons.

Father Bonnault last year took the place of father Silvy, who is at present in the missions of tadoussac; and father Allouez has gone to take that of the late father Marquette, in the mission of the Illinois, an appendage of the Ottawas.

THE IROQUOIS MISSIONS.

WE are about to speak of missions of another kind, in which there are only troubles, rebuffs, insults, Threats, and almost everywhere a horrible Image of death, -- especially during the last 3 or 4 years, in which the Iroquois have been bent on waging war with us; For during all that time, the missionaries have been in continual danger of being murdered. Councils have been held among the evil-minded old men, in which the resolution was taken to dispatch them; and the executioners were even named, so that their death might inaugurate war. Then, the Young men became extremely insolent to the fathers. They have pursued them in the streets with stones, have struck them with their fists, and have thrown themselves upon them, Knife in hand; They have assaulted them in their Cabins and chapels, which they have demolished. They have regarded them as slaves who are at their mercy, or rather as public victims, doomed to die, -- to whom it would be granting a favor only to split their skulls with Blows of the hatchet, without burning them with the cruelties with which they usually torment their Captives.

Although these things are distressing, and Apt to make life pass heavily, they do not disturb the missionaries as much as does the drunkenness which holds sway among the Iroquois, as if in its own empire; and which presents a Picture of hell through the great disorders it Occasions. One may witness, for many Days in succession, an all-prevailing drunkenness in the villages; that means that the greater number of men, being drunk, behave like madmen, and run about everywhere through the streets and into the Cabins, as if possessed. They commit at these times a thousand insolent actions; they fight, and tear one another with their teeth; one casts one's eyes on the wounded, the dead, and on children cast into the fire. And when the women take upon themselves to get drunk, -- as is often the case; for they even bring up their children in this vice, taking pleasure in leading through the streets in triumph, a Young boy or girl, 10 or eleven years of age, completely drunk, -- when the women, as well as the men take part in it, it can be imagined what Confusion and disorder that Produces. A poor missionary is compelled to remain Hidden in his Chapel for several days, without daring to come out, Nor is he left even there in quiet; For often the drunkards try to enter, sometimes breaking in the doors and windows. Often, the father, surprised in the streets by these Infuriated men, has to take to flight; and if he do not Run faster than they, he may well Fear to be badly treated by them.

Despite all these obstacles, they have built everywhere chapels in which God is honored. They have fervent Christians, and a good number of them -- including even some of the most eminent Captains of the nation, They have persuaded all these Indians of their mischievous beliefs, as regards either their dreams or their false divinities. They have proclaimed everywhere the name of Jesus Christ and have made him known to the people, who are now all thoroughly Instructed in our mysteries.

They have baptized more than 4 thousand Iroquois, of whom a good part are in possession of eternal happiness. And so, they have brought things to such a condition that, to see Christianity thoroughly and firmly established among the Iroquois, nothing more is needed than to uproot their intemperate habits. It Will be readily Seen that there is here no exaggeration, of either the good or the evil, if a little consideration be given to what we are about to relate more in detail.

The Iroquois are composed of Five different nations, distributed among 8 or 10 villages; and that we have among them likewise five missions, and have had there, for six years, as Many as ten missionaries.

The nation of Mohawk lies nearest to New Netherland; that of Oneida is distant from the Mohawk nation some 87 miles Westward; that of Onondaga, 25 miles farther away, is the Center of all these nations; 42 miles beyond is Cayuga; and lastly, 62 miles still farther on, are situated the 3 villages of Seneca.

Father Jaques Bruyas, who is the superior of all those missions, labored for several years at the Mohawk nation, until he had to go elsewhere and father Francois vaillant took his place, -- as father Jaques lamberville had taken the place of the late father Boniface in the two villages of Mohawk. Father Pierre millet is the missionary at ounneiout. Father Bruyas is at present missionary at Onondaga, having succeeded father Jean de lamberville. Father estienne de Carheil has charge of Cayuga; and father Pierre Raffeix with father Julien garnier, of the villages of Seneca, in which father Jean pierron has labored with much success, as he had before done at the Mohawk nation.

They possess everywhere chapels, in which the Christians and Christian trainees assemble every Day to say prayers and to be Instructed. Despite the great hindrances that drunkenness puts in the Way of the gospel, one can Judge of the fruits which the missionaries have reaped during Six years not only by the number of the baptized, but much more by the Christian virtues which the converted Iroquois practice.

ST. OF THE FAITH OF THE CHRISTIAN IROQUOIS.

All the good that is done by the Iroquois church of La Prairie, Quebec is a result of the faith of the Christian Iroquois, since It is to Preserve their faith that they have taken refuge there. They saw clearly that they could not live as good Christians in the Babylon of the vices that prevail in their own country; they preferred to lose all rather than sacrifice their faith. It is for that reason that they have courageously abandoned their country, their relatives and friends, their lands, and the few goods and conveniences that they possessed in their country, to come into a strange land, to live there mostly in poverty, and stripped of everything, in the hope of securing their faith.

It was touching to witness the public goodbye of a good Iroquois woman of Onondaga when she set out from there with her 3 daughters for La Prairie, Quebec. She divided all her small belongings among her relatives and friends; and taking with her only what she could carry in her hands, -- a Rush mat, and a little food, -- she made her daughter walk before her, and, therefore equipped, left Joyously her native country.

The departure of forty Mohawks, -- men, women, and children, -- whom father Boniface sent down here all together, was still more touching. They left their village, named gandaouage, which they regarded only as a place of abomination. When they arrived at our territories, some chose to go to the mission of La Prairie, Quebec, near Montreal; the rest to that of Lorette, near Quebec; and all were delighted at seeing their faith in safe-keeping, even at the cost of all the goods that they had in the world.

THE HOPE OF THE CHRISTIAN IROQUOIS.

Father Jean de lamberville relates: "A poor old woman, blind for a long time, who had been baptized by father millet, inspired me. A drunkard, who had just maimed another old woman, burst into her cabin. The only person who was near her took to flight, and abandoned her to this madman -- who with a cudgel battered her entire face, Broke her jaw, cut open her cheeks, and covered her head and shoulders with gaping wounds, leaving her on the spot for dead. Although it was taken amiss that I should treat the wounds of this old woman, for whom less pity was shown than for a Dog, I bound them up and Comforted her as well as I could, which evoked the remark from some persons that it was a good thing to be a Christian, since the black gowns therefore assisted, even to death, those who had loved prayer."

THE PIETY AND DEVOTION OF THE CHRISTIAN IROQUOIS.

SINCE the year 1673, prayer has been offered at gandaouage, -- which is one of the villages of Mohawk, of which father Boniface has had charge, -- both morning and evening, as steadily as in the best-regulated families of France. Several little children, 7 or 8 years of age, have formed their own little Choir. It is a pleasure to see these little innocents marshaling themselves in the Chapel and rendering to God their homage as well as do those most advanced in age.

A little Cradle, prepared at Christmas, illuminated with a number of lights and adorned with evergreens, excited to a wonderful degree the devotion of the Christians, who in their Hymns gave the infant Jesus tokens of their gratitude and love. There was no way of resisting the requests which came from those who are still infidels, to go in and Gratify their Curiosity by a lengthy Survey of what rendered the spot pleasing to their eyes. The festival was spent in Singing and praying -- for a longer time than usual, despite the severity of the cold. Their devotion toward this endearing mystery is so tender that the father permitted them to Go on with their tunes and Christmas carols Until easter.

But would it be readily believed that the Ceremony of the blessed bread takes place every Sunday at the Mohawk nation? -- that means, among people who have been reputed cannibals; who in former times gorged themselves not only on the Flesh of their enemies, but even of those who announced to them the gospel. She who provides the blessed bread serves a slight meal to all the Christians at her home, at which the prayer before and after meals is said.

Crosses and medals are their most precious jewels; they treasure them so dearly that they carry them round their Necks, Even into the religious meetings of New Netherland, where the heretics have never succeeded in snatching away a single bead from their Rosaries.

Since we were in possession of this precious trust, a complete Transformation has taken place in the church of Mohawk; old Christians have regained their former fervor, and the number of the freshly-converted goes on increasing from Day to Day. We unveiled a precious statue on the Day of the Conception of the immaculate virgin, with all the Ceremony in our power, and while chanting her litanies in the Iroquois language. We uncover it only on Saturday evenings during the Singing of the same litanies; and on every Sunday it remains exposed to the sight of our Christians, who on that Day assemble 3 times to recite the Beads before their good mother and protectress.

VIRTUES REQUISITE IN MISSIONARIES TO THE IROQUOIS.

Father Jean de lamberville describes How he Managed to baptize a sick Child who the tricksters were sure would get well, provided the black gown did not baptize him. "This was founded," the father says, "on the fact that the children, whom the mother of the little sick one had before borne, had died after baptism -- a circumstance which had been trumpeted abroad, and had given rise to the saying that to baptize children was to shorten their Days. Because of this, I was closely watched when I went to visit the sick ones, -- so Much so that I was not permitted to sit near this Child, as I formerly had. His father always placed himself between me and him. I told him that we did not baptize people by force; that I came solely to know the state of his child's health, and to show the interest that I took in his affliction. But all my politeness helped nothing. They received from my hand all the little dainties that I brought to the sick Child, but would not allow me to give them myself.

They carried this distrust to such lengths that I was made to sit down on the other side of the fire in the Cabin, which I refrained from leaving until dusk, so I might baptize the dying one without the knowledge of his parents, who watched me closely during the Day. All my attempts, however, were useless. Finally, having learned that the infant was in a bad way, I hid in my hand a little sponge and went at night to visit him for the last time. They told me of the Critical condition in which he was. I got up directly, saying, 'I will tell you at once, by touching his temples, whether he Will die soon.' Without waiting for them to reply to me, I passed my hand under the Covering which Concealed him, and baptized him. I said, in retiring, that he suffered from a burning fever, and that he was all in a sweat; this Was true, but It was also to Conceal from his mother what I had just done. She immediately said that I had baptized him and that his head was quite wet.

Instantly, the father seized my hand, and told me that I had wet fingers. I smiled, saying that his son, whom I had just touched, was all in a sweat, -- to which he had nothing to reply. After exchanging two or 3 words, I took my leave, deciding to play the part of one hard to please, and to make myself much in request, in Case I were recalled. This happened, for, the Child being at the point of death, the father and mother persuaded themselves that, if he were baptized, it might be that he would not die like the others, and that the master of life might restore his health. He died, however, before they met me; therefore they could not attribute his death to baptism."

DEDUCTION FROM WHAT HAS BEEN SAID OF THE IROQUOIS MISSIONS.

The missionaries have lived in the midst of the manifest dangers of death during the 3 years in which the Iroquois have talked of making war upon us; they have been unwilling to leave their missions, although urged to do so by their friends, who informed them of the evil plans upon their persons.

We learn of more than 300 baptisms Conferred during this last year. In the previous year, they had baptized 350 Iroquois; in the year before, father garnier had baptized 55 in one of the villages of Seneca; father de Carheil, as many at Cayuga; father Millet, 45 at Oneida; father Jaques de lamberville, more than 30 at one of the villages of Mohawk; and father Bruyas, in another, 80; father Jean de lamberville, 72 at Onondaga; and father pierron, 90 at Seneca. It has been computed that, in a single year, they have passed into heaven more than 200 sick children and adults, all dying after baptism.

THE IROQUOIS MISSION AT LA PRAIRIE, QUEBEC AND ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER DU SAULT.

WHAT has maintained this Mission in its fervor during the 12 years since it was established, has been the fundamental law that no drunkenness is allowed there, and no persons are received who are addicted to that vice, Unless they have resolved upon correcting it. They are admonished to this effect the moment they offer themselves as residents here; and are publicly notified that, if they become addicted to this sin, they Will be Expelled.

This law has produced two good effects. First, as it is drunkenness which gives Rise to all the disorders among Indians, this vice being banished, this mission always Maintains its good condition. The 2nd is that, the fame of this excellent regulation having gone abroad through all the villages of the Iroquois, the effect has been that in large numbers they leave their own country, in which the excesses which drink Causes are horrible; so that, to free themselves from them, they come and settle down in this territory, in which there is no drinking. It is this which has populated this mission with Iroquois, who are continually flocking to it from all the nations, especially from that of Mohawk.

Two remarkable facts may be noticed: first, that the Mohawks, who have always been the fiercest and most Cruel of all the Iroquois, remain here the gentlest and most pliable; and that more than 100 of these Iroquois, who were notorious drunkards, had no sooner set foot in this mission than they no longer desired to drink. If it is a wonderful Thing in a Frenchman to be Reclaimed from his drunkenness, -- which happens but rarely, -- it may well be still more so in our Indians, who from their temperament are Infinitely more inclined to this vice, in which they take pride.

Thus they passed the first years at La Prairie, Quebec, which is near to and opposite Montreal. They have been obliged, however, to leave that territory, because, as the land is low, and Consequently damp, it is not suited to the growth of Indian corn. They have accordingly gone up higher, as Far as the sault de st. Louis (Lachine Rapids), from which this mission has derived its second name, st. Francois Xavier du sault. They have been established there for the last 3 years.

YEAR 1681

LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES BIGOT, RESPECTING THE MISSION OF THE ABENAKIS AT ST. MISSEL DE SILLERY. AT SILLERY, THIS 24TH OF JUNE, 1681.

Reverend Father,

Since your departure, 7 months ago, the mission has been increased by nearly 60 Indians, of whom more than 40 have been baptized after having been instructed, and, in the case of the adults, after a trial of several months' duration. Of all those to whom I have administered that sacrament, not five had been intoxicated; and the few persons who had fallen into that sin had done so to so slight a degree, and had shown such regret for it that, after I had for a long time deferred their baptism, I could not in the end refuse it. All the relatives belonging to the Cabin of a woman named Margueritte have come from their country to receive the same grace.

Margueritte's Second son, seven or eight Days before being baptized, displayed the utmost fervor in preventing one of his near relatives from becoming intoxicated, As It was Night-time, and he was unable to inform me of the evil that was being done, He went with his brother, named Jean, into The House of the Frenchman where his near relative was Drinking; and he pressed him so urgently to come out that, at last, He made him leave the wine and Return to his Cabin. But the same man went again the next Morning to get Wine; and as the Frenchman was inconsiderate enough to give him half a bucketful of it, Margueritte's son seized the bucket, spilled all the wine, and himself went to lay a complaint before the Intendant against The Frenchman who had given that Indian an excessive quantity of liquor.

A great many Indians have died in this mission. Some old Indians who hate Christianity have told the Christians that the reason why so great a number of them died at Sillery was because they prayed. Our Christians laughed at such a warning, and They have often made me smile at it. They no longer change Cabins at the death of a person, as they used to.

When They obtain permission to practice self-flagellation, They treat Their Bodies so harshly that I have been surprised at it, and have often been alarmed at the Blows of the discipline that I have heard when they had withdrawn secretly to some Spot remote from the cabins. I have found some who were weakened by iron Girdles, -- one especially, who is the wife of the Captain. Not knowing what made her ill, I compelled Her to tell me. She admitted that it was an iron Girdle which she had been permitted to wear, and which she had again put on that day.

There is nothing more usual than to see Indians, both men and women, come to ask me to prevent the French of our district from giving them excessive quantities of liquor; and although I have had a little trouble in this respect, I wonder that among so great a number of Indians There are not 10 who give me trouble with regard to drunkenness. I may tell you that in this matter I am much indebted to Sir Du Chesneau, our Intendant. He has been of great assistance to me in preventing excesses among my Indians, and has always listened to me favorably When I have told him the faults committed by some Frenchmen, whom he has at once sentenced. And so, to make An example, He caused some Indians who had become intoxicated to be imprisoned; I did not oppose it.

Only four Indians suffered for the others; and I told all of them that he acted therefore merely through The affection that he had for all the Abenakis, whom he wished to see good Christians. They yielded to this argument, and yesterday again (21st of September) They received The speech that I delivered to them at a great feast. there, after announcing to them the express orders that the intendant had just received from the King to treat The Indians Like the French, and to punish The French who dared to strike them, I added that The King was anxious that they should Avoid drinking. The two Captains, who delivered speeches after mine, urgently urged all Their people to do what was desired of them.

YEAR 1682

LETTER OF FATHER JEAN DE LAMBERVILLE, RESPECTING THE IROQUOIS MISSION AT ONONDAGA. FROM ONONDAGA, THIS 25TH OF AUGUST, 1682.

Reverend Father,

Providence having granted me the favor of returning to this mission -- where I have spent the year with my brother, and of sharing with him the little troubles connected with our occupation, -- I begin once more to Inform you of the chief events that have occurred here.

On my arrival, I found the Iroquois of this village occupied in transporting their corn, their effects, and their cabins to a place 5 miles away from their former residence, where they had dwelt for 19 years. They made this change to have their firewood in convenient proximity, and to secure fields more fertile than those they were abandoning. This is not done without difficulty; for, as carts are not used here, and the country is hilly, the labor of the men and women, who carry their goods on their backs, is consequently harder and of longer duration. To supply the lack of horses, The inhabitants of these forests render reciprocal aid to one another, so that a single family will hire sometimes 80 or 100 persons; and they are, in turn, obliged to render the same service to those who may request it from them, or they are freed from that obligation by giving food to those whom they have employed.

On my arrival, I received the compliments usually paid to those who come from a Distance: and I had to answer many curious propositions put by those who questioned me. I saluted The notable men of the village by means of The presents that I gave them, in public and in private. I urged them ever to maintain peace with the French; to Embrace The faith; not to cause me any Annoyances through Their drunkenness; and to give me liberty to baptize the dying in the Cabins, and the captives destined to the fire.

I showed Them a Topographical view of the city and vicinity of Paris, with the portraits of the five principal persons in the Kingdom. They admired the skill of the Europeans in Representing persons to the life. One of them asked me whether, when those whose portraits I showed them died, their images did not also close their eyes. They could not gaze sufficiently at the vast Extent of Paris.

They lost themselves in counting the streets. They were surprised that houses should be built on stone bridges, under the arches of which passed boats, laden with all Sorts of articles necessary to life. They could not understand how, for the subsistence of so large and so populous a town, everything came to it from all sides in such abundance, by land and by water. The Louvre; the Bronze horse; the King's house, and those of the great; the general hospitals; the number of inhabitants; the rare animals Brought from various parts of the world that are to be seen there; the superb Churches, in which 3 or 4,000 persons pray to God; the Cemeteries; the Colleges, where 5 or 600 persons lodge in the same house -- these are great marvels in a country where people know almost nothing.

The elders and the warriors severally replied to my presents, each by three other presents, that they were happy to see me again; but that they felt pity for me that I had again left my own country to subject myself to their miseries; they said that they plainly saw by this that we had a high regard for the faith, But that the Europeans posed great obstacles to it by the continual sale of brandy, which Alienates Minds from it and causes many evils: that we should not Weary of calling them to the faith; that some would Listen, and that their children would be more docile than they were.

They added that no opposition would be offered to the Baptism of those who might wish to receive it; that, regarding the baptism of Captives, the drunkards alone might raise obstacles to it.

Before leaving The old village, we baptized two female Piscataway Captives, Brought from Maryland; they were led by their executioners into our Chapel, where we were given abundant Leisure for Instructing them. They were burned as usual, at a slow fire, with heated irons, and were afterward eaten.

I could not avoid giving a feast in return for my welcome; but, to turn this feast to some use, I persuaded a Captain of note, who has taken the name of the famous Garacontie, to hold the feast with me, -- to declare publicly that, in resuscitating his brother's name, He also embraced his faith and his morals; and that, like him, he renounced drunkenness. This he did, to the Astonishment of the Infidels, when they observed that he himself asked the guests, who were present in great numbers, no longer to invite Him to the brandy feasts, since he openly professed christianity. He prays to God every Day with great diligence; and all are astonished at seeing that one of the worst drunkards in the village has been able to abandon his habits, and to refuse all who have urged him to drink.

Since we have been in this new village, we have secretly baptized over 50 children, most of whom have died. We have also consecrated our Chapel by the baptism of sixteen persons, some of whom are adults.

An old Captain, who still retained his rank among the leading men of the Village, was one of the baptized; but most unfortunately He died. I had Known him for 12 years. He always protested against Christianity on all occasions. God had, 2 years before, taken away from him his wife; father bruyas had succeeded so well in Acquiring an influence over her that he had baptized her, and made her end her days in a Christian manner. Her husband, who loved her dearly, Thought that he could not better manifest his affection for the deceased than by becoming a Christian, like her.

After he became a widower, He was at the mercy of an old woman, and of two other women whose lives He had formerly saved, and whom he had adopted in the place of his deceased sisters. Those Slaves were not grateful for the kindness that he had shown them; they restricted his supply of Fuel and provisions. This caused him vexation that was all the keener because he remembered that He never, during his wife's lifetime, lacked anything. He took the resolution to rejoin her as soon as possible; He concealed his plans from us, and asked us for baptism. He prayed aloud to God to pardon the great cruelties which He had practiced upon the Captives, and to forget all the sins of his past life.

He received baptism with an outward appearance which gave reason to Believe that he thought of anything rather than causing his own death. He had a swollen Cheek; this, added to the bad treatment that the women of his Cabin made him endure, persuaded him to put an end to his troubles by death. He asked me once whether Christians who were tired of life were not permitted to strangle themselves, so they could sooner go to the land of the blessed souls. I said to him everything I considered fitting, to dissuade him; but on the next night, He hanged himself, at the same Spot where He usually slept.

Drunkenness generally causes great disorders among the Iroquois. It corrupts their morals; it nourishes pride; it Introduces the Liberty of killing or beating, with Impunity, those against whom they have any spite. I Count seven who were murdered by drunkards in two months. A Christian woman was among that number. While intoxicated, They urge one another to that spirit of war and cruelty which makes the Iroquois terrible throughout North America. In Maryland, They killed several Englishmen, whose dwellings and storehouses They pillaged, as well as the barns filled with tobacco, which constitutes all their wealth. They have come back with slaves loaded with clothes and booty, after living at their will in the houses of the english, where They ate their cattle.

This is the 3rd time that the english of Maryland have come to talk with them at Albany, a town of new York. They ask them by presents not to continue their massacres and pillage. The Iroquois have been asked for six hostages and 500 beaver-skins, which they value at 4 gold coins each, to repay the english for the losses caused them. Finally, the english have forbidden them, on pain of having war declared against them, to kill people of the tribes who are their neighbors. I have heard the Iroquois say that they would give The English nothing of what they asked, and that they were ready to fight them.

I cannot forget the noble action of a Christian woman, who has recently returned from the Christian Colony at Lachine Rapids on this side of Montreal. When she found herself annoyed to an extraordinary degree by some drunkards, She broke in pieces a great earthen jar containing their brandy, after reproaching them. One of them, who was furious with anger at the sight of his brandy spilled on the ground, said aloud that we would not survive so great a loss caused by a Christian.

About midnight, he ran to our Lodging; He furiously entered the Chapel, and, after aiming at my brother a pistol without effect, grappled with him. I came to his assistance, and we disarmed the man; but, as He did not cease his insolent acts, The Christian Iroquois woman sent for the drunkard's father, -- who, as well as his son, was intoxicated, -- to remove him from our Chapel. He entered it, with another man; He snatched an iron rod and a stone from his son, Who wished to cripple us with them. The son's whole fury turned Against the father, whom he Shamefully dragged by the hair, while showering blows upon him. We had great difficulty in making him loose his hold. This action had a good effect; for when the Christian Iroquois woman saw the danger to which she was Daily exposed, she decided to leave this land of malediction, and to return to Lachine Rapids, where the faith flourishes.

The great success of the weapons of the Iroquois makes them proud, brave, and enterprising. Last year, they Brought 700 Illinois captives, all of whom they keep alive. They killed and ate over 600 others on the spot, without counting those whom they burned along the road. They saved the children who could live without The Milk of their mothers, whom they had killed; but the others were cruelly roasted and devoured. It is said that they tied living men and women to the stakes, and, as fast as their flesh became roasted, They cut it off, and ate it.

Six hundred men, women, and Children of the Eries, near Virginia, surrendered voluntarily, for fear that they might be compelled to do so by force. The Iroquois bring prisoners from all parts, and increase their numbers.

They are beginning to attack some of our allies called the Miamis, a nation of Green Bay; and They have already burned 6 or 7 of these, Without counting those whom they have massacred. The killing of one of their own people, they say, through treachery by a Miami, will cause their ruin. Three of that tribe were Brought here some Days ago, whom it was Impossible to save from the fury of the drunkards. No one would Bring them to the chapel before they were burned, through fear of being beaten by the drunkards.

They were treated with great cruelty, even by those who had not been drinking. I tried to save them from the hands of those rioters, but in vain; for as soon as I proposed it, I was told not to say another word about it, and that, as the anger of the drunkards was so great, I should withdraw. Hardly could they be prevented from tearing the prisoners into pieces on their arrival, and only The prospect of the greater torture that was being prepared for them persuaded the Iroquois to restrain their fury. I still made an effort to save one who followed the others, so, by restoring this captive to our governor, we might still honorably arrange matters, which are tending to a war against the French.

He was given to a Christian woman in the place of her son, who had been killed the previous year in the war against the Illinois. Her relatives, who were poor, at Once told her that she must deliver him up, because, as she had no clothes to give Him, to save his life would bring her shame; that besides, if she saved him, she would be the laughing-stock of the village, and would pass for a woman who had No pity for her son's soul.

I went to her and told her that she must have pity on this wretched captive, if she wished God's mercy to be shown toward Her. She consented willingly, but the lack of clothing with which to cover him seemed to her an Insurmountable difficulty. I therefore offered her some clothes that the marquise de bouche had given me at Paris for such emergencies. On hearing my offer, she gave me her word that his life would be spared. We at once sent off a captain of note, one of my friends (whose nose has been bitten off by the drunkards), to stop the violence of those who might seek to ill-treat the captive at The entrance of the village; but my friend himself was beaten and dragged by the hair, and compelled to abandon the prisoner. Still, he took Courage once more; and with the assistance of some of his comrades, he succeeded in Bringing him to the dwelling where we awaited him.

We thought that he was in safety there, but the drunkards were informed that we wished to save him. They burst into the cabin, and, in the presence of the Christian woman, near whom He sat on a rush mat, they tore off his nails; they crushed all his fingers with their teeth; They cut off half of one hand, and They bit off his ears, which they at once swallowed, quite raw. On my return, I was surprised to find him in a state that you can better imagine than I can describe. They tried to drag him outside, to join the other captives who were going to their death-feast, consisting of two boiled dogs -- of which, according to The Custom of the country, they did not get a taste.

When I saw that this poor captive was about to escape me, I asked my friend to amuse the drunkards while I went to get the woman who served as my Interpreter, and whom I had told to meet me at a certain Spot. She was afraid to show herself, and therefore hid. Having at last found her, and seeing that her dread of the drunkards made her remain Motionless, I took her by the arm, and pushing her through the crowd, I drew Her, all trembling, near the captive. It was then no easy task to instruct him, for a drunkard came in and would have Prevented me from doing so, had he not been flattered by the attentions of the same Captain who was amusing the drunkards. The poor sufferer received baptism in full view of all who were present, after which He was taken to join the others. I Followed him.

The crowd and the insolence of the drunkards were so great that, so not to have the kettle containing the feast overturned, the captives were taken to another place, where There were nearly as many drunkards. The drunkards began to quarrel among themselves about their bravery; and this gave me an opportunity of approaching the captives, who were kept hidden in an obscure corner by him who had taken care of them. There, under favor of the darkness, baptism turned them into children of Light. These poor victims lifted their mutilated hands to heaven; and these good people covered me with blood, by force of caressing me. I gave Them, in secret, two or three prunes to eat, to allay the thirst from which they suffered after losing so much blood; for, besides what I have related above, deep Incisions, of the Length of 18 inches, had been made upon their bodies. They died like Brave men, and uttered not a groan, except when Their sides and their eyes were burned or when some finger not already fractured was broken.

Three Days afterward, they brought a captive woman who had been taken with the others. She endured the same tortures; she received the same grace of baptism in the Chapel, where she was led by two warriors and by an old man of note. These are all people whose good services, as well as those of my Interpreter, We must acknowledge. We must also have for friends the greatest drunkards, the most cruel and most brutal men, because they can oppose many obstacles and do much harm, on occasion. And, as The village is the largest one in the Iroquois country, It is with difficulty that we avoid offending the minds and win The friendship of so many people.

Hardly Is this butchery ended when we hear from afar Koue, Koue, Koue; these are shouts of rejoicing and victory, which denote the coming of as many Captives as the number of times that they are repeated. In fact, these were 3 more Miamis, whom another band of Onondaga, who had been away for a year, were Bringing with them. This was a fresh cause of rejoicing for the village, at seeing that the death of one of their people had been Avenged by the capture of several slaves.

I at once held a little council with 3 of the most notable persons; and told them that to seek to exterminate an entire nation that had the friendship and esteem of the French, was to carry too Far their resentment for the death of one man. Then I was told that these were neither Algonquins nor Ottawas, who alone were comprised in the number of our allies; But that, if I wished to do anything for the captives, I must win The head of the family of Those who were bringing them in. They added that, while I speak to him, they would go to meet the victorious group, to warn them to bring the Slaves by a different road from that by which the rioters and drunkards expected them.

The Head of the family, who is a Christian trainee, consented to everything that we asked of him; and when we went out together on a height, we saw that a crowd was going toward his dwelling. He hurried there at once. It was The youngest of the three Captives who had been brought to his cabin by a secret road. But when he saw that he could not defend him against the violence of the drunkards, and as he knew that I wished that he should be spared, He brought him to our house. When I perceived this from the place where I was, I hurried there, to prevent as far as I could this captive, who had not yet been given to anyone, from being injured. I could not arrive in time to save a finger-nail that was torn out at our door, without its being possible to defend him. For both the drunkards and Those who were not Drunk assailed us; and to satisfy them, It was necessary to make him sing according to custom. Among Those who had entered, both drunkards and others, there were some of our friends who had authority, and who helped us to resist those who Wished to cut off his fingers and to beat him. We were Embarrassed during the whole Day, for we dared not leave the captive, who would certainly have been reduced to such a state that we could not have hoped to save his life. We were compelled to hide him for two Days, to not be always struggling with the drunkards, and even in danger of losing our lives.

Meanwhile, the rumor spread that the 2 other captives were approaching. I went a 2nd time to him who had brought me the first one. I made him promise that he would attempt to have them brought into the village without being ill-treated, so they could be given, with the first one, as a present to our governor, to strengthen the peace with the French. That man, whose Intentions were good, selected eight of the strongest and most noted captains of all his family, so that by their influence and their protection the two other captives might be brought in without disturbance and without Insult. To succeed in this, it was publicly proclaimed that it was contrary to custom to ill-treat prisoners on their arrival, when They had not yet been given in the place of any person who had been killed, or who had died in his own cabin, and when their fate had been left Undecided by the victors.

This declaration, which was approved by the wiser ones, was a fresh incentive to the worst mischief-makers to plot the destruction of Those whom we wished to save; and they decided to cut off their hands, and to beat them so severely that they would consider it a favor to be at once burned. The number of the drunkards was increased by a half, and the fury of Those who were not drunk excited their anger. In case the captives might be brought by another road, as had been done on the arrival of the first one, sentinels were posted at all the approaches, to give notice when they would appear.

When I saw them so determined, I did not wish to run the same risks or to have the same difficulties as when I baptized the others. Besides, it was not advisable to weary the patience of my Interpreter, or to frighten her by the danger to which I should have exposed her in the midst of the drunkards, who, in Their fits of anger, strike and bite Indifferently everyone who comes in their way. I went 5 miles with Her and three other persons, to meet the captives. We awaited them upon a rock, from which we could Hear them singing their death-song. I stopped the warriors who led them, complimenting them on their glorious return. I took hold of their captives, to whom I spoke through my Interpreter, while the others took breath while smoking. One of the two was to be taken to Mohawk.

Even after I had done my best to Instruct him who was expected at Onondaga, I could get nothing from him because his mind was so disturbed that, on approaching the spot where his life was to end, he could neither hear nor understand what I had said to him. When the warriors perceived this, fearing that the fear of death might lead him to swallow some stones, -- as He had already twice done, -- to kill himself, and that they would not have the glory of bringing him in alive, They promptly made him march in their midst, always singing his sad air, his Face being painted red. After walking 2 miles, He met the 1st band, who were awaiting him At the spot where those who wished to defend him had advanced. He was first received by loud shouts, repeated 3 times; and when he was made to halt, in order that the war-song might be sung, a drunkard approached him to cut off his fingers. The chief men, among the eight who had been Sent to protect him, addressed those who were present, in regard to the decision that had been made to prevent any Injury being done to the captives Until the question of putting them to death had been deliberated. Then addressing The drunkard, who was armed with a knife, He persuaded him to his side, and to resist those who were trying to mutilate his prisoner.

The captive who was to be taken to Mohawk was delivered to an Iroquois of that place; then the warriors handed over the custody of the prisoner to the drunkard and to the eight others, and set out on their march to the village. They had not taken 30 steps when a tall Iroquois stopped them, saying that they must have pity on him; that he had a bad toothache, and that the forefinger of the right hand was a good remedy for it, because It was usually placed on the sore tooth; and so, he should be permitted to cut off only one of the captive's fingers. He was allowed to talk while the others continued their march. Then the furious man who had a toothache tried to use violence, by suddenly Falling upon the prisoner; but He was vigorously repelled by the drunkard and his followers. This Example prevented Those who had ranged themselves in files along the Road from daring to do anything to The Captive, in case they might experience the same rebuff. When it was found that The usual Liberty to ill-treat the slave was no longer allowed, all proceeded with loud shouts close to The village, where over 600 persons were waiting -- some to give the greeting, and some to satisfy their curiosity with regard to everything that was about to happen.

An Iroquois drew me aside, and told me to remain with him on an Eminence, so that I might witness, without being pressed by the crowd, the actions of the drunkards and of those who were about to Fall upon the prisoner. The attack was repelled as vigorously as it was delivered. The drunkard did wonders, for, without Regard to anyone among those who had plans upon the Captive, He tore out their hair; and he bit and struck them with all the fury of a drunken man. The slave was thrown to the ground more than ten times, and was at once picked up by his guards; one of them, a giant in stature, took him in his arms, while the others roughly repelled the aggressors.

After a considerable delay, he was conveyed, without a wound, into the dwelling where he was expected. This was a fortunate beginning; but, as soon as those who had defended him had withdrawn, thinking that he would not be ill-treated in the Cabin, the drunkards -- who observe no practices or customs -- inopportunely arrived. They, after Intimidating those to whose care He had been confided, tore out his nails with their teeth; then, after Breaking and disjointing his fingers, they also crushed them between their teeth. This cruelty drove the captive to despair; and from the elevated Place where He sat, tied by the neck, he threw himself down, to strangle himself, but the rope broke. This action, Added to the condition to which he had been reduced, caused him to be abandoned: and finally he was given in the place of the member of the tribe who had been killed by another Miami.

The same drunkard who had defended him brought him to us in the Chapel, in a pitiful condition. This was done at the request of him who had tried to save him. He was Instructed and baptized, and Immediately afterward burned for 4 hours. He was completely devoured. While in a cabin where I was engaged in bleeding a sick person, 2 drunkards brought in a thigh. This was at once skinned, in spite of all I could say, to prepare a feast for a woman who said that she had dreamed of it; but, as the liver was wanted to fulfill her dream, one of Them went to snatch it from some drunkards, who had already seized it. When he reentered the cabin with the liver in his hand, he was so drunk that he overturned a kettle of boiling water over himself; this scalded his legs, and made him undergo a Long and painful penance for his sin.

All this happened during the time when the great war-fire against the Illinois and Miamis was being Rekindled. We had to give up the captive whom we had hidden, and he was delivered up to the mercy of the family of those who were agitating the whole question of the war. This was a stroke of policy, to avoid the shame of taking away from the entire village a prisoner brought from a country to which they were about to return, to kill all its inhabitants.

The Head of the family surprised us by this proceeding, which was intended merely to save appearances; for He came to us at night to say that, if I did not remove the captive without delay, he would be Thrown into the great war-kettle. TO attain this end, He had cooperated with 3 of the most notable Indians that they should secretly present to me a fine wampum collar, saying to me: "Here is something with which you will redeem the prisoner. By adding to it another one, which you have, you will say that you again ask for the captive, to refresh the mind of your governor -- who will probably be displeased when he learns of the death of his children, The Miamis. With the 2nd Collar, you will make those who have given the slave agree to your proposal by thanking them for having Cast him at the feet of those from whom you ask him." They who had suggested this means to me in private strongly supported my request in public; And one of them made a speech expressing great respect for our governor; it secured a great accommodation for us, for The Miami was given to us in full assembly, with the presents that I had offered. This will be an honorable way for the French to stay The Iroquois attack upon our allies, if that captive is presented to the governor, -- as we intend to do, when he comes for a general assembly of the Iroquois.

Last winter, they brought to Seneca the bones of a captain of renown, who, while returning from the war with the Illinois, had wandered from the main body of the Iroquois army, and had been killed among the Kiskakon Ottawas by some Illinois who found him there. The Senecas brought his head here with great ceremony. They spoke eloquently about avenging his death upon the Kiskakon Ottawas, our allies. The Onondagas, the Mohawks, the Oneidas, and the Cayugas cast the blame upon the Illinois, for they were the authors of the murder.

Preparations are being made to start for this war, in which the Miamis will not be spared unless our governor attend to the matter as soon as possible, and come to an understanding with the Iroquois -- who have never had a larger store of weapons and of munitions of war than they have this year.

Some pictures that I brought from France are useful to us in Instructing those who come to the chapel; and the best way to instruct them here is to make them see with their own eyes what we tell them with our voices, -- therefore things remain more firmly Impressed upon their imagination.

The medicines that the Marshall de bellefonds obtained for us from Sir pelisson have worked little miracles here, and have procured for many people health of body and of soul. We have applied ourselves to learning how to use them, for it is not easy to procure them here, or to have these precious medicines brought into this region. We attempted to save them for the sick whose recovery was despaired of by the tricksters, or for the good Christians. But the great success that they had has given us such a reputation that the care of most of the sick people in this populous village has been confided to us. How can we refuse so many miserable people who rely on us, without assisting them, -- especially since the medicines serve as an introduction to the faith? When our ordinary medicines, of which we had a small quantity, failed us, we Began to use those which the King causes to be distributed so liberally to the poor. In three months' time, we found ourselves reduced to the necessity of keeping 2 or 3 doses for ourselves in case of need. At last, we deprived ourselves even of these, through charity for the sick, because we saw that God preserved our health. Those to whom they were given were nearly all cured. And even the tricksters, who are Here the empirics and the gods of medicine, have relied on us.

Dysentery began here When we Had reached the end of these powerful remedies for the poor; 10 persons died of it, through lack of those medicines. Those who make them are called demi-gods here. The effect of those remedies, as we have observed in this region, has been a passing grace, which makes us long for its return.

All the Iroquois of Cayuga tell us that since Father de Carheil left their village, owing to The excessive insolence of the drunkards, more than 60 persons have died of dysentery; and that in the lodge alone in which the father dwelt, and where he who most Insulted him resides, are Counted 17 who have died from the violence of the same disease. This makes his absence deeply regretted, and causes maledictions to be uttered against those who were the cause of his withdrawal. Some say that God chastises them as a punishment for their ill treatment of their missionary; others that, on leaving, he Cast spells to cause himself to be regretted, or out of revenge. Some desire him to return to his 1st post; others, on the contrary, assert that this is not advisable, for fear that he might be killed as a sorcerer -- As happened to 3 Seneca Iroquois who were burned like slaves in The Village of that name, because they were considered the authors of the Present ills.

When Father de Carheil left his mission of Cayuga the 1st time, I went to meet him at a place 5 miles from here. He was so fatigued that the men in authority in the Village, who awaited him, could see him only on the following day, when I led him to our lodging. He received in public their condolences, and a bandage which, They said, they brought him so that he might apply it to the part where He felt most sore. As he had been reported dead, and one of us had started 2 Days before to obtain news of him, it was an unhoped for Joy to see him alive. All the people rushed to our dwelling, to show us the interest that they took in what had happened to him. Nothing more humane can be imagined than what was said to him on that occasion. Their manners and their civilities, accompanied by little refreshments that they offered him, had nothing savage in them.

After the father had rested a little, The chief men of the village, who were assembled in a body, said to him by the mouth of their Spokesman: "I did not know why, during the past days, the Sky was clouded to an extraordinary degree, and The star that gladdens the whole earth hid itself from our eyes. It refused to Shine upon The insolence of the drunkards who have ill-treated you. We grew pale at the description that was given to us of what had happened to you; we felt compassion for you. We have protested against the Sellers of brandy, who are the cause of so many evils; and we rejoice that you have found a sanctuary here. We thought that you were dead; our spirits languished, in the sorrow and the resentment that they felt. But The Sky once more becomes serene; our faces beam; our spirits, which had sunk TO our feet through the weight of our sorrow, now resume Their usual place, on seeing you sound and unwounded. Your Cabin has been pillaged; that your Holy house, in which you prayed, has been profaned. But what has done it? Brandy. Your life has been attempted; what caused that crime? Brandy. Brandy is a harmful evil, which you Europeans have brought to us. Teach us by your example to practice patience When our nephews, rendered furious by drinking brandy, strike us, sometimes kill us, and compel us to leave our cabins to place ourselves in safety. Be not angry; be a man; and remember that in the prayer that you make us say to God you pronounce these words: Ousa sannigon rhenha non gouarihouanderagouan tonnariaouenha itsiongouan igourhens stenchoua ou Rienne unik. 'Forget our offenses, as we forget the evil that has been done to us.' A Captain who goes to war is not always fortunate. He is sometimes obliged, to save his life, to abandon his light baggage to the enemy. Several articles belonging to You have been Taken from you; that you should still be alive is a great deal. A slave who is brought in is sometimes ill-treated, -- a finger-nail is torn out; a finger is cut off; he sometimes receives blows. But, when he is told that his life is spared, he forgets The past; he recovers his Spirits, which were at his feet, and his face becomes calm. That is what has happened to you. Oreouache," this is The name of him who Insulted father de Carheil -- "struck you; he tore your coat; he took away your furniture; but you are alive."

Then, taking a wampum collar in his hand, he gave it to him and continued in these terms: "With this present I brighten the sky; I reassure your Mind; I wipe away the blood, if any has been shed. I place this dressing on the Wounds, if any have been inflicted. Take courage. Remember that life is subject to many Unforeseen afflictions. We disavow Oreouahe's action. Rest on our mat until calm returns after the storm. I have finished speaking."

Father de Carheil replied to this speech on The following day, by another wampum collar, to thank the Onondagas for their attentions. While this was passing here, Oreouahe set out with 50 warriors, to go to war.

Proclamation was made through The village of Cayuga that everything that had been pillaged from Father de Carheil was to be brought back to his host. This was immediately done. Some time afterward, I spoke by means of a collar to the Cayugas, who asked their missionary to come back to them. I told them that if they wished to see him again, they must promise to prevent oreouache from continuing his Insolence.

They replied by a collar, which they sent to me at Onondaga, that they Requested The father to return to his Lodge, which had been kept for him. He went back. Oreouahe returned from war with some captives. This inflated his Mind, and he began once more to insult Father de Carheil by words.

He would have Added blows to Insults if some drunkards, posted by the elders of the village, had not stopped Him. Finally, The Cayugas -- to free themselves from the fear they felt, in case that furious man killed the Father -- sent a delegation to Oreouahe with a fine present of wampum beads; they said to him: "Swallow the medicine that we give you; drive the bile and overheated blood from your body. Let us live in peace, and no longer annoy the Frenchman who is among us. Answer, and show us how your mind is inclined."

He replied that they covered him with shame; that he was not master of his actions when he was intoxicated. He declared that he would not cease to get drunk; and that brandy alone would be the cause, As it had been in The past, of all the evil that he might do to the father. This answer caused the Cayugas to send father de Carheil back, with a warrior who Brought Him here, where He remained some time. He is now at the Mohawk nation, where The Iroquois of that village keep him.

Jean De Lamberville.

LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES BIGOT, RESPECTING THE MISSION OF SILLERY. AT SILLERY, THIS 28TH OF AUGUST, 1682.

Reverend Father,

I attempt to inspire our Indians with Fear of the fires of hell. I show them some pictures of hell that I have; or I direct some fervent Christian, who is Capable of Instructing them, to show and explain these to them. Sometimes I am present at these explanations, without saying anything, to See what ideas our Christians form of our mysteries, and what replies are made by those whom they Instruct.

When any newcomer arrives, his relatives come to ask me to lend them these instructive pictures, so they can explain the same to him. Haregouessemit came this morning to ask me for them. If you could procure me some pictures of the Judgment, of hell, of purgatory, and of paradise, you would Infinitely oblige me. I would like to have them only of the same size as those of father Luc; and on linen, so that they may be preserved.

The best picture that I show them to make them fear The flames of hell is that representing The fire in which their enemy, The Iroquois, is burning them. We have here some persons who have escaped from their hands, who know the cruel manner in which They torture their prisoners; and I add that these torments are nothing in comparison with those of hell.

I astonish the Indians when I tell them that, when I was in France, I pictured the Abenakis as being Like the Iroquois, and that I expected to be regarded by them as a dog; but that I was delighted to observe in them so great a docility in receiving all the Instructions that I gave them.

To give you a slight idea of my present occupation, I cannot better describe It than by asking you to imagine what would have to be done by a person in sole charge of a hospital, with a great many persons needing both Spiritual and worldly aid. TO Instruct continually; to hear Confessions Constantly; to provide for marriages; to make up quarrels; to Seek provisions; to roam the fields; to visit the Cabins; to nurse the sick, -- such are The Daily occupations of your dear friend who is often so exhausted that he cannot hold himself erect when he wishes to say prayers, either in The church or in his room. Since my brother's departure, nearly all our Indians have been attacked by smallpox, which has given me great occupation. I had all the symptoms of the disease myself for some Days.

For some months, we had false alarms because of a rumor that some Iroquois were to make a raid upon our Cabins while our men were away hunting. I had to get up at night to soothe The minds of the women, and to dispel the Fear that they felt on seeing an Iroquois or two in the woods. Would you Believe that I have become quite a warrior? I am not frightened by Anything that formerly inspired me with fear. Perhaps, if The occasion presented itself, I would not be so brave. I spare myself as much as I can, in Accordance with Your Counsel. Nothing can be easier than to wear out one's Life here, by not taking care of oneself. Not many persons have died This year in the mission.

LETTER FROM FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO SIR DE FRONTENAC. ONONDAGA, SEPTEMBER 20, 1682.

Monseigneur,

I have received through Boquet the letters which you have taken the trouble to write to me. I found in them a duplicate of the one that I received a month ago, and which I did myself the honor of answering through a certain Tegannisoren, -- who went to carry you a wampum collar, to attract your canoe to the south shore of Lake Frontenac. If you had been able to come, certainly your journey would not have been useless; at least, you would have saved the Miami captives, -- of whom one had been reserved for you, -- who will probably be murdered. For, although the brunt of the war is to fall on The Illinois, as an incident of the Iroquois' advance, the Miamis will be swept away, and perhaps some other people from Green Bay; for those here who are bent on mischief include under the name of "Illinois", the Miamis, the Potawatomis, the Sauks, and others. The Iroquois are merely waiting until you speak; even if you had not checked the thunderbolt which is ready to fall upon the Illinois, some persons had told me that all would depend on what you might say. You would have been the preserver of the Miamis -- whom I account lost, for lack of a word from Onontio, whom they still expect.

All that Tegannisoren shall report here at his return will be attentively listened to; and then will occur the crisis in this year's affairs. He is that same man whom I named to you as Niregouentaron in my preceding letter. He loves the French, but neither he nor any of the upper Iroquois fears them at all; and they are ready to fling themselves upon Canada on the first occasion that shall be given them.

Several injuries done by them to the French, without their having been made to give any satisfaction, persuade them that they are feared. Every year they profit by our losses; they annihilate our allies, of whom they make Iroquois; and have not the least scruple in saying that after enriching themselves with our spoils, and strengthening themselves with those who might have aided us to make war against them, they will all together fall upon Canada, to overwhelm it in a single Campaign. They have strengthened themselves with more than nine hundred men armed with muskets.

Some Indians, coming from the fort, have publicly told here that you, the Intendant, and Sir Perrot were recalled to France by the King. I answered that if that were so, you would probably make it known by the voice of Niregouentaron, who will bring your answer to their collar, and your orders. Although I had learned elsewhere that this report was current, I did not wish to confirm it until I had received your last orders in the capacity of Governor -- if it be true that we are about to lose you.

In any case, permit me to say that surely some person has slandered us to you on two or three occasions; and that I have been unfortunate enough to be included by him in the number of those who have never thought of anything but furthering all the good intentions that you have toward Canada. What I had quite recently done -- to have a Miami presented and sold to you -- is the latest token of that; but the past is past, and I do not think that you have ever taken much stock in all the testimony that may have been offered to you.

De Lamberville.

ASSEMBLY HELD AT QUEBEC, AT THE HOUSE OF THE REVEREND JESUIT FATHERS, OCTOBER 10, 1682.

IN the assembly held on the tenth of October, 1682, composed of the Governor, the Intendant, and The Bishop of Quebec; Sir Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal; the Reverend Fathers Beschefer, -- the Superior, -- Dablon, and Fremin, Jesuits; the Major of this town; Sir de Varennes, the Governor of Three Rivers; and Sir de Brussy, Sir Dalibout, Sir Duguet, Sir Lemoine, Sir La durantais, Sir Bizard, Sir Chailly, Sir Vieuxpont, Sir Duluth, Sir de Sorel, Sir Derepentigny, Sir Berthier, and Sir Boucher:

It was stated by the Governor that from the Documents which the Count de Frontenac gave him concerning what occurred at Montreal on the 12th of last September between him and the deputy from the Onondaga Iroquois, it is easy to judge that the inclination of these peoples is to pursue their enterprise. That undertaking is to destroy, one after another, all the nations allied to us, while they keep us in uncertainty, with folded arms, -- so after they have taken from us all the trade in pelts, which they wish to carry on alone with the English and Dutch settled at Manhattan and Albany, they may attack us alone. Then they will ruin the Colony by forcing it to concentrate its people and abandon all the outlying settlements, thereby putting a stop to farming, -- for labor cannot, except in places where the soil is good, produce grains, and render the meadows tillable.

As the Governor is not informed about the Condition of these peoples and that of the Colony, owing to the short interval since his arrival from France, he asks the Fathers to instruct him in what they know of these matters, so he can inform His Majesty of the needs of this Colony, -- in order either to avert this war, or to consummate it advantageously, should it become necessary to wage it.

Then the whole Company -- after being informed by the Reverend Jesuit Fathers about what had occurred for five years among the Iroquois nations, from where they had just come, and by Sir Dollier about what had occurred for several years at Montreal -- were of unanimous opinion that for four years, the English have done everything to persuade the Iroquois to declare war against us, -- by means of the great number of presents which they have made them, or by the low terms at which they have given them goods, especially guns, gunpowder, and lead.

They also agreed that the Iroquois have two or three times been ready to undertake war, but -- having reflected that, if they attacked us before having ruined the allied nations and their neighbors, these would rally and would fall on the Iroquois and destroy their villages while they should be occupied against us -- they have judged it more beneficial to delay, and to beguile us while they should attack these nations. With this objective, having begun last year to attack the Illinois, they obtained so great an advantage over them that, besides three or four hundred dead, they took from them nine hundred prisoners.

Accordingly, when they set out this year, with a body of twelve hundred men, well-armed and good soldiers, it was certain that they would entirely destroy the Illinois, and that on their return, they would attack the Miamis and Kiskakon Ottawas. By the defeat of these tribes, the Iroquois would render themselves masters of Mackinac, Lake Erie and Lake Huron, and Green Bay; and would deprive us of all the trade which is derived from that country -- destroying all the Christian Missions which are established among those nations. Consequently, the utmost efforts must be made to prevent them from ruining the nations, as they have already ruined the Algonquins, Susquehannocks, Mahicans, Abenakis, and others, whose remnants we have at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake Champlain, and others.

It was decided that it was necessary to consider the state of the Colony, and the means for utilizing its resources against the enemies. As for the Colony, we are able to bring together a thousand good men bearing arms, and accustomed to the use of canoes, like the Iroquois. But when these men should be withdrawn from their settlements, it was necessary to consider that during the entire time of their absence, farming would be stopped; and that, before beginning their march, it would be necessary to have storehouses of provisions in places distant from their settlements. Thus they might subsist in the enemies' country long enough to destroy that nation altogether, and not again do as they had done seventeen years ago -- cause them a little alarm, without weakening them.

At present, we have advantages which formerly were lacking: the French, accustomed to the Woods, know all the trails through them: and the route by Fort Frontenac is open, enabling them to fall, in forty hours, upon the Senecas, -- the strongest of those five Iroquois nations, for they alone could furnish fifteen hundred warriors, well armed. Supplies were needed at Fort Frontenac, as well as three or four barques to convey them, and to embark five hundred men on Lake Ontario, while the five hundred others would go in canoes to the shore of the Senecas.

But this enterprise could not succeed except with the help of His Majesty, who should furnish a small corps of two or three hundred soldiers to serve as garrison at Fort Frontenac and Fort la Galette, for the escort of the supplies and to keep the front of the country guarded and stocked while the interior should be stripped of its good soldiers; a hundred or a hundred and fifty workmen to be distributed among the settlements, to enable those who shall remain at home to cultivate the land, so that famine might not arise in the country; and funds necessary for erecting the storehouse of supplies, and for building two or three barques, -- without which, including Sir de la Salle's, it is impossible to undertake anything that will succeed.

This is a war which must not be begun and left incomplete; because, with a better mutual acquaintance than existed seventeen years before, if it were undertaken and not finished, there was no hope left of preserving the Colony, as the Iroquois were not the people to be appeased. The lack of any aid from France had begun to inspire these Iroquois with contempt for us, as they believed us destitute of the protection of the great Onontio, our master: and, if they saw that he gave us his aid, there would be some probability that, changing their minds, they would leave our allies in peace, and would make the concession of not hunting on their grounds or of bringing all the pelts to the French. They are now negotiating with the English at Albany; and therefore, with a slight assistance from His Majesty, we might prevent war and subdue these proud and fiery spirits, which would be the greatest good that can be procured for the country. Meanwhile, it was important to arm the French inhabitants; and as they had this year fairly plentiful crops of corn, have them supply themselves with firearms, so on occasion they might all use them to advantage.

Le Febvre De La Barre.

LETTER OF FATHER CLAUDE CHAUCHETIERE, RESPECTING THE IROQUOIS MISSION OF SAULT ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER, NEAR MONTREAL. SAULT ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER, THIS 14TH OF OCTOBER, 1682.

Reverend Father,

We are in a part of the country where The climate is not as good as in France, although I am in good health. We are in a high and beautiful location, with a fine view, 150 miles away from Quebec, -- which is called "the Iroquois mission." It is the finest mission in Canada.

The Saint Lawrence River here forms a Lake 5 miles wide; and The place where we are is so high that the waters of this great river fall here with a loud roar, and roll over many Cascades, which frighten one to look at. The water foams as it does under a mill-Wheel. We still readily pass over it every Day in our Bark Canoes; and I cannot help saying that one must be crazy to run the rapids as we do, without any Fear of being drowned. A Young man who came from les sables d'olonne, and whose name was Maillanchau, was Drowned on the 18th of august of this year while going down from Lachine Rapids. He was in the service of our fathers among the Ottawas. A worthy priest of the Quebec seminary, of which He was the administrator, was also drowned in 1679, with one of the men who guided Him, while passing in a Canoe in front of The Island Of orleans. One must always be prepared for death in this country. I have to be continually on The water, going and coming alone in a Canoe.

We have here a large farm, on which we keep oxen, cows, and poultry, and gather corn for our subsistence. It is sometimes necessary to take charge of all worldly as well as spiritual matters, now that Father Fremin has gone down in an Infirm condition to Quebec, as well as Father Cholenec.

Some Indians get their land Plowed, and harvest French wheat Instead of Indian corn. It is impossible to describe their Joy when They can harvest 20 or 30 bushels of French wheat, and are able to eat bread from time to time. But, as this sort of grain costs them too much labor, their usual occupation is to Plow the soil to plant Indian corn in it. The men hunt to obtain meat; The women go to the forests, to obtain supplies of wood. If the Indians were fed, they would work much more than they do.

Our village grows larger every year, while the Lorette mission, where father Chaumonot is, steadily diminishes. That of the mountain does not decrease, neither does it Increase much; but ours grows continually. We think that in two or three years all the Mohawks will be in this Place. More than eighty have settled here recently.

We have a chapel 25 feet Wide, and nearly 60 feet Long. We have three Bells, with which we produce an agreeable Carillon; and the Indians will soon have another bell, weighing one hundred gold coins, to complete the harmony.

The usual exercises of our mission are as follows: In the early morning, the bell is rung at 4 o'clock, which is The hour at which we rise, as in our houses in France. Many of our Indians, through a spirit of devotion, come at once to The church, and they remain there Until the first mass, which is said in winter at a quarter to 7, and in mid-Summer at 5 o'clock.

While they are saying their prayers, I withdraw to my chamber, which is 6 feet Long and 5 feet wide, to say my prayer; after this, I say the first mass, at which many are present although the bell is not rung for It. The 2nd, which is The mass for the Indians, is said at half past 5. I am present at it; the whole village also attends it every Day, without a single person being absent; and the prayers are said aloud. Afterward, the 3rd mass, which is for the children, begins, at which also I am present. We make them pray all together, after which I give Them a short instruction on the Catechism. Such is my Daily occupation. In addition to this, the Indians come frequently during the Day to visit The Blessed Sacrament, when they go to the fields and When they return from them. From eight o'clock Until eleven, which is the hour for our meal, my occupation consists in visiting the Indians, or in working to make Books for them (because, as their nature is fickle, -- of which They themselves complain, -- they must be often visited, either to give them suitable encouragement, or to prevent and appease their disputes, or to prepare the newcomers for receiving the sacraments).

There are sixty Cabins -- that is, from 120 to 150 families, as there are at least two in each Cabin. To perform these visits with profit demands all the time of one missionary; another would be required for the children, and one for those who are more advanced, who need to be Instructed in virtue. My work is made easier in this way: I sketch upon paper the truths of The Gospel and the practices of virtue Invented by Sir de Nobletz. Another Book Contains colored pictures of The Ceremonies of the mass applied to the passion of our lord; another Contains Pictures showing The torments of hell; another The Creation of the world. The Indians read these with pleasure and profit, and these Books are their mute teachers. One of our Indian missionaries, with the assistance of these books, preaches long sermons; and I experienced much pleasure yesterday when I found a band of Indians at the door of a cabin, learning to Read in Books of this kind.

I have charge of a parish, consisting of a hundred French houses.

The sort of monastery that they maintain here has its rules. They have promised God never to put on their gala-dress (for the Indian women have some taste, and take pride in adorning themselves with wampum beads; with red pigment, which they apply to their Cheeks; and with earrings and bracelets). They assist One another in the fields; They meet together to incite one another to virtue; and one of them has been received as a nun in The hospital of Montreal.

There are married people here who have for a long time lived as brother and sister. There are women who have shared Their fields, taking The bread from their own mouths to give it to the Newcomers, -- who are not yet in a position to do anything for them in return, -- to win them to God. When there are widows and sick persons, the Captains make their families work at building Cabins for those who have none.

We have here no other demon to Contend against than liquor and drunkenness, which make a hell of all the Iroquois villages, in which life is a continual suffering. The French are the cause of this trouble here; for, to strip the Indians to their Shirts, they follow them everywhere to make them drink and become intoxicated. It is admirable to see how some of our Christian Indians distinguish themselves in repressing this evil. They spill the liquor; they Break the bottles, with incredible courage, exposing themselves to insults and to Blows, of which some still bear the marks. I Know three or four who would endure martyrdom to prevent anything being done to offend God. They are no longer guided by the French, whom they had until now considered good Christians, but who They now see plainly are not such.

War is blazing in The country of the Ottawas. The Iroquois, especially Those of Oneida, continue to bear ill-will against the Meskwakis and the Illinois. For that reason, they have taken many captives from the Illinois, a nation allied to us, after having slain a large Number of them. In 1681, they killed or carried into Captivity a thousand of those people. Among The Captives of this year, 1682, is an Englishman whom they will no doubt burn. The Iroquois bear us malice in earnest, and we were in danger of having A war with them. For four years, we have heard nothing but threats; but God always preserves us, as He did Last autumn, when we expected to be attacked by them; but The storm burst elsewhere.

Concerning how the Indians dress, you must know that it is not lacking in taste, especially on feast-Days. The women have no other Head-dress than their hair, which they part over the middle of the head, and then tie behind with a sort of Ribbon, which they make out of eel-skin painted a bright red. I have often been deceived, and have taken it for a real Ribbon. They grease Their hair, which becomes as Black as Jet. As for The men, They are ridiculous in dressing Their Hair, and there is not one who does not do it up in a special fashion. On Sundays and feast-days, the men and women wear fine white shirts; and The women take wonderful care to clothe themselves so modestly that there is nothing indecorous or uncovered about them, -- for they closely fasten the shirt. This falls over a petticoat, consisting of a blue or red Blanket, two yards or more Square, which they fold in two, and simply gird around the waist; and The shirt, which falls over this sort of petticoat, reaches only to the knees.

YEAR 1683

LETTER OF FATHER THIERRY BESCHEFER, SUPERIOR OF THE MISSIONS OF THE JESUITS IN CANADA, WRITTEN TO THE REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL OF THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE. QUEBEC, THIS 21ST OF OCTOBER, 1683.

Reverend Father,

I Write this Letter to you to inform You of The condition of our missions during the past three years, and of the occupations of our fathers who labor there. Our Fathers have baptized, within three years, over two thousand persons, a portion of whom have died after their baptism. We divide all our remote missions into three principal ones, each of which has its own special superior -- The Ottawas; those of Tadoussac, or the Northern missions; and the Iroquois missions.

In The Ottawa missions we include not only the Ottawas or Upper Algonquins, who are divided into several tribes, namely: The Ojibwes, who usually dwell at sault de Ste. Marie at the entrance of Lake superior; The Kiskakon Ottawas and three other tribes, all of whom have their own chiefs, at Saint Francois de Borgia at the Junction of Lakes Huron and Illinois, at a Place we call Mackinac; the Nipissings and other petty tribes on Lake Huron. We also include the Hurons who reside at st. Ignace, 2 miles from st. Francois de Borgia; the Meskwakis and The Sauks; The Potawatomis along Green Bay, in a south-westerly direction from Mackinac; The Mascoutens and the Miamis; the Kischigamins, along Lake Michigan; and The Illinois themselves, as we more nearly approach the south. We have houses with chapels at sault de ste. Marie, at st. Ignace, at st. Francois de Borgia, and at St. Francois Xavier, at the end of Green Bay -- where The missionaries frequently go on journeys among the surrounding nations.

Father Charles Albanel, although now far advanced in years, and afflicted with a continual trembling of the whole Body, and with other Ailments caused by his arduous labors, has now entire charge of the mission of sault Saint Marie. There He works for The instruction not only of the Ojibwes, But also of the Crees and of many Indians who dwell to the North of Lake superior, and who come to Sault Ste. Marie.

Father Philippe Pierson has the Hurons of st. Ignace, although we have not found in them the same docility regarding matters of faith as among those of Lorette. Father Nicolas Potier has gone to take the place of Father Pierson, who will assume charge of another mission among the Sioux, whose Language He already knows, and who dwell 250 miles beyond Lake Superior.

Father Enjalran, the Superior of the Ottawa missions, and Father Bailloquet, who had charge of the Sault Ste. Marie mission before Father Albanel, labor among the Ottawas of st. Francois de Borgia, and with the French, who often go there in considerable numbers for trade. A portion of these tribes have already embraced Christianity, and the others are gradually throwing off their superstitions, to which They were extraordinarily attached.

To render our mysteries more intelligible to them, we place These before their eyes as much as possible by representations. They pay special attention to them, and afterward remember them to the best of their ability. During the Christmas festival, the birth of Our Lord is represented in the two Churches. The French represented there The adoration of the Shepherds at the foot of the Cradle, where the chiefs of the Hurons and of the Kiskakon Ottawas also came to pay Him their homages, in imitation of Those that he Received from the Kings. The Hurons, who had in their Church a Wax Image of the infant Jesus, which might be looked upon as a marvel by the Indians, wished to share it with the Kiskakon Ottawas. Accordingly, They bore it to them in procession, at the beginning of the celebration, with all The pomp that could be expected of them.

The Kiskakon Ottawas, not to be outdone in fervor in doing honor to a God-Child, carried the Image back to The Huron church eight Days afterward, accompanying It with several banners, and making The air resound with their singing. The entire Ceremony concluded with a speech delivered to Our lord by The chief of the Kiskakon Ottawas in the Name of all his Tribe; to this all the others responded with various hymns in French, in Algonquin, and in Huron. Not that there do not still remain Infidels who retain vestiges of Their former superstitions, by which they honor the sun and the moon; but they do so only in secret.

An Eclipse of the sun that we predicted to them -- which some Infidels attempted to prevent by all kinds of means, conjuring the sun not to cast That Shame upon them -- has persuaded them that there was some divinity in that heavenly body. This prediction of eclipses has always been one of the things that have most astonished our Indians; and it has given them a higher opinion of Their missionaries. This has gone so far that, when one of our fathers, some years Ago, predicted to the Iroquois an eclipse, Those Barbarians desired The Father to tell Them the position of an army of Their Enemies, which, as they had heard, was marching Against them. "Since you know all that passes in the Sky," they said to him, "you can not be ignorant of what passes on earth." But what Most contributed to withdraw Them from Their Idolatry was the sudden deaths -- with which God has punished the most obstinate. Some persons having held games in honor of the Moon, for the recovery of a Young man's health, -- despite all the opposition of The Fathers, and of the more fervent Christians, -- nearly all died shortly afterward.

In addition to The care that The Fathers take of the Mackinac Indians, They also from time to time make Journeys among other Tribes, who have not yet the advantage of having Missionaries among them. Father henry Nouvel, before going to take charge of the Christians of Green Bay, where He proceeded a short time ago, made a voyage on Lake Huron on which He navigated more than 500 miles, to visit various petty Algonquin tribes dwelling on the Shores of that Lake, to Instruct them and to administer to them the Sacraments. He found at Maskounagoung four tribes of Nipissings, and the achirigouans, who were celebrating the feast of the dead. This is a Ceremony in which, after bringing the bones of all their relatives who have died within 7 or 8 years, for the purpose of burying them all together, They engage in dances and feasts. They deliver their speeches no longer to the sun, as They formerly did, but to God. They at once built a bark chapel for the Father, who found them inclined to lead a more Christian life.

Drunkenness had almost destroyed them, and had made them completely forget the Instructions that they had received. But They are beginning to have a horror of the evil ways into which it has cast them. They even twice sent back two Canoes loaded with brandy, which The French brought to them; and many have left Nipissing -- which is their country -- to avoid occasions in which They do not feel themselves strong enough to resist the excessive tendency that all Indians have for drunkenness, and the requests of the French, who spare no pains to allure them to it. The Father, after rendering them all the services that they could expect from him, proceeded to Manitoualint, where The Chief at the head of all the Young men, whom he incited by his words and example, built in less than two hours a Chapel, in which They received the same assistance. The Amikwas, the Ojibwes, and the Mississaugas, who were scattered in other places on that Lake, enjoyed The same advantages. All these poor people were delighted to see that so much trouble was taken to procure Them a Happiness that would Never end.

200 miles from Mackinac is St. Francois Xavier, at The extremity of the Bay (Green Bay) that We call des puans, because we did not correctly understand The Indian name, which means "waters smelling of Rushes." This Bay runs inland from Lake Michigan or Michigane which We have named for St. Joseph, and extends 100 miles to the southwest. The Sauks, the Potawatomis, the Menominees (or people of Wild Rice), and the Meskwakis dwell along this bay. Father Albanel and Father Louis Andre have instructed Them for some years.

The maladies which prevailed to a great extent among The Menominees compelled Him, although Suffering from gout, to go to reside there, to aid them, and to prevent them from returning to their superstitions -- to which they are often in danger of reverting, through the desire of recovering their health. His Ailments served him more than anything else in encouraging the Christians to follow his example by patiently suffering The maladies with which God afflicted them, and never to abandon, on that account, the faith that they had Embraced.

Father Allouez also labored among the Potawatomis and the Sauks, by whom He made himself Feared through the energy with which He protested Against Their Vices; and at the same time beloved -- to such an extent that, when he was compelled to leave them, They showed all the regret that they felt at it. He has a peculiar gift for winning The Hearts of the Indians, even When he Spares them the least; but his special mission is among the Miamis and the Illinois, where He labors with as much enthusiasm as if he were in the prime of life, and with results that are quite remarkable for a beginning among Nations that have as many obstacles to the faith as these have.

With regard to the superstitions of the Miamis, He has not much trouble in disabusing them about these, because nearly all consist in the strict observance of certain Fasts of several Days' duration -- which the old men cause the Youth to undergo, so they may discover during their sleep the object upon which their good fortune depends; and no sooner had The father shown Them the vanity of those dreams than The Young men, delighted to be freed from that obligation, which to them seemed a hard one, abandoned the fasts. The old men have also been compelled to admit that their only reason was to accustom their Young men to fatigue, and to prevent their becoming too heavy.

God, however, compelled even the Father to observe with them a rigorous fast throughout a winter, during which he accompanied them in the woods. Their food for a somewhat Long time consisted only of a few miserable roots that the women dug out of the ground; and even of these there was but little for each, owing to their great number, for There were eighty Cabins.

Consequently, as He himself writes, He was Like Him qui cupiebat implere ventrem suum de siliquis porcorum et soepe nemo illi dabat. This did not prevent him from laboring throughout The winter to Instruct them, but with sufferings and fatigue which Might have overcome the most robust. The country through which He journeyed consisted entirely of damp prairies and marshes, or valleys full of water, separated from one another only by a few eminences covered with fine timber and dry soil. He was compelled to pass through eleven or twelve of those marshes in one Day; sometimes even it was one continuous marsh. As the ice is not thick in that country, They frequently sank Up to their knees in water.

The cold, which in that region is not great enough to freeze it completely, is still sufficient to make itself keenly felt. The lack of food did not allow the Indians to remain Long in one spot. He had to turn to the best account the moments that they could give him for their Instruction. Even the time during which they journeyed was entirely occupied in doing this. He approached sometimes one and sometimes another. A few of them occasionally gathered around him; The heavy burdens with which They were loaded, which did not allow Them to take three steps without breaking through the ice, did not prevent Them from listening to the father, or him from Instructing them. Thus these fatigues, which showed them How much the father loved them, were a powerful inducement to make them Believe Those truths, to preach which so much trouble was taken without any other Object in view than their salvation.

Many Shawnees whom he found among the Miamis (these are tribes who live much Farther away Toward the South, whom the Iroquois war has compelled to abandon their own country) were so affected by it that they said aloud that The Father was different from the Europeans in their land. I think that these are the english, from whom They receive no tokens of friendship, and who take no trouble to Instruct Them. In fact, those heretics pay no attention to their salvation, saying that they look upon Them only As beasts; and that Paradise is not for that sort of people. The Father showed them that he was animated with different sentiments toward them; that he looked upon Them As men.

The Illinois are The last to whom we have borne The Light of The Gospel. The first who Ever labored for their Instruction was Father Jacques Marquette -- who, from time to time, saw some of them at the point of saint Esprit, at The extremity of Lake superior, where He was Then on a mission. He went to their country for the first time ten years Ago, while on a long journey that he made with Sir Joliet, 500 miles beyond the first Villages of the Illinois, descending The great River Mississippi. He returned there two years afterward, and preached to them; but He died while returning from that mission, in a wretched Cabin on the Shore of Lake Michigan. Father Allouez continued his mission. But the Iroquois waged war on these people, and these Indians persuaded themselves that The French had been concerned in That war, because they were allies of the Iroquois.

This irritated them to such an extent that they decided to slay the first Frenchman who should set foot in their country. The father Still went there, hoping that the scourge, with which God had chastised them, would make them more docile. He made Them See that he knew the resolution that they had taken, but that his fervor for Their salvation had made him neglect the preservation of his own life. This Confidence wins Them; They Thank Him, and say that now The Black Gown loves Them, and that he is their father; that is the name which we assume among them, because that of "brother" does not Inspire Them with sufficient respect, while that of "son" indicates a submission of which They make use to command us, as They do the Slaves whom they have adopted; and this divests the missionary of The authority which is necessary for Instructing them.

The Father built a Chapel, The walls of which consisted of Rushes only. They hurried there in so great numbers that, as the Chapel was too small to Contain all of them, They opened It on all Sides to satisfy Their desire of learning Things which, as They said, were of great Importance to them. Although the father protested against Their vices, -- such as hatred, murder, and impurity, -- They still listened to Him with admirable attention. They followed him everywhere, so as not to lose a word of what he might say; and They gave him no rest either by Day or by night.

We shall, however, be forced to discontinue that mission, because the Iroquois, -- irritated still further by the death of a Captain of Seneca, killed among the Kiskakon Ottawas by some Illinois who were there, -- have gone to continue the war with more enthusiasm. Their purpose is to avenge that death, and, if possible, to exterminate that nation -- over whom They have already obtained great advantages, although that nation were formerly the terror of the more remote tribes toward The west.

You may see The good that We might do in those vast countries had we but missionaries and the means to maintain them. Out of seven of our fathers who are in that mission, four are almost unfit for service, owing to their advanced age, which exceeds sixty and sixty-six years; and except for The assistance of some Frenchmen, who have given themselves to us to serve us, in the Continual journeys that have to be made in those missions, we would be unable to bear the expense that has to be incurred. We have also two of our Brothers here -- namely, Our brother Louis Le Boheme, and Our brother Gilles Mazier, who render important services to our fathers; and who, by their labor and their Industry, have Most contributed to their subsistence.

The Tadoussac Mission resembles in some respects that of the Ottawas, but it is not so extensive. It includes only the Indians who are scattered Along the saguenay and a little higher up. There are many tribes in this country, but they are all small, and live solely by hunting. They usually have no settled Abode, with the exception of the Innu -- to whom are now Added some Algonquins, who frequently go to Chicoutimi, 75 miles from The mouth of the saguenay, and to Lake Quinogaming, 50 miles higher up, where many also reside during a portion of The year. They are attracted there by the trade that they carry on with the French, with whom They trade their pelts for goods from France. And this likewise attracts there, at certain times during the year, many other Indians, who go there with The same objective. We have houses at those two places, and chapels as well adorned as one can have in so Barbarous a country. This is where the Innu and the Algonquins, who are all Christians, meet to listen to the Instructions that are given to Them.

The faith has spread among several other petty tribes in the vicinity. The Fathers make frequent Journeys in the vast forests, to Satisfy the New Christians who, for the purpose of trading, are Continually arriving at Chicoutimi or at Lake Quinogaming.

These journeys are chiefly performed in winter, and Consequently amid fatigues that cannot be described; for The Winters here are more severe than in any other part of Canada, and so Long that in many places the ice Begins to leave Navigation Open only about The fifteenth of June. One has to follow the Indians, who, having much stronger Legs, content themselves with tracing The road by their tracks upon the Snow, through regions covered with mountains. Over these heights One must climb with Snowshoes on his feet, to reach, an hour or two after Dark, the place where the Indians are waiting -- in some wretched Cabin, open on all Sides to the wind and snow, and frequently even without any Food. For, if The hunting be Unsuccessful, As happens only too often, One has to pass three, four, or five Days without anything to eat.

Father Crepieul has often found himself reduced to this extremity, with some bands of Indians to Whose assistance he had gone; still, he had to Continue his Instructions, to not Lose favorable opportunities, and to go through the Cabins to assist the sick -- of whom, once, He had so many to attend that The Cabins were like hospitals. Consequently, he admits that hunger, thirst, and the pains that he felt in His Legs, his teeth, and eyes -- these last being caused by the smoke, and making Him almost blind -- had weakened Him so much that he had not sufficient strength to say mass, or to recite his prayer book. He was Still obliged to use The little that remained to him to drag himself from Cabin to Cabin, to assist The dying. The Indians themselves, accustomed as they are to fatigues of this kind, and who are little susceptible to Compassion, could not see Him without feeling some for him. And on one occasion a Captain was so touched by it that, after expressing to him The sorrow that he felt for his illness, He urged all his people by a public speech to procure for Their Common Father all the relief within their power. They did so, for they brought him some miserable wild fruits, which they could still find in the woods -- a slight relief, but one which charity obliged him to share with the other sick.

Fathers Dalmas and Sylvi, who labor in these same missions, have frequently undergone the same sufferings on similar journeys, in the company of the Indians. Once Father Dalmas was, during fifteen Days, without other food than some wild fruit; and Father Sylvi admitted that, however great his hunger, The pain that he felt in his teeth, upon biting the meat that was given to him, compelled Him to observe a strict fast. He once also had a portion of his feet frozen, with the risk of losing them had he not received prompt assistance. They also perform their regular Journeys during The Summer, because at that season the tribes that have been scattered through the woods Assemble in greater numbers, -- but often for so short a time that, if we neglect them, we pass a year without seeing them. The Mistassini Innu, whom Father Sylvi has gone to teach on Lake timagaming, remain there only three weeks, -- after which They separate into small bands, for fear that, by keeping together in too great numbers, They may suffer from hunger.

Father Crespieuil goes every year at the end of The summer to pay the same visit to the Papinachois Innu, to the Maliseets, and to other Northern tribes -- who assemble at the river de L'assomption, 75 miles below the saguenay on our great River.

Although the Iroquois missions do not entail such great fatigues, which are Inseparable from the Long journeys that have to be undertaken in the others, -- because these missions are all settled; and if the missionary has to visit the sick in the woods, it is usually only at distances of 12 or 15 miles, -- yet these nations are opposed more strongly than any other to Christianity.

The great successes that they have for so many years obtained over all the nations whom they have attacked, -- several of whom They have completely ruined, -- and The terror that they have inspired in all the others, have rendered them so arrogant that they consider themselves the masters of the earth; and they are at the same time maliciously disposed toward the French, which causes us to feel great fears of war. They often feel nothing but contempt for everything that we teach them, and for the persons who desire to instruct them.

Drunkenness prevails there to such an extent, and so continuously, that it often makes Their villages into images of hell. Then one sees only madmen, who destroy the Cabins and everything in them; who strike all whom they meet; and who often Fall upon one another, Biting and tearing Each other with Their teeth, -- attacking chiefly their faces, on which many bear marks of These quarrels. Many even have been killed in Combats of this kind, which are always bloody. At such times, no Captain or elder Can repress these lawless acts; they themselves are compelled to flee from the violence of these madmen, to avoid being ill-treated by them. On such occasions, a poor missionary must open his house to all who take a fancy to enter it, unless he choose to run the risk of having it torn down or Burned; and he has no rest by day or by night, while he listens to all their insolent words, and endures all Their insults, to which often The death-Blow alone is lacking.

There was one who entered the chapel of Onondaga at midnight, armed with a pistol and an iron bar, to avenge the wrong that a fervent Christian woman had done him by overturning his brandy. He fired his pistol, but without effect, at Father Jacques de Lamberville, whose brother hurried to him; but they were both in danger of being killed with the iron bar, had it not been for the assistance of some Indians who rescued Them. Father de Carheil had a struggle with another, who tried to bite off his nose, and who would have succeeded had not the Father been adroit enough to throw him upon the ground.

Thus this arrogance -- which is The peculiar Characteristic of this nation; Their enthusiasm for war, in which They are sometimes engaged for two years at a time, and from which They cannot keep aloof without passing for Cowards -- an insult which is more bitter than death; And drunkenness, are great obstacles to their Conversion, and, at the same time, give their missionaries great opportunities for suffering. It may also be said that when They overcome these obstacles, It is difficult to find better Christians.

Father Jean de Lamberville, the superior of those missions, wrote me that hardly anyone died at Seneca, where Father Julien garnier is, without having previously received baptism, -- although they, with those of Cayuga, are the most averse to Christianity. He has baptized as Many as one hundred and thirty-eight in one year, among Whom are many adults. Most of the children are baptized in secret only, and many rebuffs have to be endured before it is possible to approach and win the sick adults. Father Morain had charge last year of a village Distant 10 miles from that where Father garnier usually resides; but an attack of paralysis in the Leg compelled him to come here to seek a remedy.

Those of Cayuga had, When Father de Carheil was there, the same advantage as regards Their sick. But The Continual Insults offered Him by a Captain who wished to drive Him from the village, and who Continually threatened to kill Him, compelled Him to give way for some time. He withdrew to Onondaga, with the Fathers de Lamberville. These Fathers offered a Collar to some elders of Cayuga, who were Then passing through Onondaga, to persuade Them to Recall Father de Carheil to their village, and to protect Him against The violence Of oreouache, which is The name of that furious man. They promised that they would spare no effort to that end. They caused The Father to Return, after placing in his cabin The Corn that he needed. They also put some gifts in the cabin of oreouache, so that he will find them on his return from the war to which He has gone. The Father adds others gifts, which he himself presents to his persecutor; but that man only becomes more furious. He enters the Father's Cabin, after getting intoxicated; He falls upon him, As if to kill Him; and He pillages The chapel and all of his house.

The elders again present to him a Collar, to ask Him to deliver them from the anxiety in which His persecutions of the Father Constantly keep them, and to swallow the medicine that is to purge Him of all his Bile -- therefore they express themselves. But He refused it, saying that he could not answer for what he might do while intoxicated, and that he had no intention of abstaining from Drinking. This compelled the Father, upon the Advice of the elders, to withdraw once more. On passing by Onondaga, he Received the consolation of the elders; they took the opportunity to protest against the Europeans who brought them intoxicating Liquors -- "which alone," They said, "are The cause of all The disorder in our midst." God did not Allow The insult offered to the Father to remain Long unpunished; for Seventeen persons Of oreouhae's Cabin were carried off, shortly afterward, by dysentery.

The high Reputation that Father Jean de Lamberville has acquired at Onondaga is of Great use to Him in securing entrance into Their cabins; but He admits that he is indebted for a portion of the good that he effects there, with Father Jacques de Lamberville, his brother, to the medicines that the maresshal de Bellefons was kind enough to obtain for him from Sir Pellisson. They have, He says, "worked little wonders, as regards health of the Body and of the soul." They have won Him The confidence of all The sick in his Village.

Within three months, They found themselves compelled to keep two or three powders for themselves, in case of Necessity; and They even deprived themselves of these before long, in favor of the sick, when they saw that God preserved Their own health. Nearly all those to whom they gave these medicines were cured. The chief result is that the Indians Conceive from it a high Regard for Their benefactors; they are losing Much of the esteem which they had for the tricksters, who are there The great physicians; and they call in The fathers to see all the sick, both children and adults.

Although Father Millet is not free from the Annoyances of the drunkards at Oneida, he sees every Day The conversion of many Indians. He has inspired them with such esteem for the Cross That even those who are not Christians look upon It only with respect. All the principal families have vied with one another in erecting fine ones, without The Father speaking to them of it; and although many had not yet received Baptism and perhaps had not even the desire of Ever receiving it, They still all joined together with the same intention. There were old men, women, and even the warriors, who, for a Time, laid aside Their arrogance; and accompanied the ceremony with hymns in honor of God, of the Cross, and of the King himself -- who is Represented to Them as The most powerful defender of the Cross; While The warriors, to honor the feast, continually fired salvos from their guns.

The Mohawks are those who have The greatest inclination to become Christians. Father Vaillant has in one year baptized as Many as two hundred and twenty of them, who died shortly afterward, besides a great Many who leave every Day to come to settle at sault de saint Francois Xavier, 7 miles above Montreal. As They now have many of their relatives at that place, The Father prefers to send them to be baptized there, rather than to keep them at the Mohawk nation, where The nearness of Albany, and The evil examples of their companions, always expose Them to the danger of being corrupted. As Many as two hundred of them have come down to Lachine Rapids within two years. This does not, however, prevent us from having at the Mohawk nation many fervent Christians, who hold their own against all the disorders of the country. Many Christian women resolved to abstain from all kinds of feasts and dances during all of Lent, and from Christmas TO Epiphany, -- although that is the period When most of these take place.

I must mention what was done two years Ago by an Indian of Mohawk, who served Father vaillant in the capacity of Indian layman; for it is one of the most astonishing things that I have ever seen among The Indians. This fervent Christian was Continually urged by his Companions to go to war. They reproached him, saying that the faith takes away The Courage of those who embrace It, since they no longer dare pay a visit to The enemy; he thought to go to war for the honor of his Religion, and to Show them that Christians were not Cowards. He therefore went with Them, but with an intention quite Opposite to theirs.

He said to the Father: "I go not for the purpose of Fighting, of pillaging, or of killing the Illinois, But to sustain The honor of my Religion. My occupation on the march will be to instruct those who may be willing to listen to me, and to prevent all the evil that I can. I have witnessed The frightful massacre of children that takes place when we make ourselves Masters of any village of the Enemy. I shall baptize As many as possible, and even The adults whom I may be permitted to instruct before they are burned."

The Father did not Deem it his duty to oppose so generous a purpose. He merely applied himself to teaching him the formula of Baptism in our Language, because The Iroquois Tongue has no expression that correctly renders. The Indian does what he had promised to do; for, when he enters a village of the Illinois, instead of taking prisoners, as do the others, he runs in every Direction, wherever He sees children. He tears them from the hands of those who are murdering them, to Baptize Them. He asks his comrades to notify Him before killing those whom they have taken, if they are unwilling to Spare their lives; and He himself prepares for death any Iroquois adults who have been wounded. Later, while hunting, He fell into an ambush of the Illinois, who pierced him with arrows.

The Iroquois never return from war without bringing some Captives with them, a portion of whom are destined to the fire. Most are baptized before death. God's providence seeks Them out in Their own country, and makes Them come here to find eternal blessedness amid the fires of these Man-eaters. The Fathers de Lamberville have obtained from the Captains of Onondaga that all Captives shall be Taken to their chapel before being tortured.

Father Jean de Lamberville writes me that he baptized some who were already completely covered with blood from the wounds inflicted upon them, and who raised their mutilated hands toward Heaven, while Invoking the God whom he had just proclaimed to them. These poor people covered Him with blood by caressing him and giving him tokens of their gratitude.

Father Vaillant, in one year, baptized sixteen captives, who nearly all belonged to a nation near Boston, where they had been Taught the principal articles of our faith by some Englishmen -- who are different from those of Albany, and from the other heretics of america, -- without speaking to them of Controverted points; and he had no trouble in preparing them for Baptism. In addition to the Fathers who are among the Iroquois, We also have there our brother Pierre Maizieray, who visits them one after another; who Builds their little houses when The Indians move their villages to some other place, which quite often happens; and who renders them all the other services that his Ingenuity -- which makes him adept in almost every trade -- can suggest to Him.

It is difficult to find Better Christians than are the Iroquois, when they have overcome the obstacles that Hinder their Conversion. This we observe in those who are at the mission of sault de Saint Francois Xavier, 7 miles from Montreal. This mission is composed of all the most fervent Christians among The five Iroquois nations; they have left Their country, Their relatives, and their friends, to lead a Christian life.

Not that they are all so fervent. Faults are committed, but they are not tolerated; and if anyone becomes intoxicated, He dares not make his appearance in the village while in that condition. One was bold enough, a year Ago, to return in a state of intoxication; The elders at once caused Him to be seized and bound hand and foot. Then, after keeping him in confinement for some time, they Expelled Him from the Village, where He has never since appeared.

Two months Ago, an accident occurred at this mission. During the night of the nineteenth to the twentieth of august, a furious gale, The worst that we have yet known in Canada, completely wrecked The Chapel, which was sixty feet Long and one of the Handsomest Buildings around Montreal. Three of our Fathers were in it -- Fathers Chauchetiere, Potier, and Morin; and it looked as if they would be crushed under the Ruins of the Building. Still, Father Chauchetiere, at whose feet The two bells fell, received no injury; Father Potier escaped with a Slight wound on his face; and Father Morain's Shoulder was dislocated, but was cured in a few Days.

The Indians hurried to the spot, and were in such consternation that they could not recover from it; they were observed to weep over the Ruins of the Church. The Senior and most fervent of the Captains, who had just finished his Bark cabin, at once offered It to the whole village, to serve them as a Chapel Until another could be built.

The affection that they have for this Place attaches Them at the same time to the French, who are under great obligations to those who compose this mission. Those pagan Iroquois have often decided to wage war against The French; but They have been stopped by those whose relatives were at Lachine Rapids. This has been done, above all, by The Mohawks, who declared that they could not Consent to such a war; that their nephews and children who were in the country of the French, must first be withdrawn from there, -- and this the others have Never been able to do, although they have spared nothing to effect their objective. Our Christian Iroquois have done still more; For, when Sir de la barre, The King's Lieutenant general in this country, went to see Them last summer, They offered him one hundred and fifty men to go to war, even Against their own nation, if their own nation broke the peace with The French.

There are also some Indians of this nation at Lorette, 10 miles from here, who have Joined the Hurons under the Direction of Fathers Chaumonot and Cholenec. These Indians are Very charitable to one another, and especially in providing for the wants of those who are in need; these, through The care of the more fervent, are never obliged to beg. It is now a common custom among these good people to atone The faults that they have committed by some difficult service rendered to the poor, or to those whom they think they have offended, -- such As carrying wood on Their backs for Them, or helping them to sow or to Gather their grain, and other similar things.

We have here also another mission, which is among the Abenakis settled at sillery, 4 miles from Quebec. It was the last one Begun. Sillery is the home of the Algonquins, where They formerly had one of the most flourishing missions in Canada: but drunkenness caused such disastrous ravages among them that there is only a wretched remnant of that nation, scattered through the Woods and in places where -- as they no longer have any missionaries to reproach them with their misconduct -- They can Indulge in their vice with greater Freedom. God has brought The Abenakis here, with the view of substituting them For the Algonquins.

These tribes inhabit The country that Borders on acadia and New England on the seashore, 150 miles from here. The war in which They were engaged with the English, at the outset compelled about thirty of them to leave Their country; for they dreaded everything from a war which, however it might have been to their advantage Until then, always threatened Them with unpleasant consequences. They thought they could better provide for Their safety by taking refuge among the French. They were Gladly received at Sillery, where They were adopted by the Algonquins, a few of whom still remained. The Missionary who then had charge of the mission soon learned their Language, and at once set to work to Instruct them, -- although drunkenness, to which They were unusually addicted, seemed to remove all hope of producing any great result among them. But the Charity that was displayed toward them in providing them with everything they needed, -- for They had come destitute of everything, -- and, above all, grace, soon won their Hearts; and They were found to possess a docility surpassing anything that could be hoped for.

These favorable beginnings were soon followed by still more favorable results. For no sooner were They Convinced of the truth of our Religion than their only thought was to make their relatives who were still in acadia participate in their happiness. Several returned to Acadia: some to bring here their fathers and mothers; some their brothers; others their best friends, and even all their countrymen, if they could.

As The missionary who was Then at Sillery had been sent elsewhere, Father Jacques Bigot, who had been studying Their Language for only three months, during which He had made great progress, took charge of that mission. By his gentleness in not being repelled by their savage temper, or even by their faults, and by His condescension in taking an interest in the details of all their trivial affairs, he soon became master of their Hearts. Father Vincent Bigot, his brother, who also knew the Language, assisted him for some time, and was beloved by the Indians; but the Need of a missionary for the Iroquois compelled us to withdraw Him from Sillery. Father Gassot, who lived there last Summer, and who had studied the Algonquin language, could not be of much service to him.

This mission increases Daily; and as there is not enough land here, Sir De la Barre, the King's Lieutenant-general in this country, and Sir de Meule, the Intendant, have been so kind as to grant them a tract of land 37 miles from here, where They formerly dwelt. As that place is on the road that Leads to their country, it will persuade many who are still in acadia to come to settle among us.

Thierry Beschefer.

YEAR 1685

LETTER OF REVEREND FATHER JACQUES BIGOT TO REVEREND FATHER LA CHAISE. 1685.

Reverend Father,

A wish has been expressed to me that I should write a special account of what has passed here during the past two months when the sillery Indians wholly abandoned drinking.

A wretched Algonquin, who had been here for some days, came back from Quebec, on Sunday night, in a state of intoxication. He brought a bottle filled with brandy, and intoxicated his brother, who had also been here for some days. The Algonquin caused a great disturbance during the night; for he seized burning firebrands with which to strike those who were in his cabin, and nearly set fire to it. As his Cabin was near mine, I immediately heard the cries of those whom the drunkard was tormenting. I go to the Cabin; I call for assistance; I cause the drunken man to be bound, and carried to a cellar where there is nothing to drink or to seize.

On the following day, I send Secretly for archers to remove the wretch to prison. Our Governor had already informed me of his intention to prevent the evils of drinking, and to secure the observance of the orders that we had already given here to stop such disorderly conduct. Accordingly, after assembling all our Indians, I made him speak to them, which he did in an admirable manner, in regard to the disturbance caused in our mission by the drunkard, who was at the same time expelled from this mission.

You see all the Pious trickeries which I employed to inspire terror in the others, especially in those who are here only for a time, and whose sole object in coming seems to be to disturb the piety of all the good Christians who compose this mission. Orders had already been sent to Quebec to imprison the Indians who might be found intoxicated there; but no attention was paid to those orders, and most of the Indians who became drunk escaped from Quebec without being taken.

I told all the Indians that the Great Captain had heard that many Indians who became intoxicated in Quebec were not imprisoned there, in Accordance with the orders issued against the drunkards: and that he Insisted upon my promptly informing him if anyone returned to Sillery in a state of intoxication after escaping from Quebec without being imprisoned. In such a case, he would at once send archers for him, so the drunkard might, by the hardships of the prison, make reparation for his sin. I added that he Desired that I should take away from every Indian whom I found intoxicated some petty effects belonging to his Cabin, so the effects so taken might Serve to pay the Archers who would come to put that drunken Indian in prison. This has been called here, during the past two months, "the Holy pillage" -- that is, a pillage that is done for the purpose of obeying God.

As soon as I learn that some wretched Frenchman has taken the clothing of an Indian, -- giving him perhaps twenty cents' worth of liquor for clothes worth from 20 to 24 silver coins, -- I make a great stir in the village. I say that I will certainly have the clothes given back, but that it is also necessary that the Indian, who has been foolish enough to give his clothing for almost nothing, must atone for his sin. I go to Quebec, and I have the clothes sent back here; for I have made myself somewhat dreaded by the French who ply that trade. When I return here I depict the Frenchman who has given me back the clothes. I represent to our Indians how the poor Frenchman trembled when he gave me back the clothes, and asked me to say nothing of it to the Great Captain, and assured me that he would never again commit the like fault.

Jacques Bigot,

of the Jesuits.

Sillery, November 8, 1685.

YEAR 1686

THE TADOUSSAC MISSION OF THE JESUITS SINCE 1671, BY FATHER FRANCOIS DE CREPIEUL, JESUIT. FROM THE CABIN OF LOUIS KESTABISTICHIT AT PASTAGOUTCHICHIOU SIPIOU, APRIL 7, 1686.

Of the Innu who retained two wives, nearly all died in the woods; among these Ouskan, a chief from a foreign tribe, Piekouagami, was killed by the Shawnees. Henri Kisakwan, who even after Baptism retained a widow, died shortly after. He was a man powerful in speech and in strength. His Young Son Apistabech and his two younger wives died almost the same year in the forest. Three or 4 others all perished, after one or two Years, with their wives and their baptized children, which fact the greater number remarked, and asked to be united in wedlock; they then remained more constant in the faith, and in lawful marriage.

I know none of Tadoussac who have two Wives; but all are married before the church, and are constant in The Faith and in their Marriage. Most of those who neglected to confess their sins when they could have done so, have died in the Woods without that sacrament. Among these were the chief of the Mistassini Innu, Kawistaskawat; The chief of the Kwakonchiwets, Ka Mistasihanet; and The chief of the great Lake of the Mistassini Innu, Wesibaourat; he was deceived by the Devil, and perhaps carried off, so they say, near Lac Saint-Jean, where he had killed his brother. They found nothing but his Jerkin.

Some drunkards, who would not listen to the Advice and Rebukes of the Missionary, were deprived of the sacraments. A Papinachois Innu chief was killed, with his married Son, Jacquechis, in a canoe; they were drowned near La Malbaie. The Wife of tall Charles hanged herself at Tadoussac, while intoxicated, etc.

Some Old women, and some other Women, took the discipline in The Woods, although they had not been completely intoxicated. Some Young Women constantly resisted the Libertines and some Frenchmen, although they were offered brandy, etc. Some of these women at once informed The Missionary of it, and asked him to put a stop to those persistent men. Most of these Women died in a Christian manner, -- especially Three Papinachois Innu, who had been married with the rites of the Church.

Although several Families reside in the same cabin, there is only union and charity there. I have not yet Witnessed any assaults; and I have heard only a few quarrels, and those seldom when they were not in Liquor. They are charitable to one another, and so to the Children. I have seen some take the morsel from their own lips, etc. They are also charitable to the Sick. I have admired Some of them, and also some Women who, despite the stench, were even more charitable, especially since they have been Christians.

All are patient in their wandering Life. They endure Hunger, thirst, cold, and fatigue more bravely than We. If a canoe is overturned, or a train overturns, they laugh; and I often admire them in the most difficult roads, where the French become angry and swear.

They have a horror of Theft, and have little love for Worldly goods, but much more for health and for life. They are quite content when they have plenty of food and tobacco. The hunters are much more grieved than All the others, when tobacco fails.

Jealousy and slander are their chief vices, -- and, in the case of Some, Drinking, when the opportunity presents itself.

The Men, and even more the Women and Girls, are modest; the Women and Girls cover themselves decently, whether sitting, or lying down. The young men are more inclined to be filthy in their language.

All lead a wandering, penitent, and Humiliating, but patient, peaceful, and innocent life in the Woods -- where, during the summer, -- in August, and up to the middle of September, -- they often fast in spite of themselves, as they also do in December and january, and when the snow is in poor condition. Some have died of Hunger.

Those who say that if an Indian did not know that he would become intoxicated, he would not drink, are wrong. I have known Medart, an Eskimo, to have some liquor still in his possession at Epiphany, when I first wintered there with Pierre courpon and Martin Echineskawat. I have known tall Charles to keep it better than the French do, and even to Trade it to Others. I have seen Medartchis, a Maliseet, refuse it -- as did also some Indian women, although they had already drunk some; and there are many who would not take more than a drink or two. Tall Charles at Tadoussac drank some Every Morning as long as his little Keg or case of Bottles lasted; he also took but one drink when he returned from hunting, or from a Journey, and he told everyone that this suited him very well.

I have seen Louis Kestabistichit, my host, keep a pint for more than ten days -- and this on more than four or five occasions, -- and not touch what I had put in a little bottle to test him, although he knew Where it was. Many have carried Barrels of Wine and of Brandy to Lac Saint-Jean, more Faithfully than Some Frenchmen and than Some of the hired Men.

Some have kept liquor, and have Traded it to the Mistassini Innu. Louis Kestabistichit has assured me that he obtained 24 or 26 beaver-skins for a small keg brought from Chicoutimi; and then bartered at Kouchaouraganich and Echitamagat, -- without any disorder, and to the satisfaction of those Strangers. Gisles Outastak'wano, my Host, did as much at the same Place; and tall Charles of Tadoussac at Lac Saint-Jean of Piekouagami.

I have known a certain French Canadian who was worse and more persistent for Liquor than an Indian; and who often helped himself and drank from that belonging to the fathers and to the French, while it was being Transported. The less one employs the French woodsmen, the better it is for the Mission and for The Trade. It is good thoroughly to test the hired Men before trusting them; and not to let them go often to the cabins, especially those where there are Young Women or marriageable Girls. It is advisable to prevent them, as much as possible, from having Liquor of their own, and from trading it.

More is gained with All The Indians by Gentleness than by Severity, although this is sometimes necessary; and by patience than by anger, which makes them lose their esteem for the Missionary. The less one lends to the Indians, the better. It is good to do good to them, when The opportunity presents itself, and to assist them in their Necessity; they remember and speak of it frequently.

Nothing is ever lost by caressing the Children, and by occasionally praising the young men and the hunters; by respecting The old people; by honoring The Dead, and praying to God for them, etc. One must not be discouraged at the start, nor condemn the customs of some poor Indians; they can be won in Time, and with patience.

They are pleased by Visits paid to their cabins, and consider themselves despised or hated by the Missionary who does not Visit them. They are likewise pleased to find gratitude, although they are sometimes but indifferently paid for the Journeys that they perform, and are still satisfied. They must be treated with more attention than the others.

When they give anything as a present, it is good not to refuse it, and to reward them for it. They nearly always give more than is given them in return. For instance, I have seen Some of them give ten moose-Tongues, etc., and be well content with a platter of peas, some Indian corn, 2 biscuits, a chunk of tobacco, and a drink of brandy. If Any among the honest Frenchmen are not properly grateful to them, they are held to be Avaricious, and people of little note. Whatever may be said on this point about the Indians, I find them more grateful and more Liberal than many of the French.

Those who say that there is nothing to be done in these Missions are mistaken. There is certainly something to be done when one wishes, and when one has the slightest fervor. The Trade in Liquor does not last so long, and it is easy for the commandants to prevent disorder. There is never any, Wherever The Missionary happens to be. As this kind of Trade cannot be prevented at Tadoussac and at Chicoutimi, we must do what we can.

Journeys, and The cabins of the Indians, are schools of self-flagellation, of patience, and of Resignation. The Fear and The Love of God are necessary to a Missionary who in The cabins is nearly always with married people; and who sometimes finds himself alone, either in The cabins or on journeys, with young Indian women while the Men are hunting.

He needs great tact in dealing with many of the French, and with The Indians; and much charity, to endure Both. With these two traits he must, so far as lies in his power, pacify Minds, and soothe Quarrels that may arise between The French and The Indians, without taking The part of one more than of The Other.

If he imagines that The Indians are for Him, and that he is not in that quarter for them, he will not make much progress; and he will not long persevere in these arduous Missions -- as has been the case with Some. Unless he has great courage, and resolution to suffer, and some affection for the Indians, he will have hardly any satisfaction.

The best thing for him is to devote himself solely to his Mission, and to leave The commandants, and The clerks appointed for The Trade, to act as they please and as they deem advisable. Public Rebuke, especially in the case of those Gentlemen, often does more harm than good. Rebuke in private is generally taken in good part, as well as The advice given to the Reverend Father Superior and to the Directors. Civility and Deference, according to their rank, win The commandants and The clerks, when accompanied by a little submission to the Directors, to whom it is often sufficient to represent the needs of The Mission and of the House at the Lake.

One must also avoid complaining of The food, and not speak of it at all before The French and the Indians -- who always repeat it afterward, according to their own Ideas, which frequently causes much of the esteem felt for The Missionary to be lost.

One must also avoid being persistent in one's Requests; or showing, by word or by writing, that one is offended at being refused: but one should await the most favorable opportunity or Time.

On Journeys, a great deal of patience is needed, and a little condescension for the canoemen, especially for The Indians, who are unwilling to risk themselves too much. When one is not hurried, the best way is to let them hunt and camp when they wish.

When The dogs are on Land for the purpose of hunting, and they await or call them, one must not manifest any displeasure; nor when the children scream or weep.

A little Praise -- either for being skillful in managing the canoe, in hunting, in carrying; or for taking good care of the canoe and of the packs -- often does good, and encourages them, as well as The young Women and Girls; this also pleases the parents, who always show how glad they are.

Although fishing, and hunting Hares and Martens, are proper when Necessary, and by way of recreation, they still do great harm to the Missionary who becomes too fond of them. These things cause him to lose much Time, and disturb the exercises of The Mission and The order of The House; and most frequently they scandalize the French as well as The Indians, who discuss them according to their own ideas.

He must be careful not to reproach the Indians because they do not give him presents for the petty Charities that he has done them; and also not to ask them for any, without great Necessity.

He must be careful not to Search The Sacks of the workmen, unless he has some reason to suspect them of Theft; and he should not tell the Commandants what he has found, or the number of Martens, etc., that they have trapped, as this does great harm to All and to Himself. The petty trade that they carry on concerns The commandant or The clerks more than The Missionary. These people often have a limited permission, and one offends Both without any good results.

If The commandant commit any Fault, it is better to admonish him privately than publicly. Public Rebuke, unless well arranged beforehand and resorted to according to Necessity, embitters Minds against Us. Such indiscreet fervor does more harm than good. I have seen unpleasant results happen through it to one of Our Jesuits.

He must, so far as possible, be ever happy and Affable, and not be too familiar either with Any Frenchmen or with Any Indians, whether men or women.

Except in case of Necessity or of strong suspicion, he must be careful not to go at Night into The Cabins, especially where there are Young women and marriageable Girls. They often give a wrong interpretation to this.

He must not be too long in saying prayers, or implore Them, Especially among Strangers.

Let him not marry with the rites of the Church any Frenchman to an Indian woman, without The consent of the parents, and without the Bishop's approval.

If A Frenchman abuse any Indian woman, let the missionary scold him privately; if the sin be scandalous, let him do so publicly. But if The Frenchman continue, let the missionary inform the Director and The Gentlemen, and The relatives; and let him deprive Both of the Sacraments.

TWO LETTERS OF REVEREND FATHER BECHEFER TO SIR CABART DE VILLERMONT. QUEBEC, SEPTEMBER 19, 1687.

You asked me to inform you of the success of our Governor's expedition against the Iroquois. Here is an account of the whole affair. When the army was reviewed on an island near Montreal, it was found to consist of 800 men of the regular troops, and a like number of militia, -- besides one hundred Indians, who were to be constantly employed in transporting provisions in canoes to Fort Frontenac; and a hundred others, forming a sort of small flying camp. About 300 Christian Indians who are settled among us -- Iroquois, Algonquins, Abenaki, and Hurons -- joined the expedition. They started from the rendezvous on the 11th of June, and safely passed all the rapids that are met along a distance of 100 miles, without other loss than that of 2 men, who unfortunately were drowned. They expected that the enemy would dispute the passage, but not one appeared; and there were only the rapidity and the impetuous current of the waters to contend against, -- with labor and fatigue that no one can conceive without witnessing them. In these difficult passages, our Indians, who are accustomed to them, were of great assistance to the French.

Finally, after much fatigue, and after having had rain and contrary winds nearly every day, they reached Fort Frontenac, where Sir de champigsly had arrived some days previously. The army remained there only 4 days, and left on the 5th of July. The weather being favorable for crossing Lake Ontario, the troops arrived on the 10th at Irondequoit, the place selected for disembarkation, which is only 25 miles from the villages of Seneca. Great precautions had been taken to effect the landing, because it was thought that the Iroquois would oppose it. It was, however, accomplished peacefully. By great good fortune, 180 French who had come by order of Sir de Denonville, from the country of the Ottawas, where they were engaged in trading -- arrived at the same time, with 300 or 400 Indians, from various nations, whom they had persuaded to follow them. All set to work at once to build a fort for the protection of the boats and canoes of the army, which was to march overland to seek the enemy in their own country. As this post was of great importance, 400 men were left in it under the command of Sir Dorviliers, an old officer of great ability. While they were working at this fort, some Iroquois made their appearance on a height, and called out to our people that it was useless to waste time in erecting palisades. They said that an advance should be made as soon as possible, for they were extremely impatient to fight the French; and after uttering loud yells, and discharging their guns beyond range, they fled.

On the 12th, at noon, the army began its march, and proceeded only 7 miles that day.

On the 13th, they started early, and advanced with all possible speed. After they had passed 2 dangerous defiles, there remained but one, a half mile from the plain. Our army was attacked there when it least expected it. The scouts had beaten the country on all sides, and even quite near the place where the enemy lay in ambush in the defile, without discovering them; 200 or 300, who were farthest in advance, after uttering their yells usual on such occasions, fired on our advance-guard, which consisted mostly of Canadians and of our Indians, who were on the flanks. Sir de Callieres, who led them, made them charge, so the enemy did not long stand before them.

Meanwhile, from 500 to 600 other Iroquois tried to take our men in the rear at the same time that the head of the column was attacked. But Sir de Denonville, who perceived their plan, threw forward some battalions, and caused so heavy a fire to be directed at them that they at once fled. All our troops were so fatigued after a long and forced march over bad roads, during extraordinarily hot weather, that it was not deemed advisable to pursue the enemy -- especially since, to do so, it was necessary to leave the road and enter woods of which they had no knowledge, and in which the Iroquois might have laid ambushes for our people. This was all the more to be feared, since it was impossible to march in a body while pursuing foes who run through the woods like deer. Besides, as our Indians spoke 7 or 8 different languages, there was reason to fear that they might attack one another, for lack of mutual understanding.

It was, therefore, deemed advisable to encamp upon the spot where the action had taken place. We had 7 men killed, both French and Indians, and about 20 wounded, -- among whom was one of our fathers who was with the Indians when our army was attacked; 28 of the enemy remained on the field. A Shawnee slave who had fought with them, and who surrendered to us a few days afterward, assured us that the Iroquois had 50 killed and over 60 mortally wounded, besides many others who received less severe wounds; that great consternation prevailed among them; and that many slaves had taken advantage of it to escape.

Owing to the heavy rain that fell on the following day, camp was struck only about noon; and, after it had emerged from the woods, the army marched in battle array directly to the first villages, which are only a mile away. They found them abandoned, and almost reduced to ashes; for the enemy had set fire to the cabins before retreating from them. As our people found no one to fight, they set to work to destroy the Indian corn in the fields. They also burned what was stored in the villages, and what had been transported to a fort built of large stakes on a height in a commanding position, where the enemy had intended to defend themselves. We afterward proceeded to the other villages, about 10 miles away from the first, which we found abandoned, but not reduced to ashes.

Our Indians, who arrived there first, secured a considerable amount of booty from all the goods that could not be carried away in a hasty flight. While they were occupied in destroying the corn, various parties went in every direction, without finding any of the enemy -- except in the case of a Huron, who went alone toward Cayuga, and met a man and a woman, whom he killed, and whose scalps he brought back. The destruction of the Indian corn is calculated to entail great inconvenience upon the Iroquois, and hunger is sure to cause many to perish. For it is impossible for the other nations, who, united together, are not so numerous as that of Seneca, to supply it with food for 14 months, without themselves suffering. Those who will disperse through the woods, to live by fishing and hunting, will be liable to be captured and killed by the Indians, their foes, who are resolved to seek them everywhere. As it was by this means that Sir de Denonville could do most injury to the Iroquois, he devoted every attention to it; and it occupied 9 whole days, after which he resumed his march to the fort where the boats and equipage of the army had been left; for they were so fatigued that they were no longer in a condition to undertake anything of any consequence.

Still, he thought it was of the highest importance to build a fort at the entrance of the Niagara river, whereby lake Erie discharges into lake Ontario, 200 miles from Fort Frontenac, and over 140 from Montreal. As this fort is only 75 miles from Seneca, it will cause alarm to the Iroquois; and will serve as a refuge for the Indians, our allies, who may go in small bands to harry them. After placing it in a state of defense, Sir de Denonville left there a garrison of one hundred men, -- as he could not leave a larger number, owing to the difficulty of transporting provisions there, -- and started to go to Montreal with the militia, and, while on the way, to escort a convoy. Sir de Vaudreuil remained at fort Niagara with the troops, to finish it and the soldiers' barracks. He had orders that, while descending from Fort Frontenac to Montreal, he should post his men in the places that were most dangerous for the safety of another convoy. He did so without meeting any of the enemy on the way. There were some, however, for 15 miles from the place where he had posted himself, they killed 9 Frenchmen, whom they surprised on the lake-shore.

And so, the war has begun quite favorably. It is to be feared, however, that it will cause the ruin of a portion of the colony, owing to the settlements being so scattered. Sir de Denonville omits nothing that can be done to protect them from the incursions of the Iroquois, who are all the more to be dreaded since they are incited by the english, who suggested to them means for doing us injury. All persons agree that, in the present condition of the country, 500 Iroquois led by Europeans would in 3 months devastate Canada, -- despite all the precautions that might be taken, or the forces that we might have to oppose to them; because the French cannot run through the woods as they do, and cannot subsist as easily there as they.

On the 7th of this month, they attacked a house at the extremity of Montreal island; but, as it was surrounded by a tolerably high palisade, and as those within it delivered a heavy fire, they were unable to carry it; and they had 3 men killed and others wounded. They have since burned several other houses, and barns full of wheat.

We are sending to France 36 Iroquois from among those whom Sir de Denonville had captured on his march, and in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, in case they might give the alarm. There are still 15 here, besides more than 120 women and children.

Sir de Tonty was unable to persuade the Illinois to go to attack the Iroquois in the rear, while the French attacked them on another side. He had gathered together only one hundred who joined the army. Sir de Denonville is well pleased with him.

The Dutch and the English of New York derived such profits from the trade which 12 of their people carried on last year with the Ottawas, -- at a place called Mackinac, at the entrance of Lake Michigan, -- that they decided to send others there, and to secure all the furs of that nation, by letting them have their goods cheap at the beginning. In fact, they sent a group of 30, to whom they added some Indians of the Nation of the Mahicans, who live in their neighborhood, and 3 Iroquois; these were to serve as guides, and to supply them with food by hunting, during the winter that they were to pass in the woods.

To secure a better reception from the tribes among whom they were going, they, by force of presents, obtained from the Iroquois the most notable man of the nation of the Petuns, and added him to their company. When at 62 miles' distance from his own country, he went in advance to notify his people that the Dutch were coming with goods of all kinds, which they would sell much cheaper than the French, with whom no further trade was to be carried on. Great was the joy of these Indians, who were preparing to go to meet them to carry them provisions, when he, to whom Sir de Denonville had given the command of all the French there, ordered 50 of the French to embark; and he took his measures so well that he captured the Dutch with all their goods, which were divided among those who had accomplished the capture. It should be observed that these Dutch carried the english flag, and had a passport from Colonel Dongan, the governor of New York.

Another band consisting of an equal number of Dutch had started in April to go to trade at the same place; they had already advanced a considerable distance when they were discovered by the French who were going to join the army. They were captured as the others had been. This latter group of Dutch was led by a Scotchman who had served in France, and the former group of Dutch by a French deserter from Canada, who was to act as interpreter. His head was broken. Had not these two parties of traders been captured, the entire trade of Canada would have been ruined, because nearly all the furs come from the Ottawas; and had they been free to go to trade in New York, they would certainly have sided with the Iroquois against us.

The troops that arrived this year did not take part in the expedition against the Iroquois, because it had started before they disembarked. Only Sir de Vaudreuil, their commandant, and some officers, hurried to Montreal and arrived there before Sir de Denonville left.

Sir d'Hyberville, a Canadian, who commands the fort of Moose Factory, or of the Monsoni, on Hudson Bay, learned that an English vessel was at Carleston island, where the ice had caught it and compelled it to pass the winter there; and he sent 5 men to obtain information about it. Two fell ill, and retraced their steps. The 3 others perceived a cabin, and went to it without taking any precautions; they found there 5 Englishmen, who received them very well.

On the following day, they were told that they must go to the vessel, which was a mile away; and they were taken there with their weapons in their hands. They were at once put in the hold, and, finding how stupid they had been, they resolved that the 1st who might find an opportunity of escaping should take advantage of it, to go to give notice of their misfortune, and of the small number of Englishmen in the vessel. It was a barque, of only 20 tons, that had come in the autumn from Port Nelson. One of them escaped toward the end of March, and made his way over the ice to the fort, where the resolution was at once taken to capture the english barque.

Meanwhile, the ice began to break up; and the english set to work to launch their vessel. They compelled the French to help them, but without watching them as closely as they did before their Captain's death; he had been drowned while hunting in a bark canoe. The French took advantage of the liberty given them; and seeing only 3 Englishmen in the barque, -- for the master was on shore, -- and that these 3 sailors were engaged in setting up the rigging, one of them seized an axe lying on the deck, and killed two of the sailors. It was not hard to overpower the third, who was the cook.

The two Frenchmen, having become masters of the barque, cut the cable holding the vessel to the shore, and shoved off, setting sail as well as they could. While this was happening near Carleston island, Sir D'Imberville was on the sea, with an armed barque flying the English flag, -- which inspired the two Frenchmen on the English barque with great fear. They were soon reassured, however, when they found that it was the French from fort Moose Factory (or Monsoni) who were chasing them.

YEAR 1687

QUEBEC, OCTOBER 22, 1687.

Sir,

I have already written of our expedition against the Iroquois. Since its return, they have come in small bands to harry us, and on various occasions have killed 18 men, always by surprise. They even attacked a house surrounded by a palisade, but were repulsed with the loss of 3 of their men. We must expect to be troubled by them every day.

Sir de Louvois wrote to Sir de Denonville that he had been informed that porphyry had been found on the islands of St. Pierre; he sent a barque there, with a marble-cutter, who found such extensive quarries of it that there is enough to build entire towns. The porphyry lies in beds two and a half feet thick; and the workman asserts that no difficulty will be experienced in getting out blocks 30 feet long and 6 wide. Here is material for fine work. Besides, it is stated that ships can lie quite close to the quarries, for the anchorage is good. It is also hoped that white marble will be found in the neighborhood of Cape Breton; and elsewhere.

An iron-master came to see whether any use could be made of the deposits of iron ore here, -- some of which was tested a few years ago, and found to be better and softer than that of Spain.

I was mistaken when I told you that the Iroquois wore no masks. They make some hideous ones with pieces of wood, which they carve according to their fancy. When our people burned the villages of the Senecas, a young man made every effort in his power to get one that an Ottawa had found in a cabin, but the Ottawa would not part with it. It was a foot and a half long, and wide in proportion; 2 pieces of a kettle, neatly fitted to it, and pierced with a small hole in the center, represented the eyes.

We have had no news of Sir de la Salle, except the few words that you wrote us.

You will not have the census of Canada this year, because Sir de Champigny is not taking it.

Were it not for the test that you made of the mineral that I sent you last year, we would not yet know that it is a mine of lead, with traces of silver.

While writing this letter, I am informed that the Iroquois have killed 5 more of our men, and have wounded some others; and what is still worse, they have begun to burn houses and barns, in the country places, and to kill the cattle. They were pursued, but how is it possible to catch deer running through dense thickets?

The contents of the box that I am sending you are as follows:

24 bark dishes of various sizes.

2 wooden spoons.

A small gourd full of copal balsam, which was brought to me from the Arkansas country on the Mississippi, half-way between fort st. Louis and the sea.

Seeds of 3 kinds of watermelons, from the Illinois country.

Seeds of Canadian watermelons, which grow without requiring any care, like squashes in France; they need not be planted as early as the others.

Squash seeds from the Illinois country.

Nuts from the Illinois country.

A piece of porphyry from the quarry on the island of st. Pierre.

Pieces of bark, on which figures have been marked by teeth.

A stone dagger, the handle of which is missing; it consists merely of a piece of wood of no particular shape, and you can have one set in it.

Another and smaller dagger.

A stone knife.

The daggers and the knife are of the kind still used by the Illinois at the present day, although they have iron ones.

Some black sand which is found in considerable quantities near Three Rivers. This sand is almost all iron, -- as may easily be seen, because a magnet lifts nearly all of it. There is, however, a little silver, as has been ascertained by tests that have been made.

A small quantity of the root that the Illinois and Shawnees mix with the tobacco that they smoke.

Two pieces of marcasite, quantities of which are found here.

Colonel Dongan, the governor of New York, wrote to Sir de Denonville to complain of his having attacked the Iroquois, whom he claims to be subjects of the King of England; and he declares that he will assist them. He also complains that the Dutch belonging to his government, who were going to trade in the Ottawas country, were plundered and arrested. This Colonel will do us more harm by the means that he will suggest to the Iroquois for molesting us, than by the English he may send to join them.

YEAR 1689

LETTER WRITTEN BY REVEREND FATHER CARHEIL, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS, TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF NORTHERN NEW FRANCE. 1689. RECEIVED BY THE COUNT DE FRONTENAC, AT QUEBEC, SEPTEMBER 17, 1690

We are at last reduced to the condition to which I have always believed that the hope of peace would reduce us. I have never doubted that peace was impossible -- nor have all those who know the dispositions of the Iroquois, and especially of the Onondaga, the most treacherous of all. Despite the difficulty that we had up to the time of the assembly, in sustaining the minds of our poor Indians amid the continual displeasure caused them by the negotiations for a peace, -- which they knew to be only asked for by force of attentions, of honors, and of presents; and which were but so many public proofs of our weakness, -- we were fortunate enough to maintain them in their duty until that time. After that, it was for those who Conducted those negotiations to demonstrate the truth of what they had promised; and to let our tribes see the enemy who, as they supposed, had become submissive to their Will. But at the time that this should have been done, what had they obtained? Nothing but houses burned, French killed or captured, scalps taken, and bodies ripped open; nothing but a universal destruction of all Lachine -- which should have been the best-guarded on all Sides; and finally, nothing but universal consternation throughout all of Montreal.

This is not the success promised them by embassies and peace Conferences, but it is what they Feared. What do we wish them to think now; what do we wish them to do? When, as they say, they see Onontio deceived and vanquished by the enemy, what hope can they still retain of his protection when they see nothing but weakness? Can one suppose that, after their departure from Montreal, -- where they had just seen the Iroquois triumph throughout the whole Campaign, during which he was allowed to do as he pleased, they could take any other action than what compelled us to carry on war to overawe him?

They then attempted to make peace themselves, through their own negotiations with the enemy, who had taken away many of their people, whom they were holding as Captives. Our Indians were prevented from doing so, and were persuaded to resolve upon carrying on war with us. But, instead of continuing it, as soon as the first decision was taken, it was Changed, I do not know how, into negotiations for peace; that gave the enemy both time and means to vanquish not only them, but also ourselves. They now see themselves, by this Conduct of pure inaction, reduced once more to the necessity of again taking the same step, and of doing, without Onontio's participation, what they would have desired him to do.

Therefore, in their Council held since their return from Montreal, they have resolved by unanimous Consent to regain the Friendship of our enemy, by means of an Embassy which they are sending to the Senecas, and afterward to the other nations, to obtain peace. They will have no difficulty from the Iroquois, because it will separate our Ottawas from us; because it will take away our greatest strength from us, to give to the enemy; and because the ambassadors are their own prisoners, whom La Petite Racine, accompanied by some other Ottawas, is to deliver into the hands of the Iroquois. Besides, it is no longer a hidden plan that they wish to conceal from us, and which we have secretly learned from confidential sources: but it is a matter of public notoriety, and one which they have chosen to tell us by a solemn declaration in full Council.

Although the Huron be concerned in it perhaps even more than is the Ottawa, still, as he is always more politic than the others in keeping on good terms with us; he did not speak with so much bitterness as did the Ottawas. He contented himself with saying that he was too much of a child to interfere in an undertaking of that nature; that he left his brothers to act, as they thought that they had more sense than he regarding that matter; that it was for them to be answerable for the result, and not for him, who had much less insight than they. In the execution of the project, he will do much more than he says; but it is the uncertainty of some change of fortune, which may happen in our favor on learning of other resolutions, that compels him to employ this reserve, so that he may have some hold upon us.

Such is the state of affairs in this area, -- that is, at the last extremity. For the result of that embassy will be to bring both the Iroquois and the Dutch -- the Iroquois as the master in war; the Dutch as the master in trade and in commerce; to our exclusion. This is infallible, and will happen with such promptness that I do not know whether you will have time to anticipate its execution. They have hurried to conclude the embassy, through fear that, after the defeat of the French at Montreal, and in despair of ever obtaining a lasting peace by means of negotiations, it might be decided once and for all to make war; and that afterward an order might come from you to do so. This must no longer be thought of, because it is too late. It should have been done while they were still at Montreal, immediately after the blow struck by the enemy. They then desired it and all would have been found ready for it; but at present they must not be relied upon for the war, since the departure of their ambassadors, which compels them to remain quiet to await their return and the result of their negotiations.

All the Ceremonial honors paid to the prisoners on the eve of their dismissal, by the famous calumet (tobacco pipe) dance, which is a public Token of alliance, shows us too clearly in what manner And how firmly they will be united against us. But what makes this still more evident is that, at the moment when they were giving these public proofs of esteem to the prisoners whom they were about to send away, they on the Other hand expressed the contempt they felt for our alliance and for your protection. When we strongly opposed their sending the prisoners away, and told them the order given us by Onontio in his last commands, -- to make them keep their prisoners quiet on their mats, until he told them his last wishes with regard to their captives, -- they still persisted in the agreement made between them; and to show us that they were not entering upon that undertaking without having considerable cause for it, they wished to give us their reasons publicly.

These may all be reduced to one prime reason, which is that Onontio's protection -- on which they had based all their hopes of being delivered from their enemies -- was not what they had imagined it to be; that until now they had always thought that the Frenchman was warlike through numbers, through Courage, and through the number and diversity of the implements of war that he could make. Experience has shown them, however, that he was less so than the Iroquois: and they were no longer surprised that he had remained so long without doing anything for their defense, since it was the knowledge of his own weakness that hindered him. After seeing the cowardly manner in which he had allowed himself to be defeated on this last occasion at Montreal, it was evident to them that they could no longer expect anything from his protection; not only was it useless to them owing to his powerlessness, but it had even become injurious to them, because of the difficulties in which it had inopportunely placed them, through his seeking to save himself.

In the first place, Onontio's powerlessness had been manifest at the first attack upon Seneca, in which the unexpected and vigorous resistance of the enemy surprised him and he did not afterward dare to pursue him, -- contenting himself with warring against the corn and the bark houses. Since then, he had never been able to do anything beyond continual negotiations to beg for peace, and accompanied by humiliations of all kinds, which but too clearly showed his weakness.

Besides, far from preparing to go to attack the enemy again in his own country, the Frenchman did not even venture to defend himself when he was attacked on all sides; but he persisted in waiting for peace, for fear that he might be compelled to fight, preferring to endure all rather than again to rely on Battle. Far from compelling the foe to surrender his prisoners, which was the object of the war, he has himself been compelled to surrender those whom he had seized; and even to bring back from France those who had been sent there, -- and this when the enemy was far from thinking of sending back his own, but burned them publicly on the highways and in all the villages. In the last descent of the enemy upon Montreal, instead of opposing army to army, and standing his ground, and giving battle, when he had heard of his approach, he shut himself up in his forts, -- leaving the country open to the foe to burn and ravage, which he did. He did not seem to know that he should go out to reconnoiter, -- or, at least, he did not dare to do so, in case he might expose himself to the danger of being the first discovered.

From all these proofs, it was easy to see that the Frenchman is so little in a position to protect our Indians that he cannot even defend himself, -- so much so, that he had been compelled to rely on the protection of the English, and to beg them, through an Ambassador to Albany, to stop the continual incursions of the Iroquois.

But what most displeases them is that the alliance of the Frenchman, besides being useless to them, is also injurious to them, both for commerce and for war. It is so in Commerce, because it takes away the trade of the english, which was more advantageous, to keep them bound to Onontio's. This is contrary to all the laws of protection, which consist in maintaining in the liberty of their trade Those whom one protects; for otherwise it is no longer a protection, but a confiscation. The French alliance also injures them in war -- because the whole conduct of the Frenchman toward them has consisted in doing nothing on his side against the enemy, and only in expecting them, on their side, to do everything. They said that, if he had no other protection to give them than a peace of that nature, they preferred to protect themselves, and to go to negotiate their peace by their own acts, rather than let themselves be abandoned by France to the certain vengeance of their enemy.

They did not see why Onontio sent back his captives, and would not let them send back theirs, or what protection he gave them in doing this. They found nothing that was not entirely opposed to their protection, -- nothing but a wish to persuade them to be the victims. In all the Attacks that the Frenchman had compelled them to make upon the Iroquois, it was rather they who protected him than he who protected them. After all this, they were surprised that, at their last interview in Montreal, the Frenchman had threatened to abandon them, -- As if he had not long done so; and as if his whole conduct had not been a tacit abandonment of all their interests.

Such are all the reasons that they gave us, to Convince us of the necessity in which they were placed of sending that Embassy to Seneca. From this it will be seen that our Indians are much more enlightened than one thinks; and that it is difficult to conceal from their thoughts anything that may injure their interests. I would hesitate to communicate to you, as freely as I have done, sentiments so unfavorable as these, had I not believed that the public welfare demanded that you should know them. I do so, so you may judge of what they are capable of doing against us in favor of our enemy, and of the remedy to be applied. If the Iroquois be not checked by your operations against him, or of those against the Dutch, who originate his movements, he will come here to make himself master of everything.

Etienne Carheil,

religious of the Jesuits.

ACCOUNT OF THE DEFEAT OF THE ENGLISH AT QUEBEC.

THE English of Boston, after having taken Port-Royal, Nova Scotia and all of Acadia, and after having pillaged Isle Perce, finally came in October by way of the Saint Lawrence River, with a fleet of 30 Ships, to take Quebec. They took possession, at the outset, of 3 of our barques, which they encountered in the river. They appeared in the roadstead of Quebec on the 16th of October. On the same day, they summoned the governor in writing to give them all the provisions and military supplies, to raze all the forts, and to surrender to them both the property and persons of the inhabitants, -- adding that, when this was done, they would talk of an accommodation; also, they would give only one hour for deliberation upon this. They were answered, on the instant, that we expected that God would not favor traitors to religion and to their legitimate King; and that the mouths of our Cannon and our muskets would answer their letter.

On the 18th, toward evening, they made a descent upon the north shore, between Beauport and Quebec, to the number of 1,500 men, with 5 pieces of cannon carrying balls of 3 or 4 gold coins. In this raid, they killed 4 Frenchmen and wounded 7.

They remained 3 days encamped on the land, where they burned 6 or 7 farmsteads, Carried off some cattle, killed 2 Frenchmen, And wounded 13 in various combats that were fought.

On the 21st, they abandoned their camp, and regained their Ships under cover of night.

From the 18th to the 20th, they cannonaded Quebec terribly, both the upper and lower Towns; they discharged 1,500 cannon-shots, which caused 15 or 20 gold coins worth of damage in Quebec, and killed a child between the great Church and our college, but did no other harm.

On the 23rd, they retired from before Quebec, and attempted to make a descent upon the isle of Orleans, but without success.

On the 25th, being by that time 12 or 15 miles from Quebec, they released our French people -- not only those whom they had seized in our barques upon the river, but others whom they had brought from Port-Royal, Nova Scotia to Boston, and whom they had afterward taken from the prison of Boston, to place them upon the fleet and to make use of them in the expedition against Quebec. Upon restoring our prisoners, they received theirs, after which they resumed their way to Boston. They said that they would return in the spring; and we told them that we would have the honor of seeing them before that time.

That was all the English accomplished at Quebec. See what was done to them.

1. Nearly 100 of their men were killed; and a great number of Them were wounded when they were making their raid, and afterward when they were encamped on land.

2. Our Cannon, which carried balls of 9 gold coins, damaged their 4 large Ships which attacked Quebec. The Admiral's ship lost its flag, at the outset, and had its mainmast cut in two, the mizzenmast broken, its cabin pierced, and its stern-gallery shattered. It sprang several leaks, and was compelled to withdraw hastily with the 3 large Ships, which were just as injured as it was, to get out of range of our cannon -- which would have sunk all 4 of them, if they had waited for another of its volleys.

3. We forced the enemy to leave us a cable and an anchor worth a thousand gold coins (it was the great cable and the heavy anchor of The Admiral) -- and, besides, 3 sailboats; the five Pieces of artillery used in their descent, mounted Upon their gun-carriages; a quantity of bullets; a standard, a drum, and several dozen heavy muskets.

The Frenchmen who were prisoners in the English Ships said that our cannon had killed a great number of our Enemies, both above and between the bridges; and that, besides these, a great many were also disabled. They added that the commander of this fleet, who had depended upon what our prisoners from Boston had told him about the forces at Quebec, had complained to them that he had been deceived, and that the bullets of Quebec were too heavy -- adding that he had even declared that he would take one of them to Boston, to clear himself. Those of our French who had been taken from the prison of Boston to be placed upon the English fleet, and whom the general frequently consulted upon the way about various matters relating to the execution of his enterprise, reported that at Boston the capture of Quebec was believed to be certain. So sure were they that, before setting out on the expedition, the officers of the fleet and others interested had had more than twenty lawsuits settled on the subject of the rich booty that would be obtained at Quebec, and especially to decide to whom should belong the six silver Chandeliers of the Jesuit Church. These same Frenchmen have asserted that the intention of these heretics Was to drive from Canada the priests and the Nuns, to take the Nuns to Boston, and to send the priests back to France; but, as for the Jesuits, they were to cut off the ears of all these, to make rosaries for the bandoleers of the soldiers, and then break their heads.

From the time when the English appeared before Quebec until their departure, The banner of Our Lady was continually displayed from the top of the steeple of the great Church; it was under this sacred flag that our poor inhabitants fought and Conquered. And, in memory of the so evident protection of God obtained through the intercession of Our Lady, the name of Notre Dame de la Victoire will be given to a Church which was begun some years ago, and which is to be completed, in the middle of the lower Town. Besides this, a great festival will be held every year, with a Solemn procession, on the 4th Sunday of October.

At the same time when the English attacked Quebec by way of the river, an army of 2,000 Indians named Mahicans, and of 4,000 English, were to come by land to fall upon Montreal. Dissension arose among them, at the time when they were to begin the march. A malady which was prevalent among the English having communicated itself to the Mahicans, and some of them having died, The Mahicans laid the blame upon the English, and even plundered them. After that, each army withdrew to its own quarter.

During the siege of Quebec, our Fathers and Brothers distributed themselves in the upper and lower towns, among the guards and the other sentinels, for the consolation of our Combatants. The Reverend Father Superior remained at the College, with some of the oldest among Our Fathers and Brothers; they were resolved to await our Enemies there, and, when They should arrive, to go into the Church, and there receive the deathblow at the foot of the great Altar.

As for us others, the missionaries of Lorette, who were not so nearly exposed to the danger, we had left the place, to sleep 2 nights in the woods with our Huron Indians. The day when the English made their descent, our Huron warriors were with the inhabitants of beauport and beaupre, to receive the enemy when they should set foot on land. These inhabitants, who numbered only 200, at first fired with our Indians three vigorous volleys of musketry upon the English, -- after which, he who commanded our people, seeing that the excessive number of the Enemy was about to overwhelm us, ordered his people to fall back and to fight in the Indian manner. Then 2 of our Hurons took fright and came at full speed to tell us that all was lost, and that all the French were dead; that they had seen, among the English, 200 Mahicans (they were Englishmen, disguised as Indians); and that these Mahicans would infallibly proceed to desolate everything with hatchet and fire. This news was brought to us about 10 o'clock in the evening. Upon the instant, all our Hurons began to tie up their baggage, and say that they were going away into the woods. We could not detain them until morning, and we decided to follow them into the woods to a half mile from our Village, carrying with us what was most sacred in our little chapel. Our other Huron warriors, who had been more steadfast, came, 2 days later, to find and to reassure us somewhat, -- After which we returned, all together, to the Village. We have Just learned that the Admiral's ship of the English fleet ran aground in the river, not being able to hold out longer against the holes that the cannon of Quebec had made in it.

The fleet of the enemy was still only 15 or 17 miles from Quebec, when it was learned that our merchant Ships were in the river. Some canoes were sent along the shore to meet and warn them. The Glorieux, The St. Xavier, and a frigate entered the Saguenay river at 60 or 75 miles from Quebec on the North shore, to wait until the English had passed. It is said that our 3 Ships, going out from the Saguenay, found themselves at the mouth of this river at the same time that the English were nearly past it; and we wonder that they were not captured by the Enemy.

Michel Germain Decouvert,

of the Jesuits.

YEAR 1691

LETTER WRITTEN BY REVEREND FATHER BRUYAS, OF THE JESUITS, TO THE COUNT DE FRONTENAC, GOVERNOR AND LIEUTENANT-GENERAL FOR THE KING IN CANADA. AT LACHINE RAPIDS NEAR MONTREAL, APRIL 5, 1691.

Monseigneur,

A group of one hundred and forty Mohawks and Dutch, who captured ten or twelve Indians of Lachine Rapids, gave them their liberty, and appointed three of their own chiefs to ascertain whether they would be welcome to their father Onontio, whom they wished to sue for peace to prove their desire to put an end to the war. They hurried to arrive in Canada, to inform us that an army of eight hundred Iroquois would soon swoop down upon our lands, and carry off all the people between Three Rivers and Montreal. When the three deputies entered the fort, without arms and as friends, they were well received by our Indians, who were happy at seeing them so well inclined. They gave the deputies four or five small presents, to ascertain from them what their true intentions were.

By the first collar, they thanked them for having sent back the prisoners whom they had taken, and for having spared those whom they could have taken had they wished, as all our Indians were scattered, and in danger of being carried away by the first who might discover them. They also thanked the deputies for the warning given them of the large body of Iroquois who were coming down.

The second present was to tell the Mohawks that their father Onontio will be pleased to learn their resolution to live under his authority, as true children should do; But that they must mean what they say, and not do like the Onondagas, who struck while they were being caressed by him.

By the third collar, they asked the Mohawks to let them know about what time they would be sent back to Montreal, -- where they will meet their Father, who is to come up this summer. The fourth present was to remind them that the Christians of la Montagne (Innus), of Lorette, and of Sillery are also children of Onontio, and brothers of the Indians at the Sault, and say that they have the same thoughts regarding them.

The last present was for the purpose of urging them to suspend all hostile acts, both against the French and against the Indians who are children of Onontio. They requested the Mohawks to inform the Mahicans, their allies, of this suspension of hostilities, so they might not embroil matters.

They concluded by handing over to them two Dutch, so they might bring back Sir d'Eau and all the French who are at Albany. The Mohawk replied that he is earnest in his desire for peace; that the warriors ask for it, and have concluded it on their own account, and not through the Elders -- whom they would not consult, because they are not always sincere; besides, all those among the Mohawks who had sense are dead. He gave back the Collar by which he was thanked for the prisoners he had restored, saying that this was done out of gratitude for the kindness shown them by the late Sir de Sainte Heleine on the day of Corlard, when he refused to benefit by the advantage that his good fortune had given him over them, and which would have enabled him to take over thirty prisoners. He asserted that he would promise to make Corlard, and the other Iroquois nations, concur in his plan to live in peace with us; and says that, if they will not imitate him, he will leave them to be beaten, and will watch their defeat while smoking quietly on his mat.

As this matter is of the utmost importance, it will take him much time properly to arrange matters. So he leaves two of his people at Lachine Rapids, to await the orders of their father. They will start at once, on learning the orders from Sir de Callieres, to whom Onontio will communicate them; and Onontio will make them known to the Mohawks through these two deputies.

The Dutch, about twenty of whom are with the Mohawks, were pleased to see their countrymen once more. They sent us word that Corlard, or the person who takes his place, will send back the French for whom we ask.

The Mohawks promised to return at once, and to make all the bands that they might meet retrace their steps. They urged our Indians to be on their guard, and not to stray from their fort, in case they might be caught by some Mahican or Iroquois. The two aforementioned deputies will also go to meet the great army that is coming, to inform them of what has passed between them and us.

Such is a summary of what was said on both sides. I think that they speak sincerely; and that matters tend to a firm peace with that nation, and through them with the others.

Disease, the heavy cost of clothing, and the loss of a number of braves, have disgusted them with a war which they entered solely because they were compelled to do so, and to repel the violence that was done to them. This is also the opinion of the most reasonable men at Lachine Rapids. This time, they believe the sincerity of the Mohawks, -- all the more so that they see about twenty of them who left the camp to surrender to us, and to risk themselves among our Indians. Had they not struck camp, I believe that one-third of that little army would have disbanded, and have come to dwell at Lachine Rapids. Such a change astonishes everyone, and with reason. Although I do not wish to answer for their perseverance, I find difficulty in concurring in the opinion of those who speak ill of these deserters.

If God gives us, through you, what the Mohawks ask of you, we shall have two-thirds of the Mohawks here.

Jacques Bruyas,

of the Jesuits.

LETTER OF FATHER MILLET TO SOME MISSIONARIES IN CANADA. ONEIDA, CELEBRATION OF ST. PETER AND PAUL, 1691.

Reverend Fathers,

You will be glad to learn the way in which the Iroquois, and especially the Oneidas, have preserved my life from my capture at fort Frontenac to this time.

I was captured with Surgeon St. Amand, whom I took with me, at the Request of the Onondagas, to bleed some of their warriors, as they said. They had told us that their people had gone to Montreal to make proposals for peace. The Surgeon was taken to the Cabin of the patients whom he was to attend, and I to that of the sachems and Chiefs, who were assembled there to discuss various subjects, on which They said they wished to consult me, but to make me a prisoner. I was asked whether the officers and Soldiers did not go out. I answered No, and that I was sent to Learn what they desired of me and the others.

"You must pay then for all," they told me; and at once two of the strongest Fellows sprang on me, seized me by the arms, and took away my prayer book and everything else I had. Everyone addressed reproaches for having always been much opposed to the Iroquois; but Chief Manchot of Oneida told me to fear nothing, that The Christians of Oneida whom I had baptized would preserve my life. I needed this support, because the English had tried me and already burnt me in Effigy. This Chief commended me to the warriors who were carrying me off, not to let me be stripped, and take me in my clothes To their tribe; but as soon as he left me, to Join 300 Iroquois of all tribes, -- who were leaving to attempt to give me some companions in misfortune, and to surprise the fort if they could, -- my belt was taken off, another took my Hat, a 3rd took away my cassock, and a 4th my Shirt. Others pulled off my socks, and took away my shoes. They left me only my pants, and even they were demanded by some men of importance, who said that they had dreamed; But my guard opposed these observers of bad dreams, and rescued me from the hands of Those who wished to massacre me on the spot, and who, Incensed at the ill treatment they professed to have received from the French through my influence, had Thrown me into the Water, and trampled me under foot.

The Attempt of the Iroquois on fort frontenac having failed, because they did not succeed in capturing a Frenchman who got in and warned them of the ambush, I was untied from a sapling to which I had been bound, to await them on the banks of the lake; and I was put bareheaded into a Canoe to take me, in Company with 300 or 400 Iroquois, to an Island 5 miles below fort Frontenac, where they awaited the main body of the Iroquois army of 1,400 men. It was there that I was received with great shouts by the Upper Iroquois, who lined the whole shore to see me Bound and brought in triumph. Some rushed into the Water to receive me as the Canoe neared the shore, where they made me sing a song, in their fashion, as I did on the Spot, and which they repeated and made me repeat several times for sport:

Ongiendu Kehasakchoua -- I have Been taken by my Children.

Ongienda Kehasakchoua -- I have Been taken by my Children.

To thank me for my song, a Seneca Struck me with his fist near my eye, leaving the mark of his nails, so that one would have thought it a stroke of a knife. After this I was taken to the Cabins of the Oneidas, where they did not permit any other insult to be offered me, nor even let them compel me to sing again in the Iroquois style.

Toward Evening, we dropped down 20 miles below the fort, and spent two Days there. It was at this place that a woman of Seneca, whom I did not know, rendered me an important service, by giving me a Kind of english cap, because I was bareheaded and often exposed to the rays of the sun, which had Affected me. This woman afterward, passing by this place, made herself known to me. She is the mother of Andotiennons, a Christian at la montagne. God reward her for her Charity, which she rendered me so seasonably and with such a good grace.

From that place, The army straggled To Otonniata, where It remained 3 Days. There a Council of war was held. I was near passing the line, and being sacrificed as a public victim. There were 3 Frenchmen prisoners with me, -- two whom Sir de Valrenne had given to go with Onnonaragon to convey to Montreal the first information of the descent of the Iroquois, and who had fallen into the ambush laid for them 5 miles from the fort; and the Surgeon who was captured with me. The Onondagas, who had taken up the war-Kettle at the instigation of the English, had surrendered us to the four nations; and They had no one left to Throw into that war-Kettle which was to rouse the courage of the warriors. The Resolution was accordingly adopted to restore us to the Onondagas, so they could themselves select the one best suited for their purpose; and the lot would probably have fallen on me, both because putting me to death would have been a signal for war without peace, such as they seemed to desire, and because I was generally held up as a great Iroquois and english State Criminal.

One Day at noon, an Oneida Chief came for me, and took me, bound as I was, to the Council of all the Iroquois nations assembled on a neighboring Hill. I was placed beside the surgeon, whom I found in the posture of a prisoner of war, as well as myself; the two other Prisoners were not there, because Those who had the disposal of them were scattered hunting, and had taken them Along. This is what saved me that time from danger. "We are not all assembled," said a Cayuga chief; and he told me to pray. I asked him whether it was to prepare to die; and I was told No, that I should only pray to God in my usual way.

I accordingly rose and made a prayer in Iroquois, so all might Understand it. I did not forget to pray in particular for all my hearers. When the prayer ended, I was made to sit down on the ground: one of my arms was unbound, and I was soon after sent to the Camp of the Oneidas. I had scarcely reached it before several of the leading men among them came to express their Joy that I had returned. They had been alarmed for me, and told me that they had not taken part in the Council held to put me into the hands of the Onondagas, that only the Chief who had led me there had done it, without consulting them; but that this should not occur again, and that I should be brought to Oneida. In Fact, the Next day They detached two Chiefs with about 30 men to Conduct me, while the army pursued its march toward Montreal.

On my journey, I was pretty well treated in all the Cabins of Oneida; They Themselves prepared a mat for me, and if they had anything good to eat, they gave me my share among the first; but at night They never forgot to put The Rope around my Neck, feet, and hands, and around the Body -- for fear, They said, in case God should Inspire me to escape, and they be deprived of the glory of conducting me to the nation. But I had no such thought, and preferred to die at Oneida, which was the place of my former mission, rather than in any other place in the world. I was not loaded with anything during The March, Except that toward the end of our journey, one of the two Chiefs who had charge of me, gave me his bag, which was light, to carry.

At the last sleeping place, 25 miles from Oneida, I met a Christian woman named Marie, who gave me a large Rosary strung on tin, with a fine medal of the holy family. She told me to put it on my Neck, which I did. Happy meeting, which filled my Heart with Consolation, and almost made the Young braves who conducted me lose Hope of being able to enjoy themselves seeing me burnt at their arrival, as it was the custom to do with the first Prisoner brought in, when They had determined on war. But they lost hope almost entirely when, 5 miles from the town, we met another Christian woman, of the first nobility at Oneida, who awaited me with her daughter, whom I had formerly baptized the same day as herself; and with her husband, who was the second Chief in whose charge I was, -- and who having left the army, to conduct me more safely, had gone on two Days ahead to notify his wife of my approach.

They had all Come there to meet me, with several little refreshments of that country, with which this Christian woman provided me abundantly; and she asked me to whom, of Those who accompanied me, I wished to be given. Then she took the Rope off my Neck, and unbound my arms. She gave me a white shirt and a Blanket of fine cloth that belonged to her daughter. All the morning, I had been preparing myself, as well as I could, for whatever might befall me, and to endure the fire if need Be; But I could scarcely restrain my tears on seeing the Charity of these poor Indian Christians. Having recovered a little, I asked whether It was to adorn the Victim, and whether I was to die on my arrival. The good Christian woman told me that nothing had yet been settled, and the Council of Oneida would decide in its own time.

A Warrior had already lent me, at otonniata, a little Jacket, perfectly new, of which they did not wish to deprive me then; and the Christians having already given me new clothes, they made me continue my journey with the uniform of the two most important families of Oneida, that of The bear and that of the tortoise.

Messengers were at once sent to notify the chiefs that I was near, so they should also come to meet me, and kindle a fire of awaiting within the town; they came, but They were not all in the same state of mind as Those of whom I have just spoken. One chief, after saluting me in Indian fashion, three times tried to strike me in the face with his fist; But, as My arms were free, I three times parried The Blow, almost without reflection. And, when the Indian had desisted, they made me sit down near the chiefs, And Chief Manchot, the husband of the good Christian woman, who had chosen to conduct me Thus far, told them, in the name of the other Chiefs who followed the army, that I did not come as a Prisoner, but as a missionary who returned to visit my flock; that it was their will that I should be taken to the Council Cabin and put at the disposal of the agoianders, or people who managed the affairs of the country, and not at the disposition of the soldiery or people, as he now placed me in their hands; and for himself, he withdrew.

A chief of the bear family, a great friend of the English, then made a strong speech, declaring that I belonged to the side of the governor of Canada, who was overthrowing The Iroquois Cabin, and who had completely burned the towns of the Seneca. He said so much that I feared that the fire which was there was kindled to burn me before I entered the town, as They sometimes do; but his speech at the close grew milder, and he said that, as the Chiefs had recommended that I should be taken to the Council Cabin, which is a privileged Cabin, I must be taken there. This Commission was entrusted to a man of the nation called Skannehokwie, from the country of the Mahicans, and naturalized among the Iroquois.

I passed that bad road under the Guidance of this protector, who carefully kept aloof several Drunkards who wished to Insult me and stop me on the way. I was Astonished to see the number of people who appeared on all sides; and in this Company, I was made to enter the Council Cabin, which had become A Cabin of War by the Intrigues of the english and other Enemies of the faith.

It was The Cabin of our good Christian woman, for She received me there with great welcome; but it was soon afterward necessary to conceal me, drunken men and women coming from all sides to assail us and utter a thousand Insults against those who protected me, -- Hurling stones against the Cabin, and threatening to overthrow everything and to set it on fire. "Since war," said they, "is begun, we must not be deprived of the first fruits that come to us." The good Christian woman, Gouentagrandi, told me that she suffered great distress, when war was sung in her Cabin, rather than in some other, to be able to save my life more easily, or to Preserve that of the governor of Canada or any other Frenchman of rank, if they had the misfortune to be taken prisoner. And she has not only Preserved me, but she has also preserved several other French, both in her Cabin and in others. If any good has been done in this mission, it is to this good woman that the first Praise is due.

On two other Days after the fury of the drunkards had passed, my friends wished to have my case Decided, and my fate settled, before matters became more exasperated, in case any Iroquois were killed at Montreal, where they had gone in war. I was taken to the place where the chiefs of the two families, the Tortoise and the bear, had assembled to decide on my lot. Both concluded that they must wait for the return of the Warriors, and Know more particularly their Intentions and those of the Onondagas before coming to any determination; that meanwhile The town should be assigned as my prison, and that I might visit what Cabins I Chose. I remained in this State About three weeks, where I had nothing to suffer except from the drunkards, who were persistent and made various threats.

In the visits which I made, I was generally called Genherontatie "The dead or dying man who walks;" and Those who returned from Albany, a little english town, brought no news favorable to me. However, our good Susanne, and the other Christians, were a great Source of consolation to me; For, not to speak of the care they took of my worldly well-being, they brought me Children to baptize, they sent the sick or distressed to me to comfort; adults came to confession, and to give me an Account of the State of their Consciences since my departure. People came to me to pray, and for other spiritual necessities, even in the little lurking places where they hid me for fear of the drunkards. The mat was prepared for me on Sundays And holidays; And when we Were Disturbed in the Cabins, the mat was taken into the fields, to pray more Apart and in greater peace. What also consoled me was two Crosses which I found, planted on the graves of two Christians who had died after I had left this mission.

The Iroquois army which made the Attack on Lachine Having returned, it was found that three of this nation had remained there, -- among others, a leading Chief who got drunk and was killed in a Cellar. He would not allow himself to be taken. This had Irritated the Iroquois Warriors, who, not satisfied with the prisoners whom they had brought, demanded that I should be presented with the others, as Being also a Prisoner.

Our Christians, Fearing that the Warriors, who love Carnage and glory in killing men, might cut off one of my fingers or commit some other outrage on me, to open the way to my death, concealed me more carefully than Ever; they made me sleep sometimes in one Cabin, sometimes in another, and sometimes even in the Fields, so that the warriors And drunkards could not find me. Above all others, my protectress Combined prudence with her fervor to extricate me from the danger I was in. She went to meet her relatives, who were some of the most influential warriors, to anticipate them. She told them how She had preserved me until that time, and that she Was determined to continue to do so with all her might; that no ill treatment could be done to me that she would feel deeply herself, that she would not bring me forward until the chiefs assembled to decide the fate of all the Prisoners, and until I had been set free. They replied that she had done well, and that, so far as they cared, she might adhere to her resolution.

At last, the Day came when our sentence was to be pronounced. We four ran a risk of being burned. We all Appeared to be given or to be put in place of the Iroquois who had Been killed by the French, And then to be Judged in a final tribunal. While they were Examining our case, I had time to hear the confessions of my comrades in misfortune. Two of them were burned. I was sent back to different Councils, -- because, on the one Hand, I passed among our Iroquois as a great criminal and great deceiver, who had caused their fellow-countrymen to be seized under pretext of a st. John's day festival; and on the other, I was protected by our Christians, some of whom were the most notable in the country, and they could not put me to death without afflicting the Christians.

Many, However, thought that I would never get off; the Rosary had already been taken off my Neck, and my face had been painted red and black, as a victim to the demon of war and Iroquois wrath. But the family to which all had been already referred, having assembled again, where the most important women were allowed to attend, a friendly act was done me by giving me of a Chief who had died long before of disease, rather than for one of those who had been killed in the attack on the French at a place called Lachine above Montreal, or who had been arrested as prisoners at fort frontenac and transported to France, who were considered dead. This Chief was named Otassete, which is an ancient name of the first founders of the Iroquois republic.

The one named Gannassatiron, who by this donation became sole master of my life, used it obligingly; He Consulted only the warriors of his family, and asked advice only from the two Christians who protected me most, and who of course Concurred At once with him in the assurance of life which He gave me by these words: Satonnheton Szaksi -- "My elder brother, you are resurrected." At the same time, he had two of the leading chiefs summoned to Report it to them: these chiefs made fine speeches and congratulations, urging me to uphold the Interests of their nation more than I had yet done.

Some Days after, a feast was given to the notables of the town. The host of Father de Lamberville, named Garacontie, brother of the Chief of the Onondaga nation, and brother of the famous Garacontie who first bore that name, was invited to the Ceremony, where a new name was given to me, as an authentic mark that the Oneidas had adopted me and naturalized me as an Iroquois. My Rosary had also been restored to me; and Gannassatiron, fearing that I might feel hunger in his cabin, where There was not much corn, put me in that of my protectress, who is of the same family, -- where I had already remained for 3 Weeks, and where I had been so well defended, And where all the Important Councils are held. It is there that we celebrate the holidays and Sundays, and where a mat has been prepared for me, and a little Grotto which is dedicated to Our dying lord.

The English were not pleased with the decision of the Oneidas in my favor; They at first reproached my main Protectors Tegahoiatiron and his wife, who had gone to trade with Them, and had given them a little note which an Iroquois had made me Write with Charcoal, in the presence and at the Request of my Protectress, to buy some goods for him which he ordered of an English friend of his. The English, displeased at their sparing my life, and wishing to use this opportunity for my ruin, At once mounted their horses to go and report to all the Iroquois nations that I had written bad things. The Christian woman, who Knew how reluctantly I had Consented to Write the note, because I clearly foresaw that ill-Minded heretics would make trouble out of it, asked to see the note, and recognizing it, "Is this," She said, "the bad things that have been Written to you? It was I who made him Write them there, And I know that he mentions only such and such things in it. You must have a badly formed Mind to tell so many lies, to make all this long talk about a wretched note, of which I Know the Contents, and to slander in this way a poor Unfortunate man." She shut their mouths that time, and her Husband added: "If you are at war with the French, fight them as much as you like; but do not bring false charges against a Man who belongs to us, and whose business is different from that of war."

This did not prevent the English from appealing the decision of the Oneidas to the Iroquois of Mohawk and Onondaga. Their Mounted men made several Journeys about the Matter, as well as for their great war project, but to no purpose. So far as I was concerned, all their Intrigues served only to teach them that the Indians having once given a person his life, It was not their Custom to deprive him of it.

The English then made other efforts to withdraw me from This place. One of their deputies came to me One Day, in the name of the Commissary at Albany, on the Condition of my Captivity, saying that He felt compassion for me, that he was making Plans to rescue me and have me sent back to Quebec; that he would give two Indians for me, etc. Then I assured him that, after the obligations I was under to the Oneidas, I could not leave them. He Interrupted to tell me that the English would not allow me Here; I replied that that was the affair of my brothers the Oneidas, And that he must ask Them. He said he would do so. I was immediately summoned to attend the speech of this Envoy of the English general.

He Went out after me, And we entered the place of assembly, he by one door and I by another. The place where He was to speak was the cabin of my brother Gannasatiron. He began by saying that three English Governors were holding a Council of War at Albany, But that the Governor of New york especially Invited the Iroquois to come and meet them, and form a new alliance with Them. The Deputies of all the Iroquois Nations proceeded to Albany, where great rejoicings were made over the great success which their arms had recently had over the French at the place named Lachine. He again urged them to war by various presents. He told them further that he gave up fort Frontenac to them, and that They could easily become Masters of it, as the Garrison was dying of hunger; but as the Iroquois army Did not reach it until after the French had abandoned it, They had not the glory of having driven them out. Much provision was still found there, which showed that famine had not driven them from that post, But rather that the difficulty of resupplying had persuaded The Governor of Canada to recall his Soldiers.

Besides this, the English had formed a plan for three armies; The first was to go by way of The River of the Iroquois (Richelieu River), The Second by way of Lake George, and the Third by sea, to besiege Quebec, where the three armies were to unite. But This grand project did not succeed in the way They had flattered themselves: The Two land armies were broken up. The smallpox stopped the first completely, and also scattered the Second, in which There were four Hundred English who were compelled to march back by order of the Iroquois, -- who, at least at that time, might be said to be more Masters of the English, than the English were of the Iroquois.

Of this Second army nothing was left but a group which attacked the French at La Prairie, Quebec. The Governor of new York put under arrest three or four of the principal English Officers, who had brought back their troops Without having Carried out The orders to wrest New France from us, or Sack it. From Quebec we learned of the wretched failure of their third army; And they did well to Write to me about it and many other things, As but for this the English would have made the Iroquois believe them, by rehearsing their victories and prowess.

The Fish -- That is the name of the Governor of Manhattan or New York -- has urged the Iroquois not to Listen to me, and especially to beware of my Letters. His side must be weak indeed, If my pen can demolish it; But I Believe that it will be the sins of the English, rebels to their King, rather than my pen, which will overthrow them. Here We See and Hear of so many ill-devised plans emanating from the English that the Iroquois, when They Are not Intoxicated, Seem much more reasonable than They.

The Oneidas having adopted me for one called Otassete, who in his lifetime Was a member of the Council, And who was regarded from all antiquity as having been one of the Mainstays of the Nation. They allow me sometimes to attend the Councils, if only to know what the matter in question is, to explain it to them -- at least, when these are Important affairs that concern the country.

It Annoys the English, And Those who uphold their Interests, to see me there, and They would much like to Exclude me, Or deprive me of voting or being chosen to any position. The true Oneidas, on the other hand, and Those who still support The cause of the faith and their country, give me all the authority there that they can. And, as the honor of God is often intermingled in public affairs of this kind, I am compelled to speak on many occasions which regard the Service of God, because the Indians who depend on the English for their trade, generally dare not say anything that can displease them. Hardly anyone except our good Susanne Gouentagrandi speaks to them boldly. She maintains thoroughly her rank of agoianders for the faith and for the land of the Oneidas.

Gannasatiron, my brother, once spoke to them pretty boldly; For, as They were always persistent And made several attempts to get me into their hands, sometimes with the chiefs, and sometimes with him, because they always referred them to him, They asked him how it came that he Alone was master of my person, and not the chiefs. "It is because I took him as my brother, and because I won him in war; And so he belongs to me, as what you have in your house belongs to you. But I am no longer his master. He has become my elder brother, And I have made the Christians his master; and as you will not find it easy to get much from them, I Advise you to desist."

Yet, as They still pushed the matter, He said to the Commissary, Kwiter, that he must give up all hope of carrying me off, And that he must say No more about it. The Commissary called me Aside The next day, And told me through an Interpreter that up To this time He had done all he could to release me from Captivity, but that I had not supported him, And that I had paid no regard to all his efforts, any more than I had to the obliging offers made to me by the Minister at Albany. I replied that I was obliged to him and to the Minister for their offers, but that I would have been still more so if the offers had been followed by any good result, but that they had been only words in the air, which did not harmonize and actually Contradicted each other, without my being able to see even a single word in writing on which I could rely or by which any Kind of Satisfaction was made for all that they had Unjustly made me lose at Onondaga. I said that no matter what tempting offers at Albany might be made to me, I could Never resolve to leave the Oneidas, to whom I was under too great obligation. Then we parted, and since that time, The English have left me in comparative quiet, although I know that while Here I am a great Thorn in their sides; but if I could also Serve them before God for their conversion And for the public repose, I would do so with all my Heart, And I would forget all the wrong they have done me.

The Iroquois of Mohawk -- who, being near the English, Are strongly attached to them -- tried to carry me off on pretext of wishing me to come on Christmas Day to hear The Confessions of some Christians who are among Them; But our good Christian Gouentagrandi Told the Messengers that Any who were so anxious to pray at Christmas could Themselves come to Oneida, And that she saw through the trick of the English, into whose hands they wished to deliver me.

Besides the wampum that the good woman has Often given me to speak in the Councils, she has given several feasts to bring people together, And to give greater solemnity to the festivals of Christmas, Epiphany, easter, etc., -- to such an extent that in these feasts we have raised the standard of holy peace.

Pierre Millet,

of the Jesuits.

YEAR 1692

PETITION IN REGARD TO THE CHRISTIAN IROQUOIS OF LACHINE RAPIDS IN CANADA. FEBRUARY, 1692.

DE PONTCHARTRAIN is humbly asked to please remember the services that the colonies of Christian Iroquois have rendered and are still rendering to the French, -- for the defense of whom almost half of these Indians have perished while fighting against the English, and against the Iroquois, their relatives, and other Indians, our enemies, of whom they have killed or captured a good number since the war. They find them out everywhere, and warn us of their marches, which the French cannot do, as they can, in the woods, -- where, with their usual swiftness, they have often overtaken various parties who were taking French and Indian Captives, to burn them at a slow fire. They have attacked the enemy on land and upon the Water, into which they have often thrown themselves while fighting; and have there, while swimming, defeated the foe, and taken away their prisoners, whom they brought back with them.

During some attacks that these Christian Iroquois sustained vigorously last year in their fort of Lachine Rapids, all the artillery that they possessed burst. May it please de Pontchartrain to have them given those little cannon, or two culverins.

YEAR 1694

LETTER BY FATHER CHAUCHETIERE TO HIS BROTHER. VILLEMARIE, THIS 7TH OF AUGUST, 1694.

Reverend Father,

To give you some share in our mathematics, I may tell you that I read, in the little book about the knowledge of the times, that the eclipse of the moon that occurred here on the 11th of january, and appeared to us while the moon set in the west-northwest, could not be visible to you, because there is a difference of five hours between your meridian and ours; while, as the sun rose on our horizon only at 38 minutes past 7 o'clock, we were able to see the moon. As regards the eclipse of the sun that was visible to you on the 22nd of June at a quarter past 4 in the afternoon, and to us between eleven and half past eleven in the morning, it had this peculiarity, that you saw it as a small one; for the sun's disk appeared to you to be covered to the extent of only 4 fingers, while to us it seemed covered to the extent of 8. There remained of the sun merely a crescent, like that of the moon in its first quarter; the eclipse was at its height at half past twelve, and it was over at one o'clock; the eclipsed part was toward the northwest. It lasted about two hours. That of July 7 was not visible to us. I had given notice of it on the 22nd of June; but, as the moon was clouded over on rising, it appeared to us only about 9 o'clock, and the eclipse had begun before 8. Study the next eclipses, and let us know the result.

A large barque sailed from Quebec for the cod-fishery, but two english ketches appeared and captured it, landing a portion of the crew, and taking the remainder to Boston. Two vessels that came from France under the command of two worthy Canadian ship-captains, brothers of one of our little pupils, nearly took me with them to Hudson Bay, where they are going to fight the English and to take port Nelson, which was ours for some time. This would have been a fine voyage for me, and I would have had a little parish of our Saultois, -- that is, of our Christian Iroquois who dwell at Lachine Rapids. I would have wintered beyond the 50th degree of latitude -- that is, where the winter sun rises above the horizon only to the height of the trees, and where there is only twilight. But the father who teaches mathematics in Quebec, named father Silvie, who has already wintered in that region, has gone there.

To come to news of the Iroquois, we have some slight hopes of peace; we expect a general assembly of the nations at Montreal in a month, if the Iroquois do not deceive us. We have learned from a Frenchman, recently escaped from the Iroquois, who was captured when I was taken to Fort Frontenac five years ago, that father Millet -- who has been for four years a prisoner among the Iroquois, and who succeeded me at fort frontenac where he was captured -- is highly esteemed by the people of his village; but that he has much to endure from the people of the other villages and from the english -- although the minister, whose name is d'ollius, and who speaks French well, has relieved the father in his Captivity.

For our part, we are occupied in clearing up many affairs with our Bishop. He has established limited approvals; he has ordered that we shall have no meetings of the congregation on Sunday mornings; he has taken away general communions; he has interdicted the Recollect fathers; he has threatened me more than once with interdiction. This last threat occurred in connection with the governor of Villemarie; he has always been a penitent of mine, but our bishop has styled him an adulterer, a scandalous liver, and a seditious man, who is trying to put himself above the bishop. The Recollect fathers, after presenting a protest to the bishop, who refused to hear any reason, have opened their church and raised the interdiction.

This will produce a sensation in France: Our congregation, which contained over 50 members, meets no more. We were in the habit of holding the benediction of the Blessed Sacrament every thursday. The bishop allows us to do so only twice a month, and has given the others to the Gentlemen of the Society of Saint-Sulpice, who did not look favorably upon the Jesuits established in their town. He wishes us to refuse communion, for no other reason than that communions are too frequent in Canada. His predecessor, Sir de Laval, who sees all this, is a holy man, and says that he was deceived when he divested himself of his bishopric in favor of him who, contrary to his expectations, harasses us, and seeks only to humiliate the religious. My case is this:

The bishop had issued a decree by which he ordered us to refuse the sacraments to our governor, unless there were an improvement in his conduct. The governor was accused of being on too familiar terms with a widow, -- on account of too frequent visits, of suspicions, and of a long-continued habit. I promised him that, for my part, I would act as I have always done, and would do my duty. This happened at the beginning of lent. During lent, the bishop held several meetings, and proclaimed twelve reserved cases. There was but one in this diocese, and it related to the French who sinned with the Indian women. The present bishop says that, on his last journey to France, the bishops in that country told him that such a thing as a diocese without reserved cases was unheard of; for that reason, he established some.

I went to ask the Bishop for authority to give absolution in a reserved case. He treated me like a little school-boy: he put many questions to me, and wished to allot the penance without knowing the evil, -- asking me whether the persons lived in the opportunity for incest, -- that was the matter. I saw that he was suspicious of me and of my morality. Still I submitted to everything. He wished to tempt me and make me speak about our privileges; but I was reserved on this point. Some days afterward, as easter was approaching, I went to consult him on the measures to be taken with respect to our governor. He acted like a man of the court, treating me to a rigmarole to entangle me and, in the event of his being unsuccessful, to cast the blame on me. Still, I extricated myself as well as I could; our governor performed his duties at Quebec and my conduct was approved by our superiors; our Bishop alone blamed me.

I have admirable things to tell of the Lachine Rapids mission. As regards our Indians, they have continued this year as fervent as they are accustomed to be. Catherine's band (I wrote you about her life last year. I do not know whether you have received it because one of our ships was lost while returning to France, and those papers were perhaps on it, and you do not speak of it. I had placed her portrait there.) Catherine's band continues in the practice of the most Christian virtues.

Last winter, the most hardened performed an act that deserves to be written down. It was called hotouongannandi, that is, "public penance," because it was done in the name of all. The men, gathered together according to the Indian custom, -- that is, at a feast, -- expressed their detestation of drunkenness, which mastered them. This was done as follows: they came to the conclusion that each should speak for himself in full meeting. This was done to prepare for the festival of Christmas. Words were followed by results; the women, whose demons were gaming, vanity, and hedonism, completely abandoned the first of these; for a year, we have heard no more about it.

Two years ago, two Indian women were captured by the Iroquois, and burned by the hands of their own relatives, out of hatred for Christianity, as well as hatred for Lachine Rapids. The 1st was a widow; the 2nd, a young married woman 22 years old who had a little child. They had gone to gather nuts in the woods when they were captured. They were carried away as slaves, and were badly treated on the way. A Frenchman who was a witness of the occurrence, and who afterward escaped, told the following.

When the younger woman reached the village, she received innumerable stabs from a knife, and a shower of blows from clubs -- but with such patience and resignation that all the people were touched. The hunters loaded her with their packs and clothes. She reached the cabin after having been therefore ill-treated, covered with blood and her shoulders galled. On entering her own cabin, she was looked upon by her relatives as a beast; the place where she sat was marked by the blood that continually flowed from the whole of her body; but throughout her great affliction she was heard only to pray to God and to thank him. She died in the fire, into which she was cast shortly after her arrival.

The martyrdom of the widow, who was likewise burned, began in this way: when at the stake, she knelt and urged all present to thank God for the favor that he conferred on her of suffering for him; and she also urged them to become Christians, and to abandon their evil customs. During the torture she frequently exclaimed: "My God, forgive them, for they do not know what they do." After she had made the sign of the cross, they applied the irons. She gazed on these unflinchingly, and as if the body that suffered were not hers. When she was burned all over, she was untied, and at once knelt on the glowing coals; she fell, but when someone tried to tear off her scalp, she came to herself and gave still further expression to the sentiments of piety that filled her heart. Finally she surrendered her blessed soul while praying.

I was for a long time the confessor of both these women; and this so happy ending was the reward of a good life. This good widow had lost her husband long before, and had but one son whom she left well instructed; she lived in the practice of all the virtues that st. Paul demands of widows. The other woman had been married, when young, to an exacting and inconstant husband, with whom still she lived in peace. She was the elder of two sisters, the younger of whom is still at Lachine Rapids; their mother was taken from them while they were young. Still, after the death of that good mother the two girls lived together happily, and to the education of all.

People in the town still speak of the edifying death of these two persons. If liquor were banished from among the Indians, it is admitted that they would shame the old Christians of Europe by their manner of living, and by their noble practice of virtue. But our church must have a share of the persecution that the devil wages against Christendom by means of liquor; and our bishop, who is so zealous, has not Yet ventured to open his mouth to banish drunkenness from his diocese. This vice and war are two great obstacles to christianity, which cannot maintain itself in weak minds amid such strong temptations. We all desire to see ourselves so far away from the French with our beloved Indians that we may no longer have such stumbling-blocks.

Of all the 11 passions, they experience two only; anger is the chief one, but they are not carried away to excess by it, even in war. Living in common, without disputes, content with little, guiltless of greed, and diligent at work, it is impossible to find people more patient, more hospitable, more affable, more liberal, more moderate in their language. In fine, all our fathers and the French who have lived with the Indians consider that life flows on more gently among them than with us. The faith, finding all these predispositions, makes astonishing progress with them. They wish that they had never seen any but the black gowns; and they repeat this to the confusion of our French Christians! My occupation this year will be the same as during the last -- namely, that of proto-regent of Villemarie, with 12 or 15 pupils; and I teach mathematics to some young men who are officers in the troops.

Although the Gentlemen of the Society of Saint-Sulpice observe only certain outward relations with us, still, on the principal feasts we go with them into the choir to chant evening prayers, and even in the processions. There is an agreement between them and us that we shall each say a mass for the other once a year. Still, they are hierarchical.

The schedule of our college is to enter at 9 o'clock, and the mass is said at ten. In the afternoon, I enter at 3 o'clock; and at 4, I teach mathematics until five.

The Reverend Father Superior is waiting only for the peace to send me among the Iroquois, where our captive father, the Reverend Father Millet, is doing a vast amount of good. He enjoys full liberty in his village, and is the refuge of the French who, like him, are slaves, and of the converted Indians. He writes to us and we write to him, through the Indians themselves; and were it not for the Dutch, -- that is, the english, -- we would be once more welcome among those tribes.

You inform us of the misery that prevails in France; but it is otherwise in this country. Grain is common; cider is made, instead of wine; and trees are successfully raised, becoming continually more numerous. Last year we had excellent melons; but this country is unreliable for plants that require heat. However, it is asserted that wine will be made this year; for close by is a vineyard belonging to the Gentlemen of the Society of Saint-Sulpice, which yields French grapes. What the country can produce is not yet known, because we try to grow only wheat and hay. The wild apple-trees, and those that are raised from seeds, bear fine apples, and the branches are easily grafted. The peach-trees produce abundantly, but like the vine, -- that is, the fruit is all on the ground, because the tree has to be covered with straw or other protection until April, in case it freeze.

The pear-trees are more delicate; I saw one that blossomed twice last year -- once in the spring, and once during the course of the summer. This year we saw an apple tree loaded with large apples in June, which had one branch all in blossom. The cherry-trees bear hardly any fruit; they do nothing but blossom and shoot out branches and roots -- in such numbers that a forest of trees grows up at their feet, but the people do not know how to keep them down. There are black plums resembling black damsons, which remain on the trees during the winter, and are excellent eating in the spring. I have eaten some at the foot of the tree, in May, which had been borne in the previous year. The cold cooks them as does fire, and they become like those that have gone through the oven; the sun softens them. There are quinces that are fairly good, but the tree grows like the peach-tree, and has to be covered during winter. This year we have had a rare flower in our garden, a white lily; there have been none here before.

The gentlemen are preparing stone to build a fine steeple; theirs is like one of the steeples of our church in Poitiers, but is made of wood resting on the framework; the other will be built of stone. On Pentecost, the dedication of their church took place, a ceremony never before witnessed in Montreal. The Bishop also blessed our Chapel, at which ceremony I acted as subdeacon of honor, and father Vaillant as deacon. He did us this honor on going away; he is a zealous prelate, but too young for the country.

I send you a piece of bread which has come from a place 1250 miles from here. It comes from the Illinois country; it is made of medlars or services, and has a good taste. The fur that You will see in the package is that of the bison, which has a mane like that of a horse, hanging on the front of its head.

I saw father pinet while he passed through here, but he remained only a night and a day; from here he went to Lachine Rapids, to wait for his canoe, which was to cross the river to get him.

We have had no summer this year; for, since the eclipse or June 22, the weather has been rainy during the moon's first quarters, and the earth has not become heated. We have had no melons this year; we shall barely have enough for seed. This has never yet been seen at Montreal and everyone is surprised at it. Still, the apple-trees are well loaded with fruit; cider will soon be made in this country, and even wine, -- for the gentlemen of the Seminary hope shortly to be able to do without wine from France. Many have vines in their gardens, and the grapes are fine. We are on the 45th parallel of latitude, as is Limoges, according to the computation of Clavius, -- who can be mistaken only as to minutes, because the meridian star still approaches the pole, and the sun's apogee is at present in the scorpion.

I do not know what will become of me. As our college of villemarie is not endowed, we are not of opinion that a teacher should be maintained there any longer. We teach, however: and I am preparing myself to continue my mathematics. I have two or three of my pupils on the ships, and one is second pilot on board a King's ship. Still, our Reverend Father Superior always tells me to hold myself ready to go to the Iroquois if peace is made; or to go to Hudson bay.

I am in fairly good health; only two days ago, however, I Had a violent headache. I find it difficult sometimes to read without spectacles; however, I do not use them yet.

Claude Chauchetiere,

of the Jesuits.

LETTER BY FATHER CLAUDE CHAUCHIERE, MISSIONARY IN CANADA, TO FATHER JACQUES JOUHENEAU, AT BORDEAUX. VILLEMARIE, THIS 20TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1694.

Reverend Father,

We expect peace with the Iroquois and hope that the negotiations that we have had with them will some day be successful. They would already have been so, had not the English made obstacles to it by their counsels, by their presents, and by their arms. They are doing what they can to divide the land with us. This year, they have advanced into the interior in the direction of the Illinois and the Miamis, -- who live toward the south, at 40 degrees of north latitude; and among whom we have fine missions, which the English and the Iroquois would soon destroy if they once established themselves there. Two Iroquois nations came, 8 days ago, to sue for peace; but, while these two came to Montreal, 3 went to Albany to confer with the English, -- namely, the Mohawks, the Oneidas, and the Onondagas; the two that came down here are the Cayugas and the Senecas. We refused their presents, and told them that our war kettle was still hung; and that we gave them a delay of only 30 days. After that, we shall have war on a larger scale than we have had with the Indians previously, unless God comes to our aid.

We count 4 martyrs there, who have been burned by their own relatives in their cabins, because they refused to abandon the faith and the French. I knew them all. Among them was a young woman who was captured, a year ago, 2 miles from our village. She was nursing, and had a little child, two years old, hanging at her neck. She was taken to her own country, where she was badly treated. She was beaten so severely that we are informed that there was not a single part of her body that was not covered with blood; and to prove this, it is said that when she threw down a pack which had been placed upon her back, on the mat on which she was told to sit, the mat was at once covered with blood. Soon afterward, they bound her little child to her neck, to burn it with the mother. The French who were slaves among the Iroquois were eyewitnesses to all this butchery. After such instances, it will no longer be said that the Jesuits are deluding people when they speak of their Indians who are Indians only in name or in costume. The French are continually escaping, and coming to Montreal. The Iroquois have given up 13.

If the european nations did not, with their brandy and their lust, destroy the missionaries' work, we would have fine churches in this country.

You will have learned of the dissensions between the Bishop of Quebec and the Recollects. He laid their church under an interdict; they submitted for a month and then opened it. He admonished them; they persisted and showed their privileges, which state that a bishop cannot lay their church under an interdict unless the town binds itself to support them. This religious war between the Gentlemen of the Society of Saint-Sulpice and the Jesuits is worse than the Iroquois war, on account of the scandal, and of the difference between the present times and those that existed on my arrival in Canada -- when I found the priests and the Jesuits united.

The harvest has been good, despite the fact that, since the eclipse in June, the weather has been rainy at the renewals of the moon, during the 1st quarters. The 2 Fathers sent out this year have reached Quebec safely; while the two priests who were sent from Saint-Sulpice in Paris, and the Recollect Fathers, who were on a ship named the "St. Joseph," were captured, 150 miles from Quebec, by the English, who sent them back without doing them any injury. They were pirates from Virginia, who take refuge in Boston. One of our two Fathers was at once chosen to be chaplain of a King's ship sailing to Hudson Bay, where I would have gone, had I had time to go down to Quebec to embark on it, for the purpose of teaching a class in mathematics on board the ship, and of wintering in the north.

I have seen Father Pinette, who has come out from our province; he is quite well, and remained only 6 days at Quebec. He came up at once remained two days at Montreal, and went to a place 1250 miles from here. He experienced some of the trials of a missionary's life while coming to Villemarie in the barques; for the winds were contrary all the time, and they made only 35 miles in fifteen days, -- amid constant rain, and lodged exposed, -- the usual sign for lodgings in Canada. He gave me some news from the province, and left me with a keen desire to learn more.

I was nearly going to hudson Bay, where the last chaplain was killed by a wretched Frenchman who was in a rage. It was also intended that I should go up to Mackinac, to assume the direction of the Huron mission. Finally, I remained here, where we have a sort of college, which is not endowed; but I think that the Gentlemen of Villemarie will not have it long unless they endow it, because the revenues of our mission are slight. I have pupils who are good fifth-class scholars; but I have others with beards on their chins, to whom I teach navigation, fortification, and other mathematical subjects. One of my pupils is pilot on the ship which sails to the north. Besides, we hear confessions on Sundays and holidays, and preach once a month in our church.

The Gentlemen of the Society of Saint-Sulpice fear that we shall ruin their parish. That is the reason why we exert our activities in the direction of the Indians more than in that of the French, to not give them offense. Still, the whole town is pleased to have us here, and blames the priests for treating us as they do. We hope for the restoration of all our occupations, perhaps through the change of Bishop. We are badly lodged here, as regards the buildings; but as regards the view, at 65 yards from the town. Our church is 30 yards from us; the garden is between the two. When we go to the church, we are exposed to the rain, the wind, and the snow, because we have no means to build. We ask our Reverend Father Superior for only a small building, twenty feet long, at the end of our church; but he is unable to grant our request, through lack of funds. My usual lot has been to find myself ever in new establishments; and sometimes I have been obliged to build my dwelling myself.

With all this, it seems that I have been only 3 days in Canada because we frequently have no leisure to be lonely. Although the occupations seem slight, they are continual; and one must supply everything oneself -- and the work done does not show. Two years ago, I had headaches every two weeks. They were due solely to exhaustion, because for a year I have not been so troubled by them, as I have a little more rest. I also had skin rash at the same time, -- which left marks on my legs, and the attacks of which are incurable in this country, -- as well as dysentery; and when I was sent to fort frontenac, I felt myself attacked by scurvy.

Claude Chauchetiere,

of the Jesuits.

LETTER BY FATHER JACQUES GRAVIER IN THE FORM OF A JOURNAL OF THE MISSION OF L'IMMACULEE CONCEPTION DE NOTRE DAME IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY. FEBRUARY 15, 1694.

Reverend Father,

I have much pleasure in giving you information respecting the condition of this mission of the Illinois, so you may be able to see, by this sort of journal that I send you, all that has occurred in it since March of the previous year; and how great a blessing we might expect in this mission, were fervent laborers sent here. After having been among the Miamis during the winter, on the ice, I found the Illinois -- who had, some months before, left the places we call Kaskaskia and Kouir akouintauka. They had met every day during my absence to pray in the Chapel, night and morning, as regularly as if I had been present.

About the end of the Same Month of April, I blessed the new chapel, which is built outside the fort, at a spot convenient for the Indians. On the eve before blessing the chapel and the cross, which is nearly 35 feet high, I invited the French to be good enough to be present.

About the middle of May the deputies of the Indians of this village, accompanied by two Frenchmen, went to seek the alliance of the Missouri and of the Osages. These French Merchants, with the view of carrying on trade with those tribes, made some proposals of peace to them; to these they agreed solely out of agreeableness to the French, through consideration for whom they became reconciled with the Osages. I would willingly have performed that journey to see for myself whether anything could be done there among the Tamaroa and the Kaoukia, who are Illinois; and to speak to the Missouri and Osages, to ascertain what could be obtained from them with respect to Christianity. But, as there are among them some libertines who do not love the Missionary's presence, I contented myself with telling them that I would cheerfully have undertaken the journey with them.

About that time, as I showed that I was surprised by the indifference to instruction that I observed among the Peoria, despite the politeness with which the old men received me, one of them told me in confidence that his tribesmen had decided to prevent the people from coming to the chapel to listen to me, because I protested against their customs and their trickeries; that they would, however, receive me well, to save appearances. I saw that this information was true, for the chief of the Peoria, who was the most prominent of all the tricksters, strongly opposed the Christian faith -- saying that it was important for the public welfare that no one should go to pray in the chapel any more, until the corn was ripe and the harvest over; and that he would then urge the people to go to be instructed. The period that he fixed was a long one, for he thought that I would offer him a present to shorten it. Seeing that I could not rely in any way upon a man as interested as he, and one animated by no good will, I myself went to ask the inhabitants of the village to come to learn the road to heaven.

I met a band of weeping women lamenting over a dying child, who expired as soon as I tried to approach him. The grandmother, who knew that I had baptized him a year ago, turned all her anger against me; after saying many harsh things against me, she threw herself on me like a fury, and violently pushed me out of the dwelling -- for fear, she said, that through the enchantments of baptism I might give some new cause for lamentation. This woman's ill humor did not last long. Soon afterward, she told me that some human consideration had led her to treat me therefore. The death of some children who have been baptized causes the Missionary's approach to be viewed with fear when he visits the sick; and it is often thought that all is over with them when he administers Baptism to them.

On the 10th of June, I gave a feast to all the Christians, according to custom. On such occasions, one has a right to say whatever one pleases to the guests, without their feeling hurt by it. I reproached some, whom I named, with their indifference in attending the meetings in the chapel to hear the instructions. I explained to all of them the manner of confessing, and the bonds of Christian marriage. As a good many old men and other married people still persist in their unbelief, I have devoted myself to instructing the children and Neophytes until their departure for winter quarters.

In the midst of a corrupt nation which indulges in lust of every kind, I find a young widow whose parents, as is their habit, made her marry without taking the trouble of ascertaining whether she wished to be married or not. She had not the courage to show to her parents the aversion that she felt for it; but she had enough to remain a long time with her husband without altering her first resolution. As he loved her dearly, he would not take another wife; and at the point of death, he told his wife's parents that he gave her back to them as they had given her to him. He asked his brother, who was unmarried, to marry her -- assuring him that he had lived with her as with a sister; but she would never consent, despite the pressing requests of her parents during 3 years. She desired to become a Christian, but she did not venture to speak to me of it, although she made her companions tell me of it, and came to the chapel daily for 4 years. I baptized her last spring. As she has bared the depths of her soul to me, I am convinced that she has a horror of everything that may be contrary to purity. She told me that the resolution she had taken to live always alone -- that is, not to marry -- was due to the aversion that she felt for all that she heard and saw done by the married people of her country.

About the 20th of June, the French and the Indians who had left here during the previous month to seek the alliance of the Osages and Missouris, in the expectation of the great profits that they would derive from the trade with the Osages and Missouris, came back with two chiefs from each village, accompanied by some elders and some women.

Although these Merchants care little about telling the Indians of God, the visitors all came to see me, and I welcomed them as heartily as I could. They showed great joy when I told them that I would go to see them, to give them sense -- such is the expression that they use. But, as I am alone, I cannot visit the other villages of the Illinois, which are on the banks of the Mississippi river. The Osages and the Missouri do not appear to be as quick-witted as the Illinois; their language does not seem difficult. The former do not open their lips, and the latter speak still more from the throat than they.

A young Peoria man -- baptized long ago and well instructed, but who made me, the previous year, forbid him entrance to my lodging, and threaten him with expulsion from the church -- led his countrymen to believe that his distress would persuade him to do everything that might be asked from him against Christianity. The chief of the Peoria and of all the tricksters, with some of his relatives, omitted nothing to embitter his mind against the Neophytes and against the Missionary.

"You would not believe us," his relatives said to him; "you would attach yourself to the Black Gown, and he has bewitched you. We do not therefore despise you; We have Pity on you, and you will have a share in our feasts. Let the Kaskaskia pray if they wish and let them obey him who has instructed them. Are we Kaskaskia? And why should you obey him, you who are a Peoria? Since he has vexed you, you must declare publicly that you abandon Prayer; that it is worthless."

"I shall hold a feast," said the Peoria chief, "and I shall invite all the old men and all the chiefs of bands; you also will be invited. After speaking of our medicines and of what our grandfathers and ancestors have taught us, has this man who has come from afar better medicines than we have, to make us adopt his customs? His Fables are good only in his own country; we have ours, which do not make us die as his do."

These talks gave great pleasure to the libertine, whose name was Antoine; but he could not long withstand the reproaches of his conscience. In vain they assured him that I had toads, with which I made poisons for the sick. He took up my defense; and he came to me to be reconciled to God. He then told me all that those charlatans, who were enraged against me, had done and said to make me vile to the Nation. He told me that one of those tricksters had wrapped up a live toad in several folds of ragged linen, in which it had suffocated; and had crushed it, to use it as an active poison, to make me perish by the same venom with which, he said, I caused the death of the Sick when I approached them, through the mere smell of a toad. All this was based upon his having heard me say that I was surprised to see the children handling toads as freely as they did, because we would not touch them in our country, because a toad carried death with it. This charlatan rises, therefore, and goes to the middle of the cabin to pick up the bundle of rags in which he has wrapped up his toad; he uncovers it and says to the old men assembled there: "My brothers, you will see that Antoine will bring about his own death if he merely smells this cloth, which will be the cause of his death."

"Let me die," said Antoine, "I shall be content to do so to expose your malice; I will smell your toad." All observed profound silence, not doubting that he would at once die. He actually smelled it several times, and lifted the toad up to his nose. "And still I am not yet dead," he said to the trickster.

"You will die shortly," the trickster replied.

Antoine again smelled the toad several times and remained in the cabin for over two hours. The trickster, irritated at seeing his poison without effect, hung his head and said not another word -- being quite ashamed and also quite surprised that Antoine did not die, and still more at hearing him say that those who were not Christians would be damned. The old men withdrew, saying to Antoine: "We are convinced that Assapita" -- that is the trickster's name -- "has not told the truth, and we are glad to see that you are not dead." This was kept secret, for I did not hear it spoken of; and the young man told me of it only long after it had happened.

This Neophyte -- who for 6 or 8 years was covered with scrofulous ulcers, and who could barely drag himself about -- died after making a good confession. Disease broke out in this village in August, -- that is, after they began to eat new corn, squashes, watermelons, and other half-ripe fruit. Many children and young people were sick, and I had not as free access to all of them as I would have wished. Some are so prejudiced by the tricksters that, through fear that I may give them medicine, they say that they are quite well and disapprove of my frequent visits. They cry out against me as if I were the cause of the disease, and of the mortality -- although only a few people die. Some children would have died without baptism had I waited for their parents' consent.

Some tricksters openly oppose me, and do all they can to cast discredit upon our religion. Those who are more wary show me some politeness, to save appearances, while in an underhanded way they do everything in their power to prevent the Indians from being instructed.

The young women here contribute to bring prayer into favor, through the lectures that I hold for them. There are many who confess frequently and very well; and two young girls from 13 to 14 years of age began by making a general confession of their whole lives -- so thoroughly that, to forget nothing, they made use of little pieces of wood as we use counters; and as they mentioned everything of which they accused themselves, or which they considered a sin, they dropped one of these small pieces of wood, like the beads of a rosary. An old man did the same, some time afterward; and it is a custom among them to count in this manner when they mistrust their memory.

The chief of the Kaskaskia and his wife have, ever since the marriage of their daughter with a Frenchman, been diligent at the instructions, and have asked me to prepare them for baptism. Their son-in-law, forced by the reproaches of his conscience, has admitted to his father-and mother-in-law that all the falsehoods which he had told to discredit the missionaries were fictions. The desire to slander had urged him to fabricate these, to prevent people from embracing our holy faith, and, to please certain libertines who had persuaded him to spread falsehoods, and compel me to leave the country. This they wished me to do so that I might not witness the evil conduct of some libertines. But this Frenchman said that, now that he had decided to become a Christian, he would refuse all the presents that might be given him to speak ill of me in the future. He afterward urged the 2 Christian trainees to be devoted to prayer, and docile to my instructions. These two worthy Indians reflected so seriously on all that their son-in-law and daughter told them respecting the unfortunate condition of those who refuse my good advice that they agreed that the chief should publicly declare the resolution which he had taken to become a Christian.

To make this act more solemn, he gave a feast to the chiefs of all the villages, and to the most notable among the Peoria, all famous tricksters; he openly renounced all their superstitions, and urged them in a rather long speech to be no longer the enemies of their own happiness by resisting the grace of Christianity. All replied by exclaiming Nikana, -- that is, "My friend" -- which is their way of applauding. I learned this from one who was present at the feast, for the chief never spoke to me of it.

The same evening, his wife gave a feast to all the women of her village, to inform them also that she intended to become a Christian. To test them, I let neither of them know what I had learned. From that time, they urged me to baptize them; I granted them that favor after they had given me several proofs of their desire to perform the duties of Christians. To make the ceremony of their baptism more imposing, I proclaimed throughout the village that all were to be present at their baptism. I was glad that many witnessed it.

I took advantage of the occasion to urge the others to imitate them. I went into their cabins to preach, without paying attention to those who scoffed at all my requests, and to reveal to them the tricks employed by the Devil to prevent me from giving them Sense (such is their way of speaking). One of the oldest among the elders -- full of fervor for the ancient customs of the country and fearing that his credit and that of his class would be diminished if their people embraced the faith -- went through the village, calling out: "All you who have until now listened to what the black gown has said to you, come into my cabin. I shall likewise teach you what I learned from my grandfather, and what we should believe. Leave their myths to the people who come from afar, and let us cling to our own traditions."

Before the disease spread through the villages, I was well received everywhere; and the old men told me that prayer was a good thing. Without themselves praying, they urged me to make the women and children pray well, so that no disease might break out; but, when the contagion spread, I was looked upon in most of the cabins as the bird of death; and people sought to hold me responsible for the disease and the mortality. I pointed out to them that the disease had commenced only since they had practiced those ceremonies, and -- in mockery of the holy water, and of the sprinkling with it that I performed every Sunday in the chapel -- had performed an impious sprinkling in their public trickery. I reminded them that God had inflicted punishment by the death of an old woman, a few days after she had imitated our ceremonies; that he had punished another by the death of her child; and that disease and death had entered the cabins of all the most superstitious.

As there are always people here who dwell amid the fields, at a distance of more than 2 miles from the village, until they depart for their winter quarters, I continued my short excursions from July to the 24th or 25th of September. I went to visit alternately those who were in their corn and squash fields. At a distance of 2 miles from the village is a small one, on a hill whose base is bathed by a river, constituting a landscape agreeable to the sight. I gathered together those who were there; and to inform those who were in the fields of my arrival, I called out, as I was in the habit of doing in the village, that all were to come to prayer. I said the prayers in the cabin of the most notable man in the village, -- a trickster by profession, who still showed a desire that his people should attend catechism twice a week. Some were scandalized at my entering the dwelling of this man, who was reported to exhibit the Manitous in the cabin every night, and to sing in their honor until daylight; and who had, according to their custom, given a superstitious feast.

In fact, having gone there one day when I was not expected, I saw 3 or 4 serpent-skins hung up, with some painted feathers, and the skins of various pretty small birds. I pretended not to have seen anything; I strongly protested against trickery, and against those imaginary spirits that have neither body nor soul. They did not make their appearance after that; but, a few days afterward, I saw a little dog suspended at the end of a pole stuck into the ground. I had never seen anything of the kind since I had been among the Illinois. I was astonished, for I was not yet convinced by actual experience that they offered sacrifices to their Manitous, or that they therefore hung up dogs or other animals to stay diseases. All that they are in the habit of doing consists in saying at their feasts: "My Manitou, I prepare for you, or I give you, food." But the cooks eat everything, and offer nothing, or put nothing aside for the Manitou. I asked what was meant by the little dog hanging on the pole. I was told that it had died of a Disease; and that, to prevent the children from touching it, it had been put where they could not reach it.

An old man, who saw that I was not satisfied with this explanation, told me that it was to appease the lightning, because one of his children had been ill on a day when there had been a great deal of lightning. After pointing out, in the presence of many persons, the uselessness of this superstition, I pulled the pole out of the ground and flung it, with the dog, upon the grass, and continued my visits; for, after making the Indians pray, I visited from time to time all whose fields were there. My walk always covered fully 7 miles, over a good road; and the distance seemed short to me, owing to the stay that I made at the various places where I halted.

All the people left for their winter quarters on the 26th of September, excepting some old women, who remained in 14 or 15 cabins, and a considerable number of Kaskaskia. Despite all the trouble I took to prevent the sick children from being embarked without receiving baptism, some escaped me whose parents would not allow me to baptize them. I followed others as far as the place of embarkation, to attempt to give them their Eucharist for eternity. I did right in not allowing myself to be repelled by the teasing with which the parents and all the women, who were on the point of embarking, treated my anxiety; for God rewarded my efforts with the salvation of several of these little innocents.

The chief of the Peoria, who was surprised to see me at the water's edge, asked me what I was doing there, and whether I was waiting for the mother of a sick child. I replied jestingly that I wished to baptize his own child, on which he began to joke. "Be not surprised," I said to him and to those who were present, "if I have been standing here so long. I am much more surprised that no pity is shown to the children, who are and who will be the slaves of the devil, if they die without baptism." Although this reason was not an obvious one to them, to rid themselves of my pleadings I was permitted to baptize several privately. I have not been so scrupulous this year with reference to the baptism of sick little children as I was in previous years. I have administered it to them without the knowledge of their parents, and have not always thought best to await their consent; because they were affected less by the eternal happiness of their sick children than by their erroneous dread that baptism would cause their death. The enemies of the faith strive to convince them that baptism causes the children to die; and this is the reproach that is frequently addressed to me in most of the cabins. I often experience great difficulty in persuading a mother whose first baptized child has died, to allow me to baptize the second or the 3rd.

One must not be discouraged, and there are many women who, so as not to see me often in their dwellings, have brought their children to me in the church to have them baptized. Although this year I met with more resistance from the majority of the parents than in previous years, regarding the baptism of their newborn children, I have still baptized many more than last year, -- many of whom now enjoy eternal happiness. In these beginnings, I can produce hardly any effect on the minds of the old people.

Although there is a great deal of corruption among these tribes, there is a great number of nubile girls and of newly-married women who retain their innocence. The fervor of her who is married to Sir Ako has nothing of the savage in it, so thoroughly is she imbued with the spirit of God. Many struggles were needed before she could be persuaded to consent to the marriage, for she had resolved never to marry, so she might belong wholly to Jesus Christ. She answered her father and mother, when they brought her to me, together with the Frenchman whom they wished to have for a son-in-law, that she did not wish to marry; that she had already given all her heart to God, and did not wish to share it. Such were her words, which had never yet been heard in this barbarism. Consequently, her language was received with displeasure. Her father, her mother, and still more the Frenchman who wished to marry her, were convinced that it was I who made her speak that way. I told them that God did not command her not to marry; that she alone was mistress to do either the one or the other.

As I went through the village calling the Indians to prayers, the father stopped me when I passed before his cabin, and told me that, as I was preventing his daughter from obeying him, he would also Prevent her from going to the chapel; at the same time he came out of his cabin, berating me, and barring the way to those who followed me. A portion of the Kaskaskia still came to the chapel, and so did the Peoria, who went round the village to escape his sight. He had just driven his daughter out of the house after depriving her of her upper garment, her stockings, her shoes, and her petty ornaments, without a single word of protest from her. But, when he wished to take away what covered her, she said: "Ah! my father, what are you trying to do? Leave me; that is enough, I will not give you the rest; you may take my life rather than deprive me of it." Her father stopped short and, without saying a word, drove her from his house. Not wishing to be seen in that plight, she hid herself in the grass on the water's edge, where an old man -- a Christian trainee, who was going to the chapel -- found her, and threw her his jerkin. She covered herself with it, and at once came to the chapel, where she responded to all the prayers and chants with the others, as if nothing had happened to her. She waited for me after prayers, when I urged her to have courage and to do precisely whatever God inspired her, without fearing anything. I had her taken secretly to the house of the Indian who had covered her with his jerkin.

That night her father gathered the chiefs of the four villages together, and told them that, since I prevented the French from forming alliances with them, he asked them to stop the women and children from coming to the chapel. He experienced no difficulty in making people, who are themselves still little inclined to Christianity, believe all he wished. The prohibitions did not prevent there being 50 persons present on the following day from the village of the Peoria, with some Kaskaskia -- as well as the girl. Her father sent a spy to see whether any persons entered the chapel; and being surprised to find so many people there, he proclaimed in the village that it was strange that the chiefs were not obeyed: that therefore they must not be surprised if he ill-treated those who persisted in going there.

Those who govern the young women and the grown girls of Peoria told me that they would come to prayers in the evening, and that I was not to announce them in the village. I replied that, if I failed to do so, I would lead the Indians to believe that I feared the prohibitions and the threats that had been made; and that those who had courage would obey me. They came to the chapel in the evening; but I still made the usual announcement. I was told from various cabins to cease my call, and that no one would go to the chapel to pray, because the chiefs forbade it.

"Let no one go forth from the lodges," they said; "you are forbidden to pray." "Call out loudly," another said to me; "who will obey you?" In fact, no one came out; and there were only some little girls present who made a long detour to avoid those who barred the way, and came to join those who awaited me at the door of the chapel. The daughter of the chief of the Kaskaskia came also, and there were only 30 persons in all.

Hardly had I begun to chant the Vini Creator when a man about 45 years of age entered the chapel, with a club in his hand, saying in a threatening tone: "Have you not heard the chiefs' prohibition? Obey them, and go out quickly." He seized one by the arm, to make her go out; but she remained firm.

I went straight to him, and said: "Go out yourself and respect the house of God."

"The chiefs forbid them to pray," he replied.

"And God commands them to do so," I said. "Be silent and go out." I did not expect that he would give me time to say to him all that I did. I afterward returned to the altar-step, where I continued the prayer.

He took another by the arm, to make her go out. "You obey not," he said to them.

"Take care not to offend the master whom we serve here," I called out to him; "withdraw, and leave us to pray. And you who honor the Lord of heaven and of earth, fear not; he is with you, and he guards you."

He remained some time longer, without saying a word; and seeing that he gained nothing, he withdrew with another old man, who had followed him. I praised all present for having been firm, and for having caused the Devil's emissaries to lose courage.

I thought that I should not remain silent after so great an insult had been offered to God. I went to the commandant of the fort who gloated over it. He answered in an insulting manner that I had drawn all this upon myself, through my stubbornness in not allowing the girl to marry the Frenchman, who was then with him: and that, if he wished to marry her, he would do so in spite of me. After several insulting reproaches, he went so far as to utter a great many slanders against me, in the presence of the French and of a large number of Indians, who gathered near the fort.

So the Indians might not think that we were quarreling, I replied hardly a word to all the insults that he uttered; and I raised my voice a little merely when I considered that I should maintain the glory of God, and because I always desired to revert to the insult that had been offered in the chapel. For that I demanded satisfaction of some kind. He replied coldly that he would speak to the chiefs: but, instead of assembling them at once, he waited until the afternoon of the following day, and even then I had to return to him for the purpose. The commandant contented himself with sending me word that the chiefs asserted that they had not told that man to offer the insult in the chapel.

The chief of the Kaskaskia made every effort to obtain his daughter's consent to the marriage by force of caresses and of threats. He assured her that if she obeyed him not, she would be treated most rigorously by him; that he would go to war, and that she would see him no more. She came to me, and assured me that God strengthened her. "My father has had pity on me," she said, "and I have an idea. I think that, if I consent to the marriage, he will listen to you in earnest, and will persuade all to do so. I think of consenting, against my inclination to the marriage, through love for God. Is that right?" These are all her own words and I merely translate her Illinois into French.

"My daughter," I said to her, "God does not forbid you to marry; neither do I say to you: 'Marry or do not marry.' If you consent solely through love for God, and if you believe that by marrying You will win your family to God, the thought is a good one. But you must declare to your parents that it is not their threats that make you consent to the marriage." She decided to consent to the marriage.

Finally, she told her father that she consented to the marriage; the father, the mother, and the Frenchman came to me while she was in the chapel to ascertain whether what her father said was true. The girl replied aloud: "I hate him," pointing to the Frenchman, "because he always speaks ill of the black gown; and he lies when he says that it is the black gown who prevents me from marrying." Then she said to me: "It is not fear of my father that compels me to consent to the marriage. You know why I consent." The Frenchman and the father withdrew, satisfied to make the preparations for the marriage. But, before concluding it entirely, I wished the father to gather all the chiefs of the villages in his cabin, and retract all that he had said, because it was all untrue; to express his regret for having forbidden them to pray; and to tender some satisfaction, at which I wished to be present.

He consented to all this, and did so, in the most submissive and humiliated manner that can be imagined. He asked me several times to forgive him his drunkenness, -- that is, his obstinacy. "I never intended to abandon it," he said to those who were present, "even when I told you to stop those who were going to pray, it was a trick, when I told you to do it. I ask you to obey now the black gown, who loves you, and who does not deceive you." He said so much, and belittled himself so much, that -- although I had decided to tell him all that I thought of him, before so large an assembly -- I contented myself with saying that, as I believed that he spoke from the bottom of his heart, I was willing to overlook all that he had done.

On leaving this assembly, all the elders called out the summons to prayers throughout the village; and I think that all of it -- women, girls, children, and even the old men -- gathered around the chapel. But I would not open it to anyone, to show them that I alone governed prayer, as I had told them at the assembly, and that it depended not on men's caprice; that, since I had not announced it, there would be no prayer that day. As no one knew the reason why I did not open the door of the chapel, they all waited for a long time, and finally withdrew, one after another, not knowing what to think. The commandant of the fort blamed me; and told the Indians that, since I did not open the door of the chapel, they need not pray, and I had only to go away. The chief of the Kaskaskia, who thought that I was angry, and who feared that in excusing himself he might have said something to offend me, sent the Frenchman, his future son-in-law, to me to know what was the matter.

I replied that I was content with the public satisfaction he had given; but that, as I had called out the summons twice in the village without being obeyed, and as people came to the chapel only by stealth, I would therefore wait two days before I summoned them. In fact, I received in the chapel on the following day only those women who had been constant; and I did not summon them until evening. As the chapel was nearly full, I explained what it meant to be a Christian, or to desire to be one; that they who feared men more than God were not Christians, etc.

After the chief of the Kaskaskia had obtained his daughter's consent to the marriage with the Frenchman, he informed all the chiefs of the villages, by considerable presents, that he was about to be allied to a Frenchman. The better to prepare herself for it, the girl made her first communion; she had prepared herself for it during more than 3 months. Her husband has told me that she spoke to him in so tender a manner that he could not avoid being touched by it, and that he was quite ashamed of being less virtuous than she.

The first conquest she made for God was to win her husband, who was famous in this Illinois country for all his debaucheries. He is now quite changed, and he has admitted to me that he no longer recognizes himself, and can attribute his conversion solely to his wife's prayers and urgings, and to the example that she gives him. To make him atone his past offenses, God permitted that he should displease some persons who have stirred up ugly transactions of his, and have made him vile to everyone.

It is impossible to imagine all that this girl said to her mother to persuade her to forgive her uncle, her mother's brother, for the death of one of her slaves -- whom he Cruelly killed, out of revenge for some slight vexation formerly caused him by his sister. The father and mother of this good Christian had gone out together, the wife being armed as well as the husband, to kill the murderer; but the efforts of this girl succeeded so well that she diverted the blow, and prevented them from executing their plan.

The fathers and mothers are delighted when I question their children; they themselves encourage them and ask me, when I go into their cabins, to question them. The hope of getting a red bead, -- which is a fruit of the size of a small bean, which has been sent to us from Martinique and other Islands (Oh, that I had a bushel of them!), -- or a needle, a medal, a cross or a rosary (especially if it be red), a small knife, or other curious object, given as a reward, incites the children to answer well; but they must answer very well for several days, to obtain either the rosary, the red bead, or a cross.

My sins have not prevented God from pouring down abundant blessings on this mission of the Illinois. It has been augmented by two hundred and six souls whom I baptized between the 30th of March and 29th of November, 1693. Many children among that number are already in heaven.

Jacques Gravier.

To Quebec.

YEAR 1695

LETTER BY FATHER JEAN DE LAMBERVILLE TO A MISSIONARY FATHER OF CHINA. PARIS, THIS 23RD OF JANUARY, 1695,

Reverend Father,

Since I had the pleasure of seeing you, there have been great changes in our New France. After many years of peace with the Iroquois, who were beginning to become Christians, some French people desired war, although the Iroquois offered to give satisfaction, if they did wrong. There was a pretense of desiring to continue the peace, and then the French came to surprise them. But the Indians were found to be ready; and, as I was still among them with my brother, -- all the other missionaries having withdrawn, upon receiving orders to that effect from the superiors, -- it was considered best that I should remain in their country, if they consented to it. They approved this, and I stopped the army of these Indians, who wanted to attack ours, -- which was without provisions, far within the Iroquois country, and reduced to such a bad condition through fevers and dysentery that the place to which it had proceeded was more like a hospital than a camp. The peace was renewed.

In 1686, a new governor, full of ideas of such war as is carried on in Europe, attempted to annihilate the Iroquois, to make, said he, christianity and colonization flourish in the country. He wrote to me to visit him, so he could confer with me about the affairs of those people. I met him at Quebec, where he told me that the Iroquois would not beat him as they had his predecessors; that he knew how to make war, and how to reduce them to their duty; that the King would give him men, and all the help necessary to succeed in his plans. I replied that I saw clearly that interested people were influencing him to extreme measures, which would be prejudicial to them and to the French colony, and even to Religion. The governor, pretending to yield to my arguments, appointed me to go to the Iroquois and invite their chiefs to be present in the spring at the rendezvous that he designated, to talk there about the continuation of the peace, and the means of properly maintaining it with them. I was told to pledge his word that they would be given safety and liberty to come to this rendezvous, and to return from there to their people.

I execute my orders; I assemble 40 of the principal chiefs, from all the Iroquois villages. I give them the word of the governor. I protest to them that, as he is a Christian, they ought to believe that he was a man incapable of breaking his word. Upon that, they yielded to my urgency. They were at the rendezvous, where they were deceived; they were put in irons and in prisons. They were plundered of a quantity of pelts, which they had brought to show the French that they had confidence in them. They were carried away to France. They were taken to Aix, where they died from destitution, -- except 13, who were brought back because their compatriots were going to avenge this deceit.

This was followed by an instance of treachery, which would astonish you if I were to relate it, and in which Father Millet -- a former missionary in Canada, and from our Province -- certainly had reason for grief. He himself was afterward captured by the Iroquois, and was about to be burned at a slow fire, after having heard a hundred reproaches that they heaped upon him, -- that we were traitors; etc. A man and woman, both strongly attached to Christianity and to Christians, made presents and intrigued so well that they saved this Father Millet's life. They adopted him in place of their own father, who had died a long time before; and of their dwelling they made a chapel, where the Father performed his functions of missionary with the result that in the midst of these hostile barbarians he maintained the worship of God, and there converted many Iroquois.

After having spent 5 years among them, -- being present at the death of the French prisoners whom they burned, and persuading them to grant life to others, he was brought back to Quebec, to the captain of New France, with 15 French captives. Efforts were then made, but in vain, to make peace with the Iroquois by those who had been most interested in the treacherous act committed in violation of the safety promised them; and while I was bringing the rest of the deputies, the French went by another route to attack and plunder their Villages. The Iroquois broke off all plans for peace, especially on account of the requests made to them by their English neighbors to continue with them the war against us; it was what caused still more troops to be requested from the King. The war was begun a year before what the english declared against us; and it was for this reason that the French would have been glad to have peace with the Iroquois in that country, where the French and the Iroquois burn each other when taken alive.

Finding myself among the Iroquois when the French began to arrest their deputies, the english warned me of what was being plotted. They told me that someone was making use of me to betray the Iroquois; that, since I could no longer continue from then on my occupation of missionary among them, it was useless to remain there; and that I should take refuge in new York, of which the Governor for king James (who is now in France) was a catholic, and had two english Jesuits with him. But, not being able to persuade myself that certain persons had broken their word, I decided to refuse this offer, and to persuade the Iroquois to follow with me their deputies, of whose arrest they did not yet know. I sent back, therefore, the english troopers and the horse that they had sent to take me away, to place me in security against the wrath of the Iroquois. While 8 of the most notable Iroquois were with me on the way to the aforementioned rendezvous, -- where, unknown to them, their comrades had already been arrested, -- some who had escaped from the hands of the French came to bring the news of what had taken place. Before this happened, I had received (but too late) letters warning me to make my retreat from the country of the Iroquois by any available means, because an attack was to be made on it.

The chiefs of the Iroquois, with whom I was on the way, had gone about 20 miles with me; they told me that, as they had just been informed that the law of nations had been violated in regard to them, I must take refuge among the French. For they did not desire that, since I had trusted myself to them and remained in their country, anyone should reproach them with my having perished there; and if I were to be involved in the misfortune of this new war, it should not be in their hands that I were slain, when I was there in good faith; if they killed me, it would be among the French, against whom they were going to show their resentment. I therefore parted from them, sand went to this fatal rendezvous -- where I found two hundred Iroquois, both men and women, who had been made prisoners when they thought that they would be kindly received. They clamored against this proceeding; and some who had been in France often named the King, as if claiming justice and his protection.

After that, desolation was carried into a region of their country from which a thousand Iroquois armed men were then absent, upon the good faith that had been given them. I could not procure the release of these wretched people, except of 7 or 8 who had rendered us friendly services when they had opportunity. Some time afterward, I was with ten soldiers upon a lake 250 miles long, in a little barque, which was attacked by 800 Iroquois, who were in their canoes. We defended ourselves very well for 3 quarters of an hour; but they were about to overwhelm us with their numbers, when heaven sent us a wind, which swept us away from their fury.

I was afterward obliged, through obedience, to remain in this ill-fated rendezvous with 140 soldiers, whose chaplain I was. God preserved me in 2 sorties without being wounded, while nearby our Frenchmen lay dead at my feet. Finally, the Iroquois having so closed us in that we could get neither wood, water, nor fresh food, scurvy broke out among the garrison, and carried off about a hundred men. In assisting them at death, I caught their disease. When I, like the others, was near dying, an officer of our troops, unexpectedly came over the snow, with 30 men, -- 15 of whom were Iroquois, friends and Christians, -- to learn privately in what condition we were; for this they had marched 200 miles over the snow and ice laden with their food, clothing, and arms. They found us in a bad condition; and for fear of remaining themselves in this fort, -- where the unwholesome air made them feel the beginning of this malady, -- they decided to depart immediately, and to make all possible haste, so they might not be surrounded or encountered by the enemy. This officer, who was my friend, having learned from the surgeon that I had only one or 2 Days to live if they did not get me away from this post, removed me. He refused to give the same favor to some others, even officers, -- who afterward died, alleging the length of the journey, and the inclemency of the season; the necessity of carrying their arms, provisions, and blankets; and the necessity for making great haste on account of the enemy, who were following in their track. He did for me what he would not do for another.

Having requested him to let me die, and to consent to substitute in my place a sick officer, he absolutely refused. Accordingly, as I had become useless from that time, on account of the condition in which I was, the rest of the garrison received general absolution, while they supported me by the arms; then, having bound me upon a sledge, to which 2 great dogs were harnessed, they set out, passing over a frozen lake. The ice broke, and, carefully bundled upon this sledge, I was in this condition plunged into the water. The dogs which were attached to it kept me above the ice, to which they held fast with their claws. To rescue me from this peril needed great carefulness, because the ice which surrounded me was broken on all sides. Finally, when they were drawing me out of the water, the rope broke, and I ran the risk of being drowned. Being withdrawn from the water and again placed upon the ice, the dogs were too much fatigued; and some French Canadians and soldiers who were with us took the trouble to drag me, now over the ice, now over the snow, by turns, -- without discontinuing their march, because the Iroquois were following in their track: and because they wished to keep the advantage that they had over them, for fear that they might attack us. It was necessary, all wet as I was, to wait until 9 o'clock in the evening to warm myself under cover of night; and to leave our halting-place early in the morning, and again go ourselves to the ice, to conceal our footsteps from the enemy.

The foe continued to follow us, but at a great distance, on account of the haste that we made during the journey, which lasted 7 days and a half. When I arrived at Montreal, -- which is the frontier post, at the head of the French settlements, -- I was carried promptly to the hospital, where I was placed upon a mattress in a corner by the fire; there I remained 4 hours, always ready to render up my soul. Through the care of the officers who were there, and of some kindly people, I was drawn from the gates of death. On the following morning, the priests of the seminary of Saint-Sulpice, who are in this place, took me to their house. I spent two years and a half in partially recovering from this singular disease of scurvy. As I had contracted my illness while serving the soldiers, the king's officials defrayed my expenses during all this time, and paid those Gentlemen who had so obligingly taken me to their house. It was in February, 1688, that this occurred.

The Iroquois, meanwhile, from the end of 1687, had injured our colony at various places, through the murder and captivity of many Frenchmen, whose cattle they had killed, and whose houses and barns, with those who were there, they had burned. As they were approaching Montreal with their army, it was decided to employ me to avert the storm, and to make them certain propositions which might be capable of checking them. By that means, we might gain time, until the King should send aid that might resist these Barbarians, and at the same time sustain the war against the English, who declared war upon us a year after we had become embroiled with the Iroquois.

I was carried out to meet these enemies, accompanied by an officer, -- one of my friends, for whom the chiefs of the Iroquois had regard. Our negotiation was favored by heaven, and we brought to Montreal -- where all the forces of the country, with the Governor of Canada, had repaired in June -- nearly one hundred Iroquois, who came unarmed, with their principal chiefs, to see our governor; meanwhile their little army remained 5 miles away, resolved to avenge their people if they were maltreated. Their desire to get back their compatriots, who had been treacherously put into irons and taken to the galleys in France caused them to take this measure, and risk themselves upon the word of the governor and ours. They were well received, and even feasted. They reproached us with our bad faith, and said that, if we again failed to keep a promise to them when they placed themselves in our power, as they were now doing, their people would know very well how to avenge it. They were reassured in every way. They even promised to make the nations of the Iroquois who were farthest away consent to the peace; and assured us that, if we would promise them safety to return and bring news from their people, they would show clearly how good their intentions were.

Two months after this parley, which procured us a truce, the Iroquois did send back four of their people to let the French know the satisfactory result of their negotiation; but those men unfortunately were assassinated on the way, by some of our allied Indians who did not wish us to make peace with the Iroquois, so the brunt of the war should fall upon us rather than upon them. This wicked action -- which these deceitful people accused us of; and which, they informed the Iroquois, was done at our request -- rekindled the war; and as a result, the Iroquois and the French burned each other in a horrible manner, which has continued for 7 years. The english, united with the Iroquois, have attacked the colony at both extremities and in the middle. Even Quebec has been besieged by the english; but the special protection of God has been shining upon this poor Canada, which still exists. The Iroquois have desolated a 3rd of it.

Hopefully, such cruel wars will end in New France when God shall gives peace to Europe, which has conspired against France. Last year, a new attempt at peace with the Iroquois was made, but in vain. The english of those quarters have so plotted that they have ruined all the hopes for peace that we had entertained; and the Iroquois say that we should not expect peace with them until we first secure it with the english. They have, however, restored Father Millet, whom they had kept a prisoner for the space of 5 years, with some other captives. This father maintained the worship of God during his captivity among these Indians, and there saved many souls who are now praising God in heaven. As for me, my mission among the Iroquois being entirely closed by the war, I am here, -- where I am administrator of our mission, awaiting the happy moment which will cause me to recross the sea, so I can end in our dear Canada the few days that remain to me.

De Lamberville

JOURNEY AND MISSION OF FATHER GABRIEL MAREST TO HUDSON BAY, ON THE COAST OF NORTHERN CANADA, IN 1694. LETTER TO THE REVEREND FATHER THYRSO GONZALES, GENERAL OF THE JESUITS, AT ROME. QUEBEC, OCTOBER, 1695.

WE sailed from Quebec with two ships and three hundred sailors, besides some soldiers, to capture the fort which the english occupied on Hudson bay.

Setting out on the tenth of august, 1694, we arrived here on the twenty-fourth of september. Toward the end of our voyage, meeting head-winds, the excessive cold of winter being close at hand, and our supply of water failing, we relied on St. Anne, and three days later we landed.

Two streams empty into Hudson bay at no great distance from each other -- one called the Nelson River, the other the Hayes River. Upon the Hayes River, the english fort is situated; into this, the smaller of our ships was brought for the winter, while the larger found shelter in the Nelson River, as the deeper stream. After this, the english were besieged; they surrendered voluntarily, and upon humiliating terms.

Since our arrival here, I have been busy continually, owing to three causes: the plenary indulgence, granted by the Supreme Pontiff after the custom of the year of Jubilee; the feast of Easter; and besides, a plague which broke out. Accordingly, so I could visit the sick, I found it necessary to hurry, now to the larger ship, then to the smaller, and sometimes to the fort. The cold of winter raged, bitter beyond conception. My way led through storms and snows, and over marshes scarcely frozen firm, which everywhere afforded but treacherous footing, and cut my feet and legs. I had to sleep beneath the open sky; and meanwhile I was attacked by a fever and the general malady. Still I felt that I must not yield to these in case I should fail in my duty to the sick. Many were seized by illness, and twenty-four died. Among this number were four sailors, who before their death renounced the Protestant heresy.

Now for the nature of this region, and its natives. The fort is situated at the 57th degree of latitude There is here almost continuous winter, -- that is, from September to June; and during that time no one can venture out of doors with safety. Indeed, of our group one has frost-bitten ears, another a frozen nose; while one of my legs has become almost stiff. The ground is mostly marshy, and there are only a few trees; only bushes are to be seen, as thorns and willows. But partridges, as well as geese, are abundant; and Caribou are found in great numbers. The Caribou is, with the exception of the horns, quite like the deer. The Indian natives gather no grain, but spend their whole time in hunting, which forms their sole support. They have no villages, but roam about wherever better hunting offers. In summer they come nearer the sea-coast, while with the approach of winter they withdraw into the interior. They are a lazy people, timid, of no great intelligence, and given to vice. As for their religion, it is like that of the rest of the Indians.

Next to these, toward lake Superior, are seven or eight tribes, of whom the most courageous, numerous, and intelligent are the Assiniboine Sioux and Cree. They remain in their villages for three and four months continuously, during which time they might be taught the rules of the Christian religion. I have felt that among them a beginning ought to be made in sowing divine truth.

But I have been,, able to spend little time in learning the language of the Indians on this coast, because I have had to devote my energies to the French people.

However, I have made lists of many words; and I have translated into the native as best I Could, the confession of the most holy Trinity, the Lord's prayer, the angelic Salutation, the apostles' Creed, and a summary of the decalogue. Whenever opportunity offered, I have told them, although but haltingly, something concerning eternal happiness. They were disposed to look with favor upon the Christian religion, and asked me again and again to visit them. This is the account I have to give of events from the tenth of august, 1694 to the 24th of august, 1695.

CANADIAN AFFAIRS IN 1696.

ON the approach of our little army, consisting of settlers of the country, of the King's troops, and of 500 Indians, -- not only Hurons, but Abenakis and Iroquois Christians and friends, -- making in all about 2,200 men, commanded by Count frontenac, the governor, the Iroquois of Onondaga retreated, after they themselves had burned their fortified village, in which Some Cayugas and Senecas had decided to fight The French. But, on being informed by an Iroquois Indian, who had been taken prisoner 3 months before, that our troops numbered 6,000 men, and that a part of them were going to Onondaga, another to Cayuga, and another to Seneca, these last people and the Cayugas left the Onondagas, to go defend their own country. This compelled the Onondagas, who did not consider themselves alone strong enough to resist the French, to abandon their fort and retreat 62 miles to the south, where they had built another village, and where they had fields of Indian corn. They conveyed there their most valuable effects, and therefore abandoned their fields at the 1st fort, which were full of Indian corn, to the mercy of the French.

Then, without going to seek them in their new post and without pursuing them, since it was at too great a distance, and because the soldiers' shoes were worn out, -- and all were anxious to return to Canada for the harvest, -- a detachment was formed consisting of 700 men, including 300 Indians, to go to Oneida, distant 30 or 37 miles from Onondaga. They went there in one day. The famous Christian woman of Oneida who saved father millet's life went with some Oneidas to meet the French, and proposed peace to Them; she also offered to come, with 80 Oneidas who were in the village, to reside near Montreal with the Christian Iroquois. This was agreed to; but, while the Christian woman was warning her people to come to Sir de Vaudreuil, who commanded the detachment, our people followed her, and tumultuously entered Oneida. This caused the Oneidas to flee. Their village was burned and their Indian corn cut down, as at Onondaga. Of these Oneidas, 30 afterward came in, and surrendered to the Christian Iroquois and to the French.

This is all the injury that was done to the Iroquois on this expedition, which has Cost the King more than 50 thousand gold coins. The French captured only an old man 80 years of age, who was almost blind, also a lame old woman, in the neighborhood of Onondaga, where they were hidden. The old man and old woman were both given to the Christian Iroquois who had brought them to the Camp. These proved to be relatives, and granted the lame woman her life. While they were discussing what should be done with the old man, whom the French wished to put to death, the Christian Iroquois asked that he be killed with a club or be Stabbed to death, instead of being burned. But the French peremptorily demanded that he be burned at a slow fire -- which they themselves did with many. I had baptized him when I was at Onondaga. He loved us and had often given food to the Jesuit who now Confessed him and assisted Him at his death, -- encouraging him to suffer bravely the torture of fire that they were about to make him endure. He prayed to God for a considerable time, after which they Began to burn him.

When this came to the Governor's knowledge, he had pity on him, and would have granted him His life after an hour's torture, had he not already been burned all over. On account of his condition, one among those who were present, touched with compassion, broke his head.

Meanwhile, the Iroquois of Mohawk, or lower Iroquois, have killed or captured from us 20 or 30 persons, between Three Rivers and lake St. Pierre, on the banks of the river; and have burned their houses and barns, and slaughtered their cattle. The Onondaga killed, in the rear-guard of our army, a Christian Iroquois and 2 Abenakis, who had strayed from the ranks; and some French were drowned while descending The rapids of the river.

IN 1696. OF THE MISSION OF SAULT ST. FRANCOIS XAVIER.

FOUR of our fathers barely suffice for this mission, where they are busily employed. This is a fully organized Church, in which everything is done as in the parish Churches. For some time, the neighborhood of the French has caused injury to this nascent Church, on account of the brandy that they sell to the Christian trainees.

During the past year, we have baptized here a great many adults who have voluntarily come from the country of our enemies to live here with their relatives. Some were taken in war by these Christian Iroquois, and brought here. A Father says he counts over 2,000 persons whom he has baptized. THE same father continues his letter as follows:

"You will also be pleased to hear what happened to a Christian Iroquois of our mission at Sault St. Francois Xavier, named marguerite, who was captured and burned in the Iroquois country, to which she was carried with her little child, a year old. In the first place, they deprived her of several of her fingers and slashed her all over the Body, while she uttered not a groan. He who was present at the spectacle relates that, when she was afterward taken, all covered with blood, into a Cabin where fresh tortures were to be inflicted on her body, she found there a French woman, a captive, whose life the Iroquois had spared; and who approached the captive, and urged Her to bear patiently the sufferings that she was made to endure, and to offer them to God. She replied that she had long ago asked God that she might be ill-treated in this life, to atone her sins. A captive Frenchman came, and gave her a small piece of cloth with which to cover herself.

"As soon as she reached the stake to which she was to be tied, she knelt, and prayed aloud to God for herself and for her Enemies; and while they applied heated irons to her body, she prayed and invoked Heaven. After her whole Body had been burned, and her entire scalp was removed, she was untied. Instead of running here and there, for captives who are burned generally do so, she knelt once more at the foot of the stake -- where, while she continued her prayers, her torturers struck her on the head several times with bars and stones, to make an end of her; but in vain. This made the spectators say, in derision, that Christians could not be killed, and that they were only spirits. One of them came forward with a bayonet, and struck her with it in the lower part of the stomach, saying: 'I will soon kill her.' But both he and the spectators were surprised that it broke, in a place where there were no bones. The poor victim once more began her prayers to entrust herself to God. They afterward struck her many blows on the head with heavy clubs to dispatch her; but in vain. This led them to collect a quantity of wood, with which they completely covered her; and they finally brought her martyrdom to an end by fire.

Three days after the death of the mother, her little child was abandoned by the woman to whom he had been given to adopt for her son. The difficulty that she would have in rearing him, because he was still at the breast, made her resolve to have him put near a fire, so he could be burned there. No one was barbarous enough to burn him; but, as he continually cried for his mother, holding out his arms as if he saw her and was calling her to come to get him, they broke his head on the spot. The Christians said that the good Christian woman had obtained from God the death of her son, -- had he lived longer, he might have become wicked among the Infidels."

YEAR 1697

THE LIFE OF AN INNU MISSIONARY, PRESENTED TO HIS SUCCESSORS IN THE INNU MISSION FOR THEIR INSTRUCTION. BY FATHER FRANCOIS DE CREPIEUL, JESUIT, AND AN UNPROFITABLE SERVANT OF THE MISSIONS OF CANADA FROM 1671 TO 1697, -- WHICH COMPLETES THE 26TH WINTERING IN THE SERVICE OF THE TADOUSSAC MISSION, AND THE 4TH AT THE MISSION OF ST. XAVIER, -- AT CHICOUTIMI, APRIL 21, 1697.

THE Life of an Innu Missionary Is a penitential and Humiliating life, especially in The cabins, and on journeys with The Indians.

The cabin is made of poles and Birch-bark; and Fir-Branches are placed around it to cover the Snow and The frozen Ground. During nearly all the day, The Missionary remains in a sitting or kneeling position, exposed to an almost continual smoke during The Winter.

Sometimes he perspires in the day-time and most frequently is cold during The Night. He sleeps in his clothes upon The frozen Ground, and sometimes on the Snow covered with Fir-Branches, which are hard.

He eats from an ouragan (dish) that is seldom clean or washed, and in most cases is wiped with a greasy piece of skin, or is Licked by The dogs. He eats when there is anything to eat, and when some is offered to him. Sometimes The meat is only half cooked; Sometimes it is tough, especially when Smoked (dried in the smoke). As a rule, they have a good meal only once -- or, when provisions are abundant, twice: but it does not last long.

The Indian Shoes, or the dogs' hairy skins, serve him as napkins, as the hair of the Indian men and women serves them.

His usual Beverage is water from the Streams or from some pond -- sometimes melted snow, or Broth, pure or mixed with snow, in an ouragan that is usually quite greasy.

He often scorches his clothes, or his blanket, or his Stockings during The Night -- especially when The cabin is small or narrow. He cannot stretch himself, but he curls himself up, and his Head rests upon the Snow covered with Fir-branches; this chills his brain, and gives him toothache, etc.

He always sleeps with his clothes on, and takes off his Cassock and his Stockings only to protect himself against vermin, which always swarm on The Indians, especially The Children.

Usually when he awakes he finds himself surrounded by dogs. I have sometimes had 6, 8, or 10 around me.

The Smoke is sometimes so strong that it makes his eyes weep; and when he sleeps he feels as if someone had thrown salt into His eyes; when he Awakes, he has much difficulty in opening them, When the Snow Thaws, while he is walking upon Lakes or long Rivers, he is so dazzled for 4 or 5 days by the water that drops continually from his eyes that he cannot read his prayer book. Sometimes he has to be led by The Hand. This has happened to father Silvy, to father Dalmas, and to myself; while on the march I could not see farther than the edge of my Snowshoes.

He is often annoyed by little Children, by their cries, their weeping, etc.; and sometimes he is made ill by the stench of those who have Scrofula, with whom he even Drinks out of the same kettle. I have spent more than 8 days in The cabin of Kawitaskawat, the chief man among the Mistassini Innu, and have slept near his Son, who was troubled with that disease; and the stench from him often caused me nausea, both day and Night. I have also eaten and drunk from his ouragan (bark dish).

He is sometimes reduced to drinking only water obtained from melted snow, which smells of smoke and is dirty. For 3 Weeks I have drunk nothing else, while I was with Strangers in The Region of Lac Saint-Jean. I have never seen Indians dirtier than these, as regards eating, drinking, and sleeping. Among them the meat was often covered with moose-hairs or Sand. An old woman, with her long nails, gathered up handfuls of grease in The kettle into which Snow had been thrown, and then offered it to us to eat, in a dirty ouragan (bark dish); and all drank Broth out of The same kettle.

In the summer-time, while Traveling, especially on The Saguenay and on the great River, he often drinks The dirty water obtained from Ponds. During 3 days, while detained by contrary winds, we drank no other water. Sometimes The wind compels him to take refuge in Places where there is none at all. This has happened to me more than once -- indeed, more than 3 times. I have even been obliged to drink from Ponds in which I Saw toads, etc.

In most cases during winter, while on long and difficult journeys, he does not find a drop of water with which to quench his thirst, although exhausted with toils and fatigues.

He suffers from cold and from smoke, before The cabin is finished, for 2 or 3 hours when the Weather is severe in winter. His shirt, which is wet with perspiration, and his soaked stockings, render him Benumbed with cold; he suffers also from Hunger, because in most cases he has had nothing but a piece of dried meat, eaten before camp was struck.

Francois

1690, July 20, at KaNeskat, from the house of J. B. Ousti'wanich, the Tadoussac Chief, midway between Tadoussac and The River de L'Assomption, among the Papinachois Innu.

YEAR 1699

LETTER OF FATHER JULIEN BINNETEAU, OF THE JESUITS, TO A FATHER OF THE JESUITS. FROM THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, JANUARY, 1699.

Reverend Father,

God continues to be served here, in spite of the opposition of the devil, who raises up people bitterly hostile to Christianity. We call them tricksters here. They perform a hundred ridiculous ceremonies full of impiety; and talk to the skins of animals, and to dead birds, as divinities. They claim that medicinal herbs are gods, from whom they have life, and that no others must be worshiped. Every day, they sing songs in honor of their little manitous, as they call them. They protest against our religion and against the missionaries. "Where is the God," they say, "of whom the black gowns tell us? What does he give us to persuade us to hear them? Where are the feasts they give us?" For, it is by means of feasts that the demon's group is maintained here. Although people of this kind seem averse to embracing Christianity, many of them still respect or fear our mysteries, and are polite to the missionaries.

The young men are no less opposed to the progress of Christianity than are the tricksters. Among them are monsters of impurity, who abandon themselves without shame to the most infamous actions; this is the reason why we find hardly a single young man upon whom we can rely for the exercises of religion. The middle-aged men and the old men alone have any constancy.

As a compensation, the women and girls have strong inclinations to virtue -- although, according to their customs, they are the slaves of their brothers, who compel them to marry whoever they choose, even men already married. Still, there are some among them who constantly resist, and who prefer to expose themselves to ill treatment rather than do anything contrary to the rules of Christianity regarding marriage.

There are many households where husband and wife live in great fervor, without paying attention to what the tricksters or the young libertines may say. Some of them assemble in the cabin of one of the notable men of the village, and there the whole conversation is about matters of piety, the catechism, the prayers which they recite to one another, or, finally, the hymns. As the children are persecuted on account of prayer, I know good Christians who urge them to go to their homes, and who offer to feed them and to share what they have with them, as if they were their own children.

There are also women married to some of our Frenchmen, who would be a good example to the best-regulated households in France. Some of those who are married to Indians manifest extraordinary care in maintaining piety in their families; they themselves teach their children; they urge their husbands to be virtuous; they ask them at night whether they have said their prayers; they urge them to approach the sacraments frequently; and for their own part, they confess at least every week, and often receive communion.

Father Gabriel Marest is doing wonders; he has the finest talent in the world for these missions; he has learned the language in four or five months, so that he can now give lessons to those who have been here a long time; he can endure an incredible amount of fatigue, and his fervor leads him to look upon the most difficult things as trifles.

We have three chapels, and we teach the catechism at four places. Kickapoos as well as Illinois are lodged around us, to cultivate corn in the neighborhood of our main village. From morning until night, our house is never empty of people who come to be instructed and to confess. We have had to make our chapels larger than they were.

Dear Father Marest is somewhat too zealous; he works excessively during the day, and he sits up at night to improve himself in the language; he would like to learn the whole vocabulary in five or six months. He lives only on a little boiled corn, with which he sometimes mixes a few small beans; and he eats a watermelon, which supplies his beverage.

There is another missionary 150 miles from here, who comes to see us every winter. He comes from the Province of Guyenne, and his name is Father Pinet. If you knew him I would tell you more about him. He has had the happiness of sending to heaven the soul of the famous chief Pe'ouris, and those of several tricksters; and he has attracted to our chapels various persons who, through their fervor, are examples to the village. I have now to speak to you solely of what concerns myself.

I am at present spending the winter with a portion of our Indians who are scattered about. I have recently been with the Tamaroa Illinois, to visit a band of them on the bank of one of the largest rivers in the world -- which, for this reason, we call the Mississippi or "the great river." More than 1750 miles of it have been found to be navigable, without discovering its source. I am to return to the Illinois of Tamaroa in the spring. There is a great difference between this climate and that of Quebec, -- where the cold lasts a long time, and a great quantity of snow falls; but here, the snow remains but a short time. We have hardly felt the cold during all of this month of January.

Vines climb all around the trees, up to their tops; the grapes are wild, and are not nearly as good as those of France. There are an infinite number of nut and plum trees of various kinds; also some small apples. We find here two other kinds of fruit trees that are not known in France; they are pawpaws and persimmons. Their fruit is good. We in this country go without all our other delicious fruits of France.

Game is plentiful, such as ducks, geese, bustards, swans, cranes, Turkeys. Bison, bear, and deer furnish the substantial meats that we eat in the game country. The bison of these regions is of a blackish brown, and is the animal called "buffalo" in Europe; it has a large hump on the nape of the neck, and thick hair, like the wool of our sheep in France; this makes good bed-coverings. We also see other animals, such as wildcats, lynxes, and tree-rats; the female of the tree-rat carries her young in a sort of pouch under her belly.

The life led by our Indians is as follows. They start on their hunt about the end of September. All walk, or proceed in canoes, to the wintering-place. From there, the most active men, women, and girls go into the interior, to seek the bison; this animal is dangerous, and boldly rushes at him who attacks it, especially when wounded; it snorts furiously, and its glaring eyes are terrible. When the Indians have killed one, they remove the flesh, especially that from the ribs, and divide it in halves. This meat is afterward spread for some time on a wooden grating, three or four feet high, under which a bright fire is kept up; it is then rolled; and dried in this manner, it keeps for a long time without becoming tainted. These pieces are called the tenderloins, and are in great demand in the village when the hunters return. This hunt ends about Christmas. The Indians come back loaded with these tenderloins, and it is wondrous what heavy loads the men and women carry on the march. The remainder of the time until march is passed in the winter quarters, where the women are continually occupied. The men go, from time to time, to hunt for deer or bear, and spend the rest of the time in gaming, dancing, singing. They are all gentlemen of leisure, the sole occupation of whose lives consists in hunting, in fishing, and in war.

The life that the Indians lead in the village is about the same as that in their winter quarters. The women alone till the soil, and sow; they do this carefully, and consequently the corn is fine and abundant. The idleness of the men is the cause of all their debauchery, and of their aversion to the Christian religion. Balls are held here, as in France; while in a cabin the dancers move about to the cadence of a kind of drum, you hear, on the other hand, some old woman singing.

I am almost forgetting to tell you of our gardens. One of their finest ornaments is what we call the watermelon, which grows to an extraordinary size. It has a sweet taste, and differs from our melons because it does not turn yellow. These melons are eaten without salt, and are harmless even when eaten in quantities.

The above is a short description of the climate and of the customs of our Illinois. The young children always give us great hopes for the future. They are wonderfully eager to be instructed; and their desire to obtain a needle, a red bead, or a small cross or medal, makes them try to give correct answers, and they learn a great deal in a short time.

Julien Binneteau,

of the Jesuits.

LETTER OF FATHER GABRIEL MAREST, OF THE JESUITS, TO A FATHER OF THE JESUITS. FROM THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY IN NEW FRANCE, APRIL 29, 1699.

Reverend Father,

I have been nearly a year in this mission. The country here is different from that about Quebec. The climate is warm, the soil fertile, the people of affable and gentle disposition. The state of religion here is as follows: few embrace Christianity among the men, especially the young men -- who live in excessive lust, which renders them utterly averse to virtue, and incapable of listening to their missionaries. The women and girls, on the contrary, are very willing to receive baptism; they are constant and firm, after they have received it.

The number of those who embrace our religion increases daily to a marked degree -- so much so that we have recently been obliged to build a new church, as the first was too small; and judging from how this one is filled every day, I think we shall shortly need a third one. As the village is large, being nearly a mile in length, our Christians have lately built a chapel at each end, so that instruction may be more easily given. They meet in these, and I go there regularly to teach them the catechism.

The children give us bright hopes for the future. It is impossible to believe how eager they are to be instructed. When they return to their cabins, they tell their fathers, who are often still infidels, what they have learned. Above all, they know how to laugh at the tricksters' ridiculous ceremonies; and we see that trickery is gradually disappearing.

Nearly ten years ago, Father Gravier laid the foundations of this new Christendom, which he fostered with care and trouble beyond belief. Reverend Father Binneteau has inherited his labors. This is one of our finest missions.

Here is a description of the life we lead:

Every day, before sunrise, we say mass for the convenience of our Christians, who go from it to their work. The Indians chant the prayers, or recite them together during mass, -- after which we disperse in different directions to teach the children the catechism: and then we have to visit the sick. On our return, we always find several Indians who come to consult us on various matters. In the afternoon, three times a week, there is general catechism for all the people. From that, we go through the cabins to strengthen the Christians, and attempt to win some idolater. These visits are useful, and I notice that the missionary never fails to effect some fresh conquest, or to bring back some strayed sheep. The visits are paid one day in one quarter, and the next day in another; for it is impossible to go through all the cabins in one day.

When we return to the house, we find it filled with our fervent Christians, who come to receive instruction or to confess. It is generally at this time that I explain the pictures of the old and of the new testament. Pictures of this kind produce an impression upon the Indian's mind, and assist him in remembering what we tell him. Then the public prayers are said, which all attend; and they are followed by a half-hour's instruction. After leaving the church, many wish to speak to us in private; and the night is frequently far advanced before we can satisfy everyone. This is what we do every day, Saturdays and Sundays are completely occupied in hearing confessions. Thus a missionary is free only at night; and even that time is often taken to teach some of the people to sing the hymns.

During the winter we separate, going to various places where the Indians pass that season. Last winter I had for my share a village of considerable size, 7 miles from here; after saying mass there on Sundays, I came to say it again here, at the fort, for our French.

Three Gentlemen of the Quebec Seminary, sent by the Bishop to establish Missions on the Mississippi, passed through here. We received them as well as we were able, lodging them in our own house, and sharing with them what we could, amid a Scarcity as great as what prevailed in the village throughout the year. On leaving, we also persuaded them to take seven sacks of corn that we had left, concealing our poverty from them, so they would have less objection to receiving what we offered them. In another of our Missions, we also fed two of their people during all of last winter.

As these Gentlemen did not know the Illinois language, we gave them a collection of prayers, and a translation of the catechism, with the notes that we have been able to make upon that language, to help them to learn it.

Gabriel Marest

LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES BIGOT, OF THE JESUITS, TO A FATHER OF THE JESUITS. FROM THE ABENAKI COUNTRY, OCTOBER 26, 1699.

Reverend Father,

I started about the end of august to go to one of our missions of Acadia, to take the place of my brother, who was in poor health. I reached the mission on the vigil of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, when I had in the first place the consolation of confessing and giving communion, with him, to more than two hundred of our Indians. As that is the first winter that we have passed in this village, which has been but recently established, I had to endure some discomfort as regards lodging and food.

Others, on returning from the forest, after depositing their loads of fuel in their cabins, go at once to worship Our Lord. As most of the Indians of this village have been baptized only a short time, and have not yet been fully instructed, I have always given two public instructions in the chapel, and a third in a private cabin, to teach them and explain to them chants on the mysteries. This did not content them, and when I went into the cabins, they asked me a thousand questions. As soon as I uttered in the village the call for the children's instruction, many, both men and women, came to join them, to profit by it. Some were in the habit of retiring into the woods as early as the end of September, and of remaining until the spring, to pass the winter there in greater comfort. This year they put off doing so for more than three months, so they might be instructed.

Our Abenakis have begun, during the past few days, to exchange the English prisoners whom they had taken in war; and in this the Catholic religion has triumphed over heresy. In accordance with the compact made between the two nations, those who are over fourteen years of age are free to remain with the enemy; but both sides have the right to take back those who are under that age, whether they like it or not. When they came to take away a poor boy of twelve or thirteen, you could not have restrained your tears had you seen how he asked the Indians to keep him. "I shall be lost," he exclaimed, with sobs. "Keep me with you, so that I may not be damned." The boy covered with confusion the captain of his nation, who came to effect the exchange, by asserting that the French and the Indians prayed much better than the English. Some days previously, at Quebec, a young Englishman had, under similar circumstances, covered an English minister with confusion in the presence of the Governor. Four English girls positively refused to return to Boston, and preferred to live with our Indians rather than run the risk, they said, of being corrupted by the ministers. Another came to tell me that she was resolved to do the same; for she said that she thought nothing of enduring the hardships of the miserable and wretched life led by the Indians, provided she remained in the true religion.

Seven little English boys, who heard of the exchange that was to be accomplished, hid themselves in the woods, through fear of being taken away. Two others who were older, and who died some months ago after making their first communion here, had assured me positively that they would not return. This fervor of the English among us does honor to our good Indians, who display admirable care and fervor in bringing them to the missionaries, and in themselves instructing them as soon as they take them. At first I find them prejudiced against us, but they gradually allow themselves to be persuaded by the devotion of our Abenakis and their fervor for prayer -- which they do not find, they say, in their colony.

I write you this from the sea-shore, where I am with my Indians who have come to negotiate for peace with an english ship now in the harbor. The journey fatigued me greatly; and we were almost without food on account of the bad weather. I had brought a little with me; but, on the first night, a Christian who had a good appetite ate the leather bag in which I had put it, and did not spare the contents. We feed ourselves with oysters, which we procure when the tide is low; that is all that we have had to eat for some time.

At first, the captain of the ship said that the Governor of New England insisted upon the Abenakis driving away the French missionaries, and that he would give them some of his own nation. "We will do nothing of the kind," the Abenakis captains at once replied. "You may try to make us pray as you do, but you will not succeed." The proposal made by the English irritated them to such an extent that they answered that the English must leave their country; that they would never tolerate them to settle there; that, of their own free will, they had given themselves to the great captain of the French, and that they acknowledged him alone. The English have treated them badly; for, in spite of their word pledged on several occasions, they have for three years detained two Abenakis, through whom they have withdrawn more than thirty English from the hands of those Indians, by always promising to give up those who were demanded of them; and they have not yet done so. It must also be admitted, on the other hand, that the Abenakis, irritated by this treachery, have captured and killed many of the English people.

The english captain showed me much attention, and even invited me on board his ship; but I was careful not to place myself in his hands by doing so. Had I done this, I think that I would not have seen my beloved Mission again for a long time. I contented myself with writing him a letter of thanks. I am about to leave for Quebec, with some of our Indians, to report to the Governor what passed during that interview with the English.

I have just arrived from Quebec, after paying my respects to and conversing with the Governor, who is pleased with the answer given by our Abenakis to the English. I set out at once on the ice to reach Acadia before the rivers broke up, but the thaw overtook me at the end of a few days; this increased the fatigue of the journey to such an extent that I was attacked by a violent fever. I thought that I would die from it, on the feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin; and they took me back, as well as they could, to Quebec, where I was ill for nearly five weeks. At last, I started once more, after Easter; and my return caused great joy among my beloved Indians, who thought me dead. I at once set about visiting the three villages to confess the Indians, to make them perform their Easter duties, and to strengthen them against the requests of the English -- who do everything in their power to persuade them to receive ministers. All these fatigues have brought on a second attack of fever. Still, I perform all my duties.

Jacques Bigot.

YEAR 1701

JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE OF FATHER GRAVIER, OF THE JESUITS, IN 1700, FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE ILLINOIS TO THE MOUTH OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. WRITTEN TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE AND SENT FROM FORT MISSISSIPPI, 42 MILES FROM ITS DISCHARGE INTO THE MEXICAN GULF, ON THE 16TH OF FEBRUARY, 1701.

Reverend Father,

I received, on my return from Mackinac, the letter that you wrote to me by way of the Mississippi, addressed to Father Aveneau, who sent it to me at Chikagoua -- from where I started in 1700, on the 8th of September, to come here. I arrived too late among the Illinois of the strait -- of whom Father Marest has charge -- to prevent the migration of the Village of the Kaskaskia, which has been too hastily made because of uncertain news respecting the Mississippi settlement. I do not think that the Kaskaskia would have separated from the Peoria and from the other Illinois of the strait, if I could have arrived sooner. I reached them soon enough to placate their minds to some extent, and to prevent the insult that the Peoria and the Moingona were resolved to offer the Kaskaskia and the French when they embarked.

I addressed all the Chiefs in full Council, and, as they continue to retain some good will for me, they parted peaceably. But I foretell no good from this Separation, which I have always opposed, for I foresaw too well the evil consequences that would result from it. May the road from Chikagoua to the strait be not closed, and that the entire Illinois mission may not suffer.

My heart is heavy at seeing my former flock divided and scattered. The Peoria, whom I left without a missionary (for Father Marest has Followed the Kaskaskia), promised me that they would preserve the Church, and await my return from Mississippi -- where, I told them, I was going solely for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of all that was said of it. This gave them great pleasure; they promised me that they would never leave their Village until I should inform them to what place the great Chief who is at the lower end of the River wished them to move. I am doubtful whether they will keep their word.

After journeying four days with the Kaskaskia, I went on ahead with Father Marest, whom I left ill among the Tamaroa Illinois, where Father Pinet performs in peace all the Duties of a Missionary. Meanwhile, Sir Bergier, who works very well with us, has charge of the French only, which is a great relief for Father Pinet. I left the Tamaroa Illinois on the 9th of October to come here, at the lower end of the Mississippi, to the assistance of father du Ru. I was accompanied by 5 Canoes manned by Frenchmen.

I had in my Canoe only brother Guibert, and a Frenchman who was ill with tertian fever. At 5 miles from the village, I found the Tamaroa Illinois, who have taken up their winter quarters in a fine Bay, where they await the Mitchigamea Illinois, -- who are to come more than 150 miles to winter there, and to form but one village with them. One of our missionaries will visit them every 2nd day throughout the winter and do the same for the Kaoukia, who have taken up their winter quarters 10 miles above the village. We made only 10 miles the 1st day, because one of our Canoes was split by a snag hidden in the water, and we had to halt to repair it.

On the 10th day, after proceeding 2 miles, we discovered the Meramec River, where the rich lead mine is situated, 30 or 32 miles from Its mouth. The ore from this mine yields 3 fourths metal. On the eleventh we killed a bison, or wild ox; he cost us 10 or 12 Gunshots, so well did he defend his life. The fever that attacked my pilot forced us to land an hour after noon; and in 5 days, although the current was strong, we traveled only 87 miles -- because our sick men compelled us to land early; and because much time was lost in shooting the bison that abound along the River, almost all of which are left to be eaten by the wolves.

The 14th. We have rounded cape St. Croix. This is a small rock forming a little Island, on the North side of the Mississippi, on which Sir de Montigny has had a Cross erected. We killed 2 Bears there.

The 15th. The fine weather continues. Today we saw over 50 bears, and, of all that we killed, we took only 4, to obtain some fat. Those that came down the Mississippi were lean, and Those that came from the direction of the river Wabash were fat. They were continually moving from the South to the North; It must be better there for Them. There are a great many Islands and Shoals along the course of the Mississippi river, from the Tamaroa to the Wabash River; this river keeps its course well from North to South, but, at a distance of 7 or 10 miles from Wabash, it begins to turn to the North-Northwest, and does nothing but meander. Father Marquette (who was 1st to discover it, nearly 30 years ago) puts it in his journal as being, at a distance of 7 miles from Wabash, at 36 degrees and 47 minutes.

We encamped in sight of the Wabash River, which flows from the South and discharges into the Mississippi. At its Mouth it forms a wide basin, 130 yards from Its discharge. The Wabash River is called by the Illinois and by the Miamis "the River of the Arkansas", because the Arkansas formerly dwelt on it. It has 3 branches: one coming from the Northeast, which flows at the rear of the country of the Miamis, called the River St. Joseph, which the Indians properly call Wabash; The 2nd comes from the Iroquois country, and is what they call the Ohio; the 3rd from the South-Southwest, on which Are the Shawnee. As all 3 unite to fall into the Mississippi, the stream is commonly called Wabash; but the Illinois and other Indians call it the River of the Arkansas. Its water is Clear; it does not appear to be rapid. It flows gently into the Mississippi, which loses a little of its muddy color, given it by the River of the Missouri.

I have found an excellent remedy for curing our French of their fever. I promised God, jointly with Pierre de bonne, -- who had a violent tertian fever for a long time, -- to recite for 9 days some prayers in honor of Father Francois Regis, whose relics I have. These I applied to him at His Strongest paroxysm, which suddenly ceased, and he has had none since. A small piece of Father Francois Regis's hat, which one of our servants gave me, is the most infallible remedy that I know of for curing all kinds of fever.

To resume our journey, we started, on the 16th of October, from the Mouth of the Wabash, in fine weather; and we found the Mississippi less rapid than above Wabash. As we had a great quantity of meat, we hastily dried a portion of the best of it and the great heat compelled us to throw away the remainder. We saw so great a number of wood-pigeons that the sky was quite hidden by them.

We traveled all day in a South-Southeasterly direction; and 12 miles below Wabash, On the South side, we found lofty Sand-cliffs, where an iron mine is said to exist. The pretended scales of iron attached to the Stones are not what they are believed to be. They are nothing but veins of earth, hard and apparently petrified, which have the Color of Iron, but have no weight and break easily. I took a piece of it to show that if there be an iron mine there, one cannot judge it by that earth.

A short distance below, we began to discover Canes on the Hills. They are covered with evergreen Leaves from the base to the summit, which ends in a small tuft of Leaves. They are not more than 7 or 8 feet high at the edge of the Hills; but they are 20, 30, and 40 feet high in the woods, especially below the Arkansas.

The 18th. In 3 hours' traveling we have Gone around the Compass; and after running to the east-Southeast for a short time, we again Went half around the compass in a Cove of over 5 miles, which one cuts across when the waters are high.

The 19th. We rejoined the 2 Canoes that had left us, And about 2 o'clock in the afternoon we found on the North side -- 7 or 10 miles farther down, beyond a small prairie -- an Echo that repeats 5 words distinctly, and, begins repeating what has been said only after the last word has been pronounced.

The 20th. Hot. We slept in sight of high rocky bluffs called Fort Prudhomme, because when Sir de la Salle was on His voyage of discovery, he remained entrenched there with his people through fear that Prudhomme, who had lost his way in the woods, had been killed by the Indians, and that he himself would be attacked. During the previous year, a great many Bears were killed here.

On the 22nd and 23rd, the rain detained us on a great Sand-bank, from which we reached an Island on which was some petrified wood. I do not know whether there is a spring of water possessing that virtue, -- a mineral spring that petrifies the leaves of Trees that fall into it; or whether it is the sun that blackens and hardens small pieces of decayed wood that lie on the Sand after the high waters. At all events, I have seen large and small pieces of it. There are some that are not yet petrified, and are partly wood and partly black stone, that break quite easily and exfoliate on breaking. A blacksmith who was of the group took the petrified wood for mineral Coal; but, besides its not being so heavy, he was convinced of the contrary when he threw it into the fire.

The 24th. We found a quantity of grapes, but much fewer than I had been told; and they are neither as good nor as large as those found on the River of the Illinois, And especially on the River of the Miamis, where they are found in greater quantities.

The 25th. So heavy a rain fell that we were compelled to ascend the Hill, which was over 30 feet high, and to transport there our Cabin.

The 26th. We passed, on the South, the River Mayot (Wolf River), named after an Indian of the Mahican nation who was with Sir de la Salle on his voyage of discovery. That River does not seem wide, but is a good Hunting-ground, and the Chickasaws come down as far as its Mouth, from which they are distant only 3 days' journey inland, to the south.

2 or 4 miles lower, we found a canoe of Taogria; these Belong to the Mahican nation, and carry on a considerable trade with the English. There were only 6 men in the canoe, with a woman and a Child; they were coming from the Arkansas. The most notable among them could say a few words of Illinois, and spoke the Shawnee tongue. He had me sit on a Bearskin spread in front of his Traveling Cabin, and offered me some sagamite to eat. He afterward told me that Father de Limoges (whom he called Captain Pauiongha) had overturned while in his Canoe, and had lost everything; and that the Kappa Arkansas had supplied him with provisions and a Canoe to continue his voyage. I gave him a Knife and half a box of red pigment; he made me a present of a large piece of meat, the produce of his hunting. 2 miles from the spot where we had left him, we killed 4 does. We did not expect such good fortune, and we neither killed nor saw a single animal from the River Mayot (Wolf River) to the sea.

The 27th. We passed the St. Francis River, at the point of a bend to the North, 45 miles from the Arkansas.

The 29th. On leaving our Camp, we ran in a westerly direction, and then we headed Southwest. Toward noon, we came upon 4 groups of Arkansas; when my Canoe approached the bank, an old man entered the water and carried me upon his Shoulders to the land. The Chief made me sit on a large Bear-skin, and the French on Willow branches, which he had his young men cut. He made me a present of 2 loaves of persimmon, which I distributed among the French. And, as I was grieved because they would not listen to me when I wished to speak of God, I withdrew to pray for them while the Kettles were boiling. I was Served with a dish of Sagamite made of green Indian corn; and another of whole ears of green corn, seasoned with excellent squashes. I gave a small present to the Chief of the group.

On the 30th, we Encamped 2 miles lower down, a mile from the old Village of the Arkansas (where they formerly received the Late Father Marquette), which is now recognized only by its old outworks, for not a Cabin remains.

The 31st. We arrived, about 9 o'clock in the morning, at the Village of the Kappa Arkansas, who are on the 24th degree, according to Father Marquette's calculation, The Village is a mile from the water's edge, Sir de Montigny had erected a Cross on the Hill, which is steep and 40 feet high. We gave notice to the Arkansas by 3 Gunshots; and in less than ten minutes, two Young men appeared with Swords in their hands, -- closely followed by the Chief of the Kappa Arkansas and that of the Tourima Arkansas, and 20 or 30 well-formed young men with their Bows and arrows. Some had swords and 2 or 3 had English guns, which had been given them by the person who, the year before, had brought a quantity of goods to them to alienate them from the French, and especially from the Missionaries -- against whom he bore malice, for he had boasted that he would put in irons and kill the first that he should meet. The French, who Seized him, found material for making a pair of manacles with iron chains, and prevented him from Doing any of the evil that he intended to Do. He had already 2 Concubines among the Kappa Arkansas.

However, the Chiefs invited me to go to their village, which consists of 40 Cabins. A number of the French accompanied me, while the others kept the Canoes at anchor. They took me to the Cabin of the Chief, who made me sit down on a mat of Canes adorned with figures, and at the same time they put on the fire the Kettle, containing green Indian corn seasoned with a large quantity of dried peaches. They brought me from another Cabin a large dish of Ripe fruit of the persimmon, which is almost like the medlar of France. The dish was handed to the Chief to give to me. As it is the most delicious fruit that the Indians have from the Illinois to the sea, the Chief began his feast with it. After tasting a little of it, I had the dish carried to brother Guibert and to the Frenchmen, who sat opposite me. I did the same with the Sagamite. I observed that all who entered the Cabin remained standing at the door, and advanced only when the Chief told them to do so and to sit down.

There was a Mitchigamea Illinois woman who acted as my interpreter, and who confirmed the news of Father de Limoges's wreck with the loss of all that he had. She gave him her supply of corn and Squashes, to assist him on his journey to the Natchez; and the Chief gave him an earthen pot, after feeding him as well as he could. I asked him whether he remembered having formerly seen in their village a Frenchman, clad in black, and dressed as I was. He replied that he remembered it very well, but that it was so long ago that he could not count the years. I told him that it was more than 28 years ago. He also told me that they had danced to him the Captain's Calumet (tobacco pipe) -- which I did not at first understand, for I thought that he spoke of the Calumet of the Illinois, which the Kaskaskia had given to Father Marquette to carry with Him in the Mississippi country as a Safeguard; but I have found, in the Father's journal, that they had danced the Calumet to him.

He afterward caused me to be asked in how many days I would start, and when I told him that I had landed merely to greet him in his Cabin, And that I was about to reembark, He asked me to remain at least a day, so he might have provisions prepared for me; and he said that all the young men of His village were pleased to see me. I replied to his compliment, and said that I was anxious to reach my destination. Finally, after much going and coming, and many consultations with his people, the Chief of the village asked me to remain until the following day, because he wished with his young men to sing the Chief's Calumet for me. This is a special honor, which is paid but seldom, and only to persons of distinction; so I thanked him for His good will, saying that I did not consider myself a Captain, and that I was about to leave.

My answer pleased the French, but was not agreeable to all the others who, in Doing me that honor, hoped to gain presents from me. The Chief escorted me to the Water's edge, accompanied by all his people; and they brought me a quantity of dried peaches, of Piachimina, and of Squashes. I Gave the Chief a present of a little lead and gunpowder, a box of red pigment with which to daub his young men, and some other trifles, which pleased him; and I told him that I thanked him for the kindness that he had Shown to Father de Limoges. After I had embarked, They fired four Gunshots, to which the people who were with me replied. At 5 miles from the Village, there is a small River by which They go in Canoes in the springtime, behind the Hills, To the doors of their Cabins.

Since I have spoken above of the Calumet (tobacco pipe), I here tell you something about it. There is nothing among these Indians that is more mysterious or more revered. No such honors are paid to the crowns and scepters of Kings as those that they pay to it. It seems to be the God of Peace and of war, the arbiter of life and of death. It suffices for one to carry and to show it, to walk in safety in the midst of Enemies, who in the hottest of the Fight lay down their weapons when it is displayed. That is why the Illinois gave one to the late Father Marquette, as a safeguard among the tribes of the Mississippi through whom he must pass on his voyage, when he went to discover that river and the nations that dwell along It.

There is one Calumet (tobacco pipe) for Peace -- and one for war, and they are distinguished solely by the Color of the feathers that adorn them. Red is the sign of war. They use it also to terminate their quarrels, to strengthen their alliances and to speak to Strangers. It is a sort of Pipe for smoking Tobacco, made from a red stone polished like marble, and bored out so that one end serves for holding the tobacco, while the other fits upon the stem. The stem consists of a hollow stick two feet long, as large as an ordinary cane. So the French have called it "calumet," from a corruption of the word Chalumeau, because it resembles that instrument -- or, rather, a long flute. It is ornamented with the heads or Necks of various birds, whose plumage is handsome. They also add long feathers of red, green, or other colors with which it is entirely Covered. They esteem it chiefly because they look upon it as the Calumet or Pipe of the sun; and they offer it to the sun to smoke when they wish to obtain a Calm, or rain, or fine weather. They hesitate to bathe at the beginning of the Hot weather, or to eat new fruit, before they have danced the calumet -- that means that the Chief, holding it in his hands, sings airs to which the others respond, while dancing and making measured gestures to the sound of certain Instruments shaped like small Drums.

On the 1st of November, after celebrating the Feast to the best of our ability, we continued our voyage and discovered the Arkansas River, 20 miles from the Village of the Kappa Arkansas. The Sitteoui Arkansas are 12 miles above Its Mouth, and are much more numerous than the Kappa Arkansas and the Tourima Arkansas; these Are the 3 villages of the Arkansas.

That Arkansas River, which is to the North of the Mississippi, is fine; it divides into 3 branches at 2 miles from the Village of the Sitteoui Arkansas; it runs to the Northwest, and, by ascending it, one reaches the River of the Missouri, by making a portage. It is 150 miles from the Kappa Arkansas to the River of the Tunica (Yazoo River); And on the 3rd day we passed the pointe toupee, which Is half-way. We afterward remained at anchor during a 6 days' rain, and did not proceed Far. The 7th. A heavy fog came on, and the rain compelled us to Encamp on a hill more than 40 or 50 feet high. About 7 o'clock in the Evening, we were Surprised by a furious squall that lasted over an hour, and gave everyone plenty of occupation in saving the Canoes and baggage; it threatened, at every moment, to crush us by the trees that fell all around us. When the wind fell, the rain was so heavy for two days that I have never seen anything like it.

Our people killed a Crocodile, six yards long. This is an animal of the color of a Toad, shaped like a Lizard. It is Often found on land, and, although it walks slowly, no one approaches it unless he is well armed. The scales with which it is covered are proof against small shot, and a ball is needed to pierce them. I do not know how the Indians do so who have only arrows, unless it be that these slip under The scales from the rear. Its mouth is large, and is armed with two rows of teeth, longer than those of a Bear. To see it, and hear it gnash its teeth, frightens one. It is said that the tongue is good to eat, but I have never had the curiosity to taste any of it, or any other part of the body, which most of the Indians consider a great treat. From time to time, some of them lose their lives by risking themselves in diving to catch it after it is wounded. Many of these animals are larger than this one was.

On the 13th day, we set out; and on the following day we reached the river of the Tunica (Yazoo River). I left the 5 Canoes containing the Frenchmen at the mouth, which is on the South side of the Mississippi. I embarked in my Canoe to visit Sir Davion, a missionary priest, who was sick. I left my Canoe 10 miles from the River, at the foot of a Hill where there are 5 or 6 Cabins. The Road by land, which is 5 miles long, is fairly good. I found persimmon-trees loaded with fruit, and many Coupal-trees that yielded gum. We passed on our Route through Canes that were 40 feet high, and as thick as one's arm. The stalks of the corn that we call Indian corn are more than 15 or 20 feet high, as are also the sunflowers, and thick in proportion.

We saw 5 or 6 hamlets, consisting of only a few Cabins; and I was Astonished that Indians who so seldom see Frenchmen should manifest so little curiosity -- except at Sir Davion's village, where all the people escorted me to the house of that devoted missionary, whom I found ill in bed with fever. He arose on the following day, to receive communion at my mass, and went out, for the first time, to visit some Cabins with me. He spoke to me with much frankness about His mission, which he is beginning to establish; and God blesses the study that he has made of the language, which he is beginning to speak better than might usually be expected from a person of His age. In his mission, 3 different languages are spoken: the Sicangu, with 30 Cabins; the Mosopelea, with 10 or 12 Cabins; and the Tunica, who are in 7 hamlets, consisting in all of 50 or 60 small Cabins.

He devotes himself entirely to the last-named language; and as the Tunica are the most numerous, the Mission bears their name. They are docile; polygamy is rare among them; but their caprice and the custom of the country authorize divorce for almost nothing, -- the result being that the village is little populated, and I saw hardly any children there. The girls are not lewd or bold, as among the Natchez and Taensa. They acknowledge nine Gods: the sun, Thunder, fire, the Gods of the east, of the South, of the North, and of the West, of the Sky, and of the Earth. In every Cabin is a tall Post that holds it up; at the foot of this are 2 or 3 small earthen pots near the fire, from which they take a little ashes to place in those pots, through I do not know what superstition.

That is the post of the spirit or genie. They are so secret regarding all the mysteries of their Religion that the Missionary can discover nothing about them. The women wear a gown made of a tissue from the mulberry-tree, which they spin like hemp and flax. It is a strong and thick cloth. Their Skirt is decent, extending from the waist to below the knees; it has a fringe that is neatly worked, -- as is also their mantle, which is either quite plain, or worked in diamond shapes, or in squares, or in ermine; they usually wear it over one shoulder, and seldom over both. The men and women do not grease or oil their Hair, as do our Indians of Canada. The meat of bears, of Deer, and of all kinds of animals is scarce in their villages.

The women wear their Hair in a heavy plait on their backs, reaching to below the waist; they also make a crown of it around Their heads, which are flat, like those of the men. The mothers compress the heads of their children, while in the cradle, to make them flat. Most of the men wear their hair long, and their only covering is a scanty Deerskin. They, as well as the women, sometimes wear cloaks made of Turkey feathers or of Muskrat skins, well woven and well worked. The men here Do what peasants do in France: they till and hoe the soil; they sow and harvest; they cut wood, and bring it to the cabin; they dress the skins of Deer and of bison, when they have any. They dress them better than do any other Indians whom I have seen. The women do only household work, and make the earthen vessels and their clothes.

Their Cabins are round and arched; they are lathed with Canes, and plastered with Mud from the bottom to the top, both inside and out, and have a good roof of straw. There is no opening but the door; and however little fire there may be, -- the Smoke Issues out only by the door. It is as hot in them as in a vapor bath. At Night, a lighted torch made of dried Canes serves them as a Light, and keeps all the Cabin warm. Their beds are made of round Canes raised on 4 posts 3 feet high; and a Reed mat serves as a Mattress. Nothing can be cleaner than their Cabins. One never sees in them either clothes, or bags, or Kettles, or hatchets, or guns; They carry everything with them, and their sole wealth consists of fairly well-made earthen vessels -- especially small varnished jars, as pretty as any that can be seen in France.

Their granaries are near their Cabins; they are made like Dovecotes, built on four large posts 15 or 16 feet high. These are smooth and well polished, so that the mice may not climb them; and therefore they protect Their corn and Squashes -- which are even better than those of the Illinois -- against those vermin. There are no peaches in this village, as among the Arkansas; but there are such quantities of persimmon that whole families go together to the woods to gather it. As among the Illinois, whole families go together to hunt the bison, which is seldom seen in this country. There they live for a month in the woods on that fruit, besides pounding and drying great quantities of it, which they keep for a Long time.

They have Only a Small temple built on a mound of earth; they enter it, so Sir Davion told me, only when going to war or returning from there; and do not utter all the yells of the Taensa and Natchez when they pass in front of their temple, in which an old man always keeps fire burning.

Sir de St. Cosme, who had heard that Sir Davion was dying, arrived from the Natchez mission. Before my departure, they both confirmed the news of the Wreck of Father de Limoges -- who, out of all that he possessed, saved only his Chalice and his Crucifix. They gave him all that he needed to enable him to reach fort Mississippi, and were uplifted by the courage that he showed in the great loss that he had suffered of all the gear of his Mission.

Sir de St. Cosme informed me that the Natchez were far from being as docile as the Tunica. They are polygamous, thievish, and depraved -- the girls and women being even more so than the men and boys.

The customs of the Taensas, who speak the same language, are the same. Their village is 50 miles from the River of the Tunica (Yazoo River); It is 10 miles inland. After Traveling 2 miles, one reaches a lake where there are always a great many Crocodiles. It must be crossed in a Canoe to reach the village, which is more closely built than that of the Tunica.

Last year, the temple was reduced to ashes, by the lightning falling on such combustible materials as the Canes with which it was covered. The old man who was its Guardian said that the spirit was angry, because no one had been killed in it at the death of the last Chief, and that he must be appeased. There were 5 women Cruel enough to throw their Children into the fire, in full view of the French who told this to me, -- or, rather, they gave them to the Old man, who cast them into the fire. He did so while uttering Invocations, and singing with the women during the barbarous ceremony; and had it not been for the French, many more Children would have been burned. The Chief's Cabin was turned into a temple, and the 5 unnatural mothers were carried there in triumph, as if they were 5 heroines.

At the point of the bend where the village stands, the River is barely 100 yards in width, and forms a strait, where the current is difficult to ascend. It is at that place that Sir de la salle says there is a whirlpool, into which the trees are precipitated roots upward, and reappear only a mile lower down. This I did not see; perhaps it happened only when he passed there, or occurs only occasionally.

After enduring heavy showers during the night, which would have flooded our baggage had I slept as soundly as did our Canoemen, we had fine weather while proceeding to the Natchez, who are South of the Taensas, from whom they are distant 50 miles. After ascending a low hill, we came upon a well-traveled highway leading to a rather steep hill, which is more than half covered during the high Waters. At the top of this hill is a fine prairie; the Road most used leads to the Village where the temple is; others, which intersect it right and left, lead to various hamlets.

There are only 4 cabins in the one where the temple is; it is Spacious and covered with plaited canes, which are renewed every year with great ceremonies. They begin by a fast that lasts four days, accompanied by vomiting until Blood comes. There are neither windows nor Chimney in the temple and one can see only a little by the light of the fire; and even then the door, which is low and narrow, must be open. I imagine that the darkness of the place inspires them with respect. The old man who is the guardian keeps the fire lighted all the time, and takes good care not to let it go out. It is in the middle of the temple, in front of a sort of Mausoleum in the Indian fashion. There are 3 mausoleums, which are 8 or 9 feet long, about 6 feet wide, and 9 or 10 feet high. They are supported by 4 large posts, covered with Cane mats in quite neat Columns, And surmounted by a ceiling of Canes interlaced. This would be graceful, were it not all darkened by smoke and covered with Soot.

There is a large Mat that Serves as a curtain to hide a large table, covered with 5 or 6 Cane Mats, on which stands a great Basket; it is not permitted to open this, because the Spirit of Each nation in this area reposes with that of the Natchez. I am annoyed with myself for not having opened the Basket, although I would have pained the Old man by drawing back the curtain and trying to touch that Basket. There are others in the 2 other mausoleums, in which, they say, are the bones of their Chiefs, whom they revere as divinities. The rarest object that I saw there is a small piece of rock Crystal, which I found in a small Basket. I observed many small Earthen pots, dishes, and cups, and some small well-made Cane baskets. In these, food is served to the spirits of the dead Chiefs, and the guardian of the temple finds it to his Advantage.

After inspecting everything in the temple, I saw neither the gold, nor the silver, nor The precious stones, nor the Riches, nor the eighteen yards of fine pearls mentioned by the author of a report, printed under the name of Sir de Tonty, but which he denied to Sir Iberville, who reproached him with all the falsehoods with which it is filled. What The writer dares to mention as having been seen by Sir de Tonty, in a small cupboard embedded in the wall and plastered with mud, is also a fable; and I neither saw nor tasted there the exquisite liquors of which he speaks. These are all Things that have been invented by the same author, to embellish his story. The Chief's wife has some small pearls; but they are neither round nor well pierced, -- with the exception of 7 or 8, which are as large as small peas, and have been bought for more than they are worth. After a careful search, there were found none of the riches or rarities that have been reported to exist in the Temple and in the village.

The Frenchman, whom Sir D'Iberville left there to learn the language, told me that at the death of the last Chief, they had killed two women, 3 men, and 3 Children. They strangled them with a Bowstring, and that cruel ceremony is performed with great pomp, for the wretched victims Consider themselves highly honored in accompanying their Chief by means of a violent death. For the great Chief who died some months previously, There were but 7 sacrificed. His wife, who was more cautious than the others, would not Follow him; and began to weep when they wished to make her accompany her Husband.

When Sir de Montigni, who has left this country to go to Siam, was informed of their custom, he made them promise to put no more people to death. They gave him, as a pledge of their word, a little slave girl, whom they had decided to kill, had he not forbidden it. But, to keep their cursed custom without his noticing it, the woman Chief, whom they call Ouachil Tamail, "the Sun woman" (who is always the sister and not the wife of the great Chief), persuaded him to withdraw to a distant Village so that his head might not be broken by the noise that would be made at a Ceremony where all the people would be present. Sir de Montigni, who suspected nothing, Believed her and withdrew; but, in his absence, They put to death those whom they considered necessary to act as Cooks for the Chief, and to Serve him in The other world.

The Old men alone enter the temple to yell, as I have seen them do after kindling the fire. All the men who pass in front of the temple lay down their Burdens, stretch their arms toward the temple, and utter loud yells; and if they have little Children, They hold them in their arms and, turning toward the temple They make them touch the earth 3 times with their foreheads. They utter the same yells when they pass before the Chief or the woman Chief, or speak to them, or offer them food, drink, or tobacco. This woman Chief is intelligent, and enjoys greater Influence than one thinks.

Her brother is not a great genius; he has been married 9 times, without a single Woman being able to live with him; they have all left him, and now he lives quite alone. The Women are all neatly clad, and are decently covered To the middle of their Legs, with a cloak that descends below the knees. Most of them have black teeth, which is considered beautiful among them; they blacken them by chewing the Ashes of tobacco mixed with wood ashes, and rubbing them with these every morning.

The corn was not yet gathered in. The 1st harvest in this area is in June; and the 2nd, which is more abundant, is only at the end of November. Besides the fact that they offer the first-fruits of their crop to the temple in that Village, the woman Chief had the corn gathered in for the temple, and no one dares to refuse what her emissaries wish to take. That harvest is gathered for the Chief and the woman Chief, and to supply food for the spirits of the departed Chiefs; but all the people take part in the feast that is given them during 6 days. This is accompanied with the usual yells, the Shouts, and the Ceremonies that they will not explain to the Missionaries, to whom, for all answer, They say, noukou -- which means, "I do not know why it is done." Everything depends upon the Commission of the Chiefs, who have too much Interest in passing among their people for Spirits, to embrace Christian humility.

We left that village of the Natchez on the 24th and the 25th of November. We discovered the Hills of the houmas to the South of the Mississippi, which forms a bay that one enters by leaving the main Channel to the right. There is a good 4 miles from the point of disembarkation to the Village of the houmas, -- over a bad Road, for one has to ascend and descend, and walk half bent, through the Canes. The village is on the crest of a steep mountain, precipitous on all sides. There are 80 Cabins in it, and in the middle of the Village is a fine and level open space, where, from morning to night, young men exercise themselves. They run after a flat stone, which they throw in the air from one end of the square to the other, and try to Make it fall On two Cylinders, which they roll wherever they think the stone will fall.

There is nothing fine about the temple except the Vestibule, which is embellished with the most pleasing and best executed grotesque figures that one can see. These Are four Satyrs, two of which are in relief, -- all four standing out from the wall, and having on their heads, their hands, and their legs, -- for ribbons, bracelets, Garters, baldrics, and belts, -- snakes, mice, and Dogs. The colors are black, white, red, and Yellow; and are applied so well that they constitute an agreeably surprising spectacle.

The Old man who keeps up the fire -- the name of which, he told us, was Louak ouloughe -- the "sacred fire" -- showed us the bones of the woman Chief who died last year. That woman had so distinguished herself by the blows that she inflicted upon their enemies, having in person led several war-parties, that she was looked upon as an Amazon, and as the mistress of the whole village. Greater honor was paid to her than to the great Chief; for she occupied the 1st place in all the Councils, and, when she walked about, was always preceded by four young men, who sang and danced the Calumet (tobacco pipe) to her. She was dressed as an Amazon; she painted her face and Wore her Hair like the men.

In this village, they know nothing of all the yells that are usually uttered among the Natchez when they pass before the temple -- opposite which is a Chapel 50 feet long that Father du Ru had built last spring; also a great Cross, 35 or 40 feet high, that he had erected in the public place of the village. Father de Limoges had arrived there three days before, to settle there and to labor for the Conversion of the houmas, who seemed to me to be docile. The Great Chief is reasonable, and says that he acknowledges but one spirit who has made all. I counted 70 Cabins in the village, which I visited with Father de Limoges.

On the 3rd of December, we celebrated the Festival of that great Saint as solemnly as we could; and I Chanted the first high mass that was ever heard in the village. I was Surprised at the little Curiosity that they showed. If the Mississippi country be settled, and this mission be not taken from us, There is reason to hope that we shall do well here, on account of the docility of those poor people. The women and girls are more modest than Among the neighboring Tribes. May God make the road to Their village impractical for certain French libertines.

All that they do for their sick is to suck them Until Blood comes. I saw one sick person in the hands of the old Medicine-men; one whistled and played on a gourd; another sucked; while the third sang the Song of the Crocodile, whose skin served him as a drum.

As they are Satisfied with their Squashes and their corn, of which they have an abundance, They are lazy, and hardly ever Hunt. They have still the reputation of being warriors, and are feared by the neighboring tribes. They are not cruel; and far from putting to death any slaves whom they may capture, as soon as the prisoners enter the village, the women weep over Them, pity them for having been taken, and afterward treat them better than their own children. When any of their people go out Hunting, the women begin to weep, as if they were about to lose them; and when they return from Hunting, They weep with joy at seeing them once more.

There are few Villages in France where there are more hens and Cocks than in that of the houmas, because they never kill any, and will not even eat any of those that their Dogs quite often kill. When one wishes to obtain chickens from them, He must not say that he intends to kill or eat them. They would give them with reluctance; but they willingly sell these fowls when they are not killed in their presence, or when they are told that they will be taken away to be reared as with them. The hens have little chickens at all times, And in December there were some in all the Cabins, since they keep Warm in the Cabins, -- which the people are Careful to keep clean, and which they sweep out 2 or 3 times a day.

The Children, the men, and the young men are dressed like the Tunica. The women wear a fringed skirt, which covers them from the Waist to below the knees. When they go out of their Cabins, they wear a Robe of Muskrat skins, or of Turkey's feathers. Their faces are tattooed with figures, and they wear their hair plaited like the Tunica And Natchez, and blacken their teeth as Those tribes do. Although all Indians have a great dread of cold, when there is the slightest frost (for there is no winter here) They all bathe, both great and small, and come out of the water quite chilled with cold. An Old man Calls out at daybreak when it freezes. This kind of bath sometimes brings on dysentery, which carries off many of them.

Father de Limoges is beginning to Make Himself understood, and will do good in this mission. He told me about his wreck, in which he lost everything. While allowing themselves to drift at night with the Current, their Canoe struck a tree which had stuck in the middle of the Stream. This overturned the canoe, and it remained on its Side full of water; and had he not promptly caught hold of the tree, He would have been drowned while half asleep. He lost everything except his Chalice, which he saved by pulling it from Its box. That was all that he could save, and it is almost a miracle that he was able to Save himself, after struggling for his life for nearly three hours, by means of a branch of a tree swept down by the current, to which he fastened himself with his 2 canoemen. He allowed Himself to drift with the Current, which at last carried the tree to land: and, after drying themselves without a fire in the wind and Sun, as well as they could, They made a Raft out of 3 or 4 pieces of driftwood, which they lashed together with branches. They traveled for three whole days On this new Canoe, always half submerged, and Without eating anything during all that time except some Wild purslane, quite raw. On the 4th Day, he observed the fire of some Arkansas who were hunting. He and his two companions were humanely treated by them. They gave them food, and took them to Their village, where the Father found His Canoe, which had been stopped by a Barrier of driftwood. He has since been equipped with everything necessary for his mission among the houmas.

I started from there on the 4th of December, and, after 7 miles of Navigation, we found on the North side of the Mississippi the red River, about which so much is said. If the 3rd attempt which the French have made there within 7 or 8 months be successful, the Missionaries will have there a passage by which to reach the various nations along that river, which flows in a Southeasterly direction. They nearly all live only in small hamlets, Like the Natchez, which makes persons who wish to convey a great number of all Those Tribes say that there are villages without end, and of 7 or 10, 12 or 15 miles in extent -- trying to make hamlets of 3 or 4 Cabins, separated from one another according to the convenience of the land, pass for so many villages of the same tribe.

Sir de Bienville, who has penetrated the farthest of all, has told me that the whole country is flooded in march and April; that there were small eminences among the Natchitoches that were quite populous, and that corn grew on it to the height of one's shoulder. At the end of march, Sir de St. Denis is to go as Far as the Kadodakio; and instead of going toward the Hasinai, where The Assassins of Sir de la Salle had fled, He is to go To the left, and push on as far as the Kiouahau, the most remote tribe that we know of, where it is hoped that mines will be found. He is to return here at the end of this month; and if he finds no silver mines, they have nothing less than what they Seek in the settlement of the Mississippi -- which floods all the lands to a distance of more than 200 miles from Its Mouth, with the exception of a few small Districts.

On the 11th, we arrived at the Cross that marks the village of the Bayogoulas, on the North side of the Mississippi, and 100 miles from the houmas. As the Waters have been extraordinarily high this year, they have undermined the Hill for a length of over 10 feet, so that the Cross has fallen with The soil that has crumbled away. I Did not go to the village, and it was only on my return from Biloxi that I visited the Bayogoulas. Their Chief caused the Chief of the Mougoulacha to be massacred, with more than 200 men of that tribe, who were very well disposed toward the French, and who lived in the same Village with the Bayogoulas, as the Peoria do with the Kaskaskias. God is beginning to punish them by famine and disease and they must fear that the Houmas and the Acolapissas will avenge the murder of all their allies. I have never seen anything So beggarly.

I Know a few words of their language; but, as more than two-thirds of them were away from the village, from where hunger had driven them, I remained there only 4 days. They promised me to restore the Chapel, and to do everything that I asked from them; but, unless the Chief is far away, There is not much for a missionary to do. I had a cross erected on the Hill, to replace what had been carried away by the Waters, which rose to a height of twenty feet.

At 12 miles below the village, we find on the North side a small arm of the Mississippi, which Sir de la Salle mentions; he says that it has a depth of over 60 yards of water, and is convenient for large vessels. But Sir D'Iberville -- who had it inspected, and who caused Soundings to be taken -- did not find water deep enough to float a sailboat. The more we approach the lower end of the Mississippi, the more we go to the east and to the east-Southeast. We also find more Currents and worse Camping-places, and always clayey ground in the Alder-bushes; or else we Have to go far into the woods, into which it is difficult to penetrate without meeting Dense Canebrakes, from where one cannot extricate oneself.

Since we have left the Natchez, we have lived only on Indian corn with a few Squashes -- For it is a long time since either bison, Deer, or bears have been seen in this area; and if we have found a few bustards or wild geese, they have been so lean that they were as tasteless as wood. This has caused our Canoemen to long for the River of the Illinois, and the beauty of the country and of the landing-places; and for the numbers of bison and Deer, and all Kinds of fat and excellent Game.

The navigation of the Mississippi is slow and tedious, and difficult -- especially in ascending it. It is also troublesome on account of the gnats and other insects called Mosquitoes, midges, And black flies; the heavy rains; the excessive Heat; the wretched landing-places, -- where one must wade in mud and clay, Often half-way up one's Legs, -- and the bad food. Unless one set out with a Canoe half full of provisions, he must expect to fast long; and I find it difficult to believe that our Indians up above and in the Illinois Country come here to seek for merchandise from so great a distance, with so many difficulties and so many risks.

The canoe of the Bayogoulas that we met traveled no more than 7 or 10 miles a day. They were badly clad for the Season, For they had only half a Deerskin to protect them against the cold. There was even an old woman so destitute that she had only a little moss with which to Cover herself. Many old people among these Indians have no other clothing.

At last, on the 17th of December, I reached fort Mississippi, after 68 Days of navigation in descending the river. This first post is on the South side of the river, 45 miles from Its mouth; There is neither fort, nor bastion, nor entrenchments, nor redoubts, -- it consists of only a battery of 6 cannons, and of 6 or 8 placed on the edge of the Hill; and of 5 or 6 Cabins detached from one another and roofed with palm-leaves. The Commandant, Sir de Bienville, has there a small and neat house.

I observed that the men were commencing to suffer from hunger, and that flour was beginning to fail. This compelled me to live on the same food as do the Indians, to not be a burden to anyone; and to content myself with Indian corn, without meat or fish, Until the arrival of the ships, which are not expected here before the end of march.

If the Mississippi country be settled, the fort will be transported to -- or, rather, will be erected among -- the Bayogoulas, 100 miles higher up; for the high Waters flood the place to such an extent that the men spent 4 months in the water; and frequently had to wade mid-Leg deep in it outside of their Cabins, although the Indians had assured them that this spot was never inundated. The wheat that had been sown was already quite high when the inundation caused by a heavy sea, in August, carried it away. The Garden did not succeed any better; and there are great numbers of black snakes that eat the lettuce and other vegetables down to the roots.

As to Fort Biloxi, 75 miles from here, not only is the air purer, but the country is more open, and all kinds of Garden produce can be grown. Deer abound in the immediate vicinity, and there is good hunting; and -- to temper the Heat, which would otherwise be excessive -- every day, an hour or two before noon, a wind blows from the sea which is called "the breeze," and it cools the air. Only the water is not good there. It is supplied by a small spring, for the water in the Bay is more than Brackish, and is not drinkable. This Bay, which gives the fort its name, takes its Own from the Biloxi Indians, who Are nearest to it, and is called The Bay of Biloxi.

There are over 120 men in this fort, which is regularly built; it is armed with 12 cannons, and as many swivel-guns, mounted on the bastions. Only sailboats, and lighter, which carry less than 100 tons, can enter the Bay. Ships cannot approach nearer than 12 miles; and they remain in the roadstead, in front of an Island where there is good anchorage, and which is called Isle des vaisseaux [ship Island]. There are no ports in all of that country except that of Pensacola, which the Spaniards have seized -- and where they had not been settled for more than 3 weeks before Sir D'Iberville arrived on the Coast. Fort Biloxi is distant only 75 miles from that of the Spaniards.

The Spanish Governor's expedition met only with ill success last year. Having advanced with two vessels, he was surprised to find 4 large French ships in the roadstead, and a strong garrison in the Fort. Through politeness, he told the French Officers that he was visiting the coast to Drive the English away. Sir d'Iberville, who was visiting the Mississippi country, had warned his officers to be careful in their conduct toward the Spanish, and to receive the Spanish Governor well if he came on board our ship, -- in accordance with the order which he himself had received from the Court. The Spanish Governor was given a magnificent reception; shouts of "Vive le Roy de France! Vive le Roy d' Espagne! Vive Sir d'Iberville!" were uttered, while many salvos were fired from the Cannons; and on his departure, he left a letter for Sir d'Iberville. It contained his objections, which he knew would be laughed at. Hardly had he left our ships when he was struck by a Squall in the open sea, which caused his ship to spring a leak and founder. He saved himself in a sailboat, with a few of his people, and returned to our ships.

Our Officers, who showed more regret than they felt, received the Spanish Governor well; they generously supplied him with everything, and had him taken back in a double sailboat -- with all oars, and with Hats off -- to his fort of Pensacola. On his departure, he was again saluted with a discharge of all our Artillery. He has been made grand Master of the Artillery of Spain; and his Major, who has been made governor, sent a sailboat to Fort Biloxi to Sir de Sauvol to claim through the new major 10 men, pretending that they had deserted. But it was only an excuse to visit the Fort, -- which fears them not, -- and for the purpose of procuring linen and clothing Because they lack everything. They purchased all that they could get, and said that they would return as soon as they should Learn that our ships Had arrived. Although we are already short of provisions, -- at least, of French flour; But of Pork, Peas, and beans there is yet no lack, -- the Governor caused the Indian corn to be concealed, and displayed French bread all over the Fort. He fed the major elaborately, with poultry, suckling Pig, Venison, and Madeira wine; the crew were fed in proportion; and he gave the Major all sorts of provisions for his return, and made the new Governor a present of a valuable Gun.

To go from here to Fort Biloxi, It is necessary, at the start, to cross a portage of a good quarter mile, in mud and water Up to one's knees. One must also take a sufficient supply of water to last until Biloxi is reached, for the little river a half mile from here is brackish -- that is, it is mixed with sea water; it discharges into a lake 5 miles wide. Then, after running 12 or 15 miles to the Southeast, on the sea, along the Islands, we cross to the northeast, outside the Islands, to 17 miles from the fort; there the mainland is reached, and is followed to the entrance of the Bay of Biloxi in sight of the fort, to reach which we must cross the bay.

I arrived there on the last Day of 1700, and was well received by the Governor. I found father du Ru there. Besides the duties of missionary, he also performs those of Chaplain. He has a great aptitude for learning languages. I remained only 8 days with him; and it took me eleven days to get here, through the fault of our guide, who lost his way and made us lose a favorable wind, which would have taken us back to the fort on the 3rd day. But after consuming our half cask of water, we filled it with brackish Water: this Gave more trouble to my Canoemen than to me, for I Have accustomed myself to drink little while traveling. We all Fared badly, For we were reduced to Indian corn alone during 4 days; and, after it had been boiled all night in that Brackish Water, it was as hard as when it was put into the Kettle. We sailed on the mexican sea or gulf from Island to Island, and the farther we sailed the more we deviated from our route. When we had hardly any brackish Water left, we commended ourselves to God.

On the following day, we reembarked in our canoe; and at one o'clock in the afternoon we found ourselves at point a leri which we had rounded 4 days before, from where we Crossed over to the Islands outside. We made two long crossings of 12 miles to the South-Southeast, and came in sight of the Mississippi woods. Finally, we entered a river where we quenched our thirst. This stream took us to within a quarter mile of the Mississippi, where we arrived safely; and after a portage of a quarter mile, we found ourselves 20 short miles from the fort, which we reached on the eleventh day after our departure from Biloxi. I left on the following day to go to the Bayogoulas, 100 miles higher up. I accomplished there only a portion of what I wished to do, for I found few people there.

The arrival of the ships, which are expected from day to day, will enable me to decide what I shall do; whether to await the arrival of Sir d'Iberville, or to return to the Illinois by the first Canoes. However, no ship can enter the Mississippi river if she draws more than 9 or 10 feet of water, For there are only eleven at its Mouth. The Entrance once passed, There is not a Ship that cannot sail a long distance up the River. There are from 30 to 32 yards of Water here; most of the store-ships, which draw only 9 feet, could go far up, For the English ship that Sir d'Iberville found last year, 20 miles from here, drew still less water. The Captain had for his guidance Sir de la Salle's Report, and some other incorrect memoirs that mention The mouth of the river. That Englishman, who was talking about it to Sir de Bienville, congratulated himself upon having found the entrance to the Mississippi.

One of those who have written of it is an apostate, who presented to King William the Report of the Mississippi, where he never went; and after a thousand falsehoods and ridiculous boasts, He pretends to establish the first claims and the incontestable right of King William to the Mississippi, etc. He depicts, in His Report, Sir de la Salle wounded, with two balls in his head, turning to Father Anastase, a Recollect, to ask for absolution, -- which he certainly could not have had time to do, for he was killed outright, without saying a word, -- and other similar false statements. I do not know what the Court will decide with reference to the Mississippi, if no silver mines be found there, for they seek not lands to cultivate. There are only a few districts, 200 miles from here, that are not flooded by the great overflow of the Mississippi. The mines that have been sought have not yet been found; little attention is paid to the lead mines, which are plentiful toward The Illinois country, and higher up the Mississippi toward the Sioux.

There are many souls to be won to Jesus Christ along the Mississippi, and still more inland and along the red River. But there are more people in the Illinois mission alone than I have seen among the Tunica, the Bayogoula and the houmas; and more than there are Among the Biloxi, the Colapessas, and all the Indians of the River mobile, who Are between Fort Biloxi and that of the Spaniards and the Pensacola. This does not prevent the Missionaries from finding plenty of occupation in each village, in which the Indians seem to me docile.

It is said that there are numerous tribes up the River of the Mobilians, where I have not been. When Sir de la Salle came by sea to look for the mouth of the Mississippi, he went past without noticing it, until he had sailed 37 miles beyond it; and being unwilling to show that he had been mistaken, He pushed on to a place 200 miles from here, where he built a fort. With the plan of proceeding to the Illinois country, he went from his fort to the Hasinai, Indians who dwell Inland; and it was from their village that Sir Cavelier, the priest, set forth, after His Brother's tragic death, to go across the country to the Arkansas, from there in a canoe to the Illinois, and finally to Quebec -- where he, with 4 others, embarked to return to France.

The Spaniards shortly afterward made themselves masters of the fort of Sir de la Salle, in which more than 150 persons died of hardships and disease. The Spaniards took away the remainder of the French whom they found there, and afterward came to the Hasinai country, where they left 20 men with 3 Cordeliers; from that place also they took away two Frenchmen whom they found there, who are now at Fort Biloxi. It is from those two Frenchmen that our people learned what had become of the sorry remnants of that great expedition of Sir de la Salle -- who had 400 men with him when he left St. Domingo to seek for the mouth of the Mississippi. Among the Hasinai, the murderers of Sir de la Salle became Indians like them, after some of them had killed one another.

Such are the precise details of my voyage, of all that I was able to learn on the way, and of all that I have seen and noticed and heard here from the Commandant, Sir de Bienville, brother of Sir d'Iberville, who has explored most of this country.

I may add that it is to the willows, and not to the mulberry trees, that the silkworms attach themselves when they spin their cocoons in this country. No settlement could be established in a place where there are more Mosquitoes than here. There are some nearly all the year round. They gave us a short truce of 7 or 8 days; but at this moment They are stinging me badly. Even in December, when one should not be troubled with them, there was so great a number of them that I could not write a word; my hands and face were covered with them, and I was unable to sleep at night. One eye was so badly stung by them that I almost lost it. The French at this fort told me that, after march, these insects came in so tremendous a number that the air was obscured; and that they could not distinguish one another at a distance of 25 feet.

I remain here until Sir D'Iberville's arrival, to serve as chaplain to the French at this post, many of whom are Canadians. I have much to suffer from those Troublesome Flies Up to may, and still longer, while ascending the river; for I shall not be able to do so until the mosquitoes will be So abundant that we shall not be able to rest at night, or to land in the Daytime to cook some Indian corn, without being devoured by them. I must be content with all, whatever it may cost me, -- provided this voyage of over 2500 miles, which I have undertaken for the good of our missions in the upper country, may be of some use to them, as well as my delay, which is caused through my desire to better ascertain the truth.

Jacques Gravier.

Since this letter was written, -- a year ago, last February, that of the present year, 1702, -- the French have abandoned the two posts mentioned above, both that of Mississippi and that of the bay of Biloxi, to establish themselves on The river called the Mobile, from the name of the Indians who have their village there, and are called Mobilians. That river falls into the sea 37 miles this side of Biloxi. There are 2 islands, at a short distance from its mouth, that form a port for ships; and our ascending in a sailboat a distance of 35 miles up the Mobile, there is a Regular fort built by Sir d'Iberville, and houses for the soldiers and for some Frenchmen who have come from Canada. The soil is good. The plan of a town has been traced out, which will be settled by French colonists that will be sent there, if the court Deem beneficial. There are some Indian villages at distances of one, two, and 3 days' journey from Fort Conde.

YEAR 1702

LETTER BY REVEREND FATHER ETIENNE DE CARHEIL TO SIR LOUIS HECTOR DE CALLIERES, GOVERNOR. AT MACKINAC, THE 30TH OF AUGUST, 1702.

Monseigneur,

Our missions are reduced to such an extremity that we can no longer maintain them against an infinite multitude of evil acts -- acts of brutality and violence; of injustice and impiety; of lewd and shameless conduct; of contempt and insults. To such acts the infamous and wicked trade in brandy gives rise everywhere, among all the nations up here, -- where it is carried out by going from village to village, and by roving over the lakes with a tremendous quantity of brandy in barrels. Had his majesty but once seen What passes, both here and at Montreal, during the whole time while This wretched trade goes on, he would not hesitate to forbid it forever under the severest penalties.

In our despair, there is no other step to take than to leave our missions and abandon them to the brandy traders, so that they may establish there the domain of their trade, of drunkenness, and of immorality. That is What we shall propose to our Superiors in Canada and in France, being Compelled to that by the uselessness to which we have been reduced by the permission given to carry on That deplorable trade -- a permission that has been obtained from his majesty only by means of a pretext apparently Reasonable, but known to be false; a permission that he would not grant if They upon whom he relies for ascertaining the truth made it Known to him; a permission that is at once the climax and the source of all the evils that are now occurring in the country. Especially does it cause the wrecks, of which we never heard before the permission was given, but which we now hear of as occurring almost every year -- while the Ships are either Coming from or returning to France. This results from a just punishment by God, who causes the destruction by water of what had been wickedly gained by brandy; and these wrecks should have prevented the transportation of the liquor. If That permission be not revoked by a prohibition, we no longer have occasion to remain in any of our missions up here, to waste the remainder of our lives in purely useless labor, under the dominion of Continual drunkenness and of universal immorality -- which are no less permitted to the traders in brandy than is the trade itself.

If his majesty desires to save our missions, we ask him to Believe that there is no other means of doing so than to abolish completely the two Infamous sorts of Commerce which have brought the missions to the brink of destruction. The first is the Commerce in brandy; the second is the Commerce of the Indian women with the French. Both are carried on in an equally public manner, without our being able to remedy the evil, because we are not supported by the Commandants. They -- far from attempting, when we argue with them, to stop these trades -- themselves carry them on with greater freedom than do their Subordinates; and so sanction them by their example that an assurance of impunity is assumed that causes them to become Common to all the French who come here to trade. All the villages of our Indians are now only Taverns, as regards drunkenness; and sodoms, as regards immorality.

In whatever manner the French Trade is Established among our Indians, if it be desired to still retain us among them, we must be delivered from the Commandants and from their garrisons. These, far from being necessary, are so harmful that they are the greatest scourge of our missions; for they serve but to injure both the usual trade of the French traders and the advancement of the faith. Since they have come up here, we have observed but one universal Corruption, they have spread in the minds of all These nations, who are now infected by it. All the pretended service which they Render to the King is reduced to 4 chief occupations:

The first consists in keeping a public Tavern for the sale of brandy, in which they trade it Continually to the Indians, who continue to become intoxicated, despite all our efforts to prevent it. In vain do we speak to them, to try to stop them; we gain nothing but the accusation of opposing the King's service, by attempting to prevent a trade that he has permitted.

The second occupation of the soldiers consists in being sent from one post to another by the Commandants to carry their wares and their brandy there, after having made arrangements together; and none of them have any other object than That of mutually assisting one another in their trade. And, so This may be more easily done on both Sides according to their wishes, the Commandants must close their eyes, so they do not observe the Misconduct of their soldiers, -- however visible, public, and scandalous it may be; the soldiers must, in turn, besides trading in their own wares, become traders in Those of their Commandants, who frequently compel the soldiers to buy merchandise from them, to gain permission to go where they please.

Their third occupation consists in making of their fort a place that I am ashamed to call by its proper name, where the women have found out that their bodies might serve in lieu of merchandise and would be still better received than Beaver-skins; accordingly, that is now the most usual Commerce, and what is most extensively carried on. Whatever efforts the missionaries may make to denounce and abolish it, this trade increases, instead of diminishing. All the soldiers keep open house in their dwellings for all the women of their acquaintance. From morning to night, they pass entire Days there, one after another -- sitting by their fire, and often on their beds, engaged in conversations and actions proper to their commerce. This generally ends only at night, because the crowd is too great during the day to allow their concluding it then -- although they frequently arrange among themselves to leave a house empty, to not defer the conclusion until night.

The 4th occupation of the soldiers is gambling, which at the times when the traders assemble sometimes proceeds to such excess that they are not satisfied with passing the whole day, but they also spend the whole night in this pursuit. And it happens but too frequently that, in the enthusiasm of their game, they forget -- or, if they do remember, they scorn to observe -- the feast-days. But What makes their misconduct on This score still worse is that so persistent an attachment to the game is hardly ever unaccompanied by the general Intoxication of all the players; and drunkenness is nearly always followed by quarrels that arise among them. When these occur publicly before the eyes of the Indians, they Give rise to three grave scandals: the first at seeing them intoxicated; the second, at witnessing them fighting furiously with one another, -- sometimes to the extent of seizing their guns to kill each other; the third, at observing that the missionaries cannot Remedy these evils.

Such are the 4 sole occupations of the garrisons, which they have followed here during so many years.

As This pretended need of garrisons is the sole pretext that is made use of to send commandants here, we ask you to be fully convinced of the falseness of That pretext, so that under Those misleading appearances of the King's service it may not be considered obligatory to Send us any garrisons. For the Commandants come here solely for the purpose of trading, in Concert with their soldiers, without troubling themselves about anything Else.

The Commandants have no communication with the missionaries, except with regard to Matters in which they Consider the missionaries useful for the furtherance of their own worldly affairs; and they are hostile to the Fathers as soon as these oppose the misconduct which is still advantageous to the trade of the Commandants. That is the sole Cause of the disorder in our missions, which has so desolated them -- through the ascendancy that the Commandants have obtained over the missionaries, by assuming all authority over both the French and the Indians -- that we now have no other power than That of laboring in vain under their domination. This has Gone so far as to make Civil crimes out of the performance of the functions of our Ministry. This was always done by Sir de la Motte, who would not even allow us to use the word "Misconduct," and who even brought a suit against the father superior for having used it!

Before there were any Commandants here, the missionaries Were always Listened to by the traders because they were afraid to give them any grounds for making complaints respecting their Conduct, which might compel the authorities to recall them, and to refuse to grant them any further Permission. But, since the commandants have been Sent here, all the misconduct that is needed for carrying on the trade, as these men wish to carry it on, no longer passes for misconduct.

The Commandants do not complain of the traders, whatever they may do, because they engage nearly all of them to assist them in their trade; and as the traders are sure, on account of Such Engagements, that no complaints will be made against them, and that the Commandants will make it their interest to Support them, they take every kind of Liberty, without having any Fear of the Missionaries. Far from Fearing them, it sometimes happens even that the Commandants and all the traders conspire together to complain of the missionaries to the higher authorities, and to denounce them as much as possible, so as to make them vile to all the people, -- hoping that the charges that the missionaries might bring against their misconduct will not be Listened to. And in fact they are not; the missionaries are reduced to Silence, to inaction, to impotence, and to general deprivation of all authority.

And if the Commandants have to do something Contrary to the usual freedom of the French traders' Trade, then those officers display a certain cleverness, of which we would never have had the slightest suspicion had not some persons who are well aware of it informed us. What they do on Such occasions is to come to see us more frequently than usual; to speak to us; to converse with us, and submit to us What they should do, As if they needed our advice on the Subject; and afterward -- through Those appearances of visits, conversations, and Consultations, -- they make the traders believe that It is owing to our remonstrances that they are Compelled to act in that manner, although they would prefer not to do so. Is not this Strange conduct for Commandants toward persons of our Character, whom they should support with their authority?

It is also important that you should be informed of an abuse that the Commandants have introduced with respect to the Indians, which has produced among them only bad results. It is that they have found means to convince the Court that it is necessary to supply them with considerable funds for the purpose of making presents to the Indians -- either to interest them in our concerns, our plans, and our undertakings, or to reward them when they render services that may be deemed worthy of recompense. This is a fine pretext, which has something plausible in appearance; but never was anything less needed with regard to the Indians than to rely on presents to persuade them to act. Formerly they acted from a purely voluntary impulse -- or, at most, on the invitation conveyed by means of a Branch of wampum, or of a collar that was presented to them, -- without their having any other idea than what was natural to them, and in accordance with their Customs. Nothing further was needed to make them do What we wished, than to follow their ways. But the Commandant's desire of having a fund that could be disposed of As one wished has led to an attempt being made to persuade the Court that it Was necessary that the Commandants should have the means to give presents to the Indians. The sole effect which This has produced upon the Indians has been to teach them that they must be solicited; to make it necessary that all their actions and all their emotions be purchased by force of presents; and that they do nothing that they should do voluntarily, except in return for something which is given them.

But the most vexatious part of Such Conduct is that not only has it taught them to be hardly Ever willing to do anything that is asked of them without a present, but it has also taught them to make use of an infinite number of ruses, of stratagems, and of intrigues among themselves; to imagine a thousand plans of pretended undertakings, of warlike movements, of ruptures of peace, of embassies To the enemies, and negotiations with them; of Commercial communication with the english, and Similar Matters. They pretend to have resolved upon the performance of these, to lead the Commandants to Consider themselves required to buy them with gifts. Such are the effects that This new Custom has produced on the minds of the Indians, so that currently their sole occupation consists in helping each other deceive and cheat the Commandants, by making them give presents.

But with all This, all the presents that are given are almost nothing in Comparison with the fund supplied by the Court to the Commandants. The gifts are Reduced almost entirely to the single expenditure of tobacco -- which is the most usual present, because the Indians are passionately fond of it, and cannot refrain from continually smoking, so accustomed are they to it from their youth. However, what remains of the fund is greater than the amount spent in giving them presents; and It is to be Feared that the Commandants turn it to their own benefit and that they keep most of it for their own Use.

As there is no more necessity in sending any among the Indians than in keeping garrisons there -- it is perfectly useless to Send any; the garrisons themselves are quite unnecessary, except for the trade of the Commandants and their own trade. They are necessary only for those two trades; as regards all the Rest, they are of no use either to the Indians or to the French traders, to whom the trade belongs, or to the missionaries. In the first place, they are of no use to the Indians as regards war: in the villages, they are Useless, because the method common to all these barbarous nations of carrying on warfare does not consist, Like ours, in going to assault one another's Villages, because they will never expose themselves to the danger of losing men, which is unavoidable in such assaults.

They carry on war only by surprises, by Ambushes, by Secret approaches, and by sudden and unforeseen discharges in the Fields, in the woods, while fishing and hunting, and everywhere else when they can discover one another outside their Villages. So, for That Reason, the garrisons are Useless to them as support; and are still more so outside the villages -- where the garrisons not only would not follow them, but cannot do so. For the soldiers are Unable to perform the movements that the Indians perform in the woods, and in all sorts of places that are impractical to all but themselves and the animals; and the soldiers are far from being able to assist them. On the Contrary, the Indians themselves would have to help extricate them from the difficulties in which they would be placed on expeditions As difficult as Those through The Thick forests, which the practice of military art has never allowed them to learn. It is therefore Evident that the garrisons are of No use to the Indians either within or without their villages.

If they be useless to the Indians, they are still more so to the French traders who obtain Permission to come up here to trade, and who alone are entitled to do so, to the exclusion of all the others -- who have no right to it, and who cannot trade without doing the French traders an Injustice. And yet such is the sole occupation of all the garrisons; Such is their unique employment -- which is not only Unnecessary for the French traders, but is exceedingly hurtful to them, and does them damage to the extent of all the Beaver-skins and other furs that the soldiers collect.

Finally, the garrisons are no more Useful to the missionaries than to the Indians and the French traders. It should be the duty of the Commandant to employ the garrisons in behalf of the missionaries, when the missionaries are frequently obliged to beg the officials to repress the misconduct of the dealers in brandy, and of the fugitive French traders -- who go from one mission to another, making the Indians drunk and seducing the women in all the Cabins where they lodge; or they go to visit them, entertain them, Caress them, solicit them, and purchase the enjoyment of their Bodies. The only answer to these pleas that we get from the Commandants is that they have not enough men to allow their doing so, -- either because the garrisons are not sufficiently numerous; or, even if they were larger, they would not be of much more help to the Commandants, because the French traders and the garrisons have an understanding, to support one another against the missionaries in their common misconduct, and in Evading all the orders that the Commandants might give them, should the Commandants choose to take the Missionaries' part.

Since his Majesty has ordered that the French traders and the French woodsmen be Recalled, and has granted them an amnesty to facilitate their return, That Recall has not pleased everyone. Several persons in authority, who maintained various trading relations here, have not ceased to Continue the trade by secretly sending, every year to their fugitive Agents, supplies for carrying on trade. But what is more surprising is that Those persons, who were sent here under pretense of Coming to bring the amnesty, came solely to trade during all of That time -- which they prolonged as much as they could, to carry out their object by selling all their wares to those whom they came to recall; and to whom, by a Conduct entirely opposed to their duty, they supplied the means of carrying on the trade for their own benefit. That is why, for so many years, new amnesties are ever being asked for, because the previous ones are always rendered Useless.

You see that I have Dwelt to a great extent on the subject of Commandants and Garrisons, to make you Understand that all the misfortunes of our missions are due to them. It is the Commandants, It is the Garrisons, who, uniting with the brandy traders, have completely desolated the missions by almost universal drunkenness and Lewdness -- which have been Established there through the Continual impunity for both vices; the Civil authorities not only tolerate but permit these, since, while able to Prevent them, they do not. I have therefore no Hesitation in telling you that if trading Commandants and garrisons of trading soldiers be again stationed in our missions up here, we shall be Compelled to abandon them, because we shall be unable to do anything for the salvation of souls. It is for you to inform his Majesty of the extremity to which we are reduced.

And if he should decide to send garrisons and Commandants up here no longer, and should wish to Know what would be most advantageous for our missions and for the colony, you ask that we state our opinions to you; that we tell you whether it would be better to restore the 25 Permits, or to Establish posts which the Company itself would maintain by means of as many persons as it might Deem necessary, whom it would Select and send here to carry on its Trade. Your request takes for granted that the Colony is to come up here to carry on its trade among our Indians, as it has been accustomed to do for many years. But it would be desirable that the Colony should not come to the Indians; that, on the Contrary, the Indians should go to the Colony, and go down to Montreal for their trade -- as they did at the Beginning, with a great profit to all the people who participated in it, -- whom their going down Saved from all the trouble that is taken at present, and from all the dangers to which the young men expose themselves in Coming to the various nations up here.

It would be more advantageous for both if the Indians themselves went down annually, for commerce, to Montreal, than it would be to send the French here to trade, in the way in which they come every Year. It is evident that sending the French here to trade serves but to depopulate the country of all its young men; to reduce the number of people in the houses; to deprive wives of their husbands, fathers and mothers of the aid of their children, and sisters of that of their brothers; to expose Those who undertake such journeys to a thousand dangers. It also causes them to incur many expenses, partly necessary, partly Useless, and partly Criminal; it accustoms them not to work, but to lose all taste for work, and to live in Continual idleness; it renders them incapable of learning any trade, and makes them Useless to themselves, to their families, and to the entire country, through having made themselves unfit for the occupations that are most Common and most useful to man. It sends them into Indian countries and into Impassable places, -- through a thousand dangers, both on land and on water, -- to carry on in a low, servile, and shameful manner a Commerce that could be carried on more advantageously at Montreal, where the people would have a larger share in it (as they should) than they have.

Therefore, what would be most desirable for delivering the Colony from all Those kinds of evil that are inseparably connected with the trade up here, -- which Causes more loss than profit to the country, because, at the same time when it acquires some Beaver-skins for the Colony, it deprives it forever of the labor of all the young men, by accustoming them to be unwilling to do Any more work, -- What would be most desirable would be to keep the young men in the country; they would enrich it more by Constant and diligent work than by the difficult, uncertain, and temporary acquisition of a few Beaver-skins.

His majesty should give orders to find every possible means of restoring the Trade with the Indians, and of establishing it at Montreal, so as to keep all the young men in the country, and accustom them to work from early youth.

To This end, The Iroquois must be completely tamed and reduced to subjection; and we must take possession of their country, which is better than Those of all the nations up here. He is the only Enemy whom we have to Dread, or who disputes with us the Trade of the Indians, which he tries to attract to the english. What reason was there for not consenting to destroy him in the war that we had undertaken to wage Against him? Why was he Spared? What would we lose by destroying him, now that his nation is so small in numbers? His destruction and the possession of his country would secure for us the Trade of all the Indian nations up here. Nothing would remain to be done but to settle the boundaries of our Commerce and of That of the Mississippi, so that one might not clash with the other. The Iroquois has been Spared in the present war solely on account of the trade of Fort Frontenac; and the trade of Fort Frontenac was only for Those who Preserved That fort and That enemy. From where comes the Iroquois's Beaver, but from the country up here, which he usurps from our Indians, to whom all The Beavers belong?

But if it be impossible to establish the Trade of our Indians at Montreal; if it be necessary that the young Frenchmen should come up here to Trade with our Indians, -- you ask what would be best: to restore the 25 Permits without any posts, or to Establish posts without the 25 Permits. I am embarrassed to answer because I do not know to what kind of posts you refer. Are they posts solely of Traders, without garrisons and without Commandants; or posts that would be occupied at the same time by persons employed in Trading, and by Commandants with their garrisons, who would watch over their safety?

You Consider that it would be necessary to Restore the 25 Permits, for three men only to each Canoe; that private individuals should, previous to their departure, make a declaration of What they took with them, and be Cautioned to return to the Colony Within 18 months; that no post should be Established by officers and soldiers; that Each one should make Use Of His Canoe As he pleased; that the missionaries, Each in his mission, should Report On the Conduct of the French traders who might go there; that Those who should give brandy, or be Known as libertines, should Never return there; finally, that when the 25 Permits should be restored, There should be no other Establishments -- either at detroit, or among the Sioux, or among the Illinois. Such is your opinion -- respecting which, I must explain myself.

I Know too well the young men of Canada to whom the Permits would be granted, to be able to Consent to their restoration. They are young men who have become accustomed, by more than 15 years, to the Commerce of brandy and to that with women. There can be no hope of their abstaining from either in future. The Commerce of brandy might be abolished, if Those who govern the country chose to abolish it; but they have not been willing to do so. They are Content with merely saying that they forbid the misconduct caused by brandy, and the intoxication Of the Indians, without Ever saying that they prohibit the brandy trade, -- As if That Infamous trade were not the sole course of action by which the Indians Can be made Drunk.

But even if They who govern the country should put an end to the Commerce in brandy, and Consequently to the Drunkenness of the Indians, could they prevent That with women -- which is still more harmful? I admit that, if the 25 Permits could be restored in the manner which you indicate, their restoration to the exclusion of all the posts, of the Commandants, and of the garrisons would be better for our missions; but such a Restoration seems to us to be possible only in theory. What young men can be sent back into our missions, but Those who will be considered most Competent to turn them to advantage; who know the places, the customs, and the language of the Indians; who are Acquainted with the persons; who have the most experience, skill, and strength in Managing Canoes? But are not These young men the same who are most engaged in Those two infamous Commerces, in brandy and with women? Are not these young men the same who have ruined our missions, and who will complete their destruction if they be sent back there? So much will have to be done to Correct them that no one will take the trouble to do so. They have alleged various necessities for Establishing the Commerce with women, not Believing that we could reasonably oppose Such necessities. But It is the Bodies of the women that they desire; That is what their brutish passion makes their first necessity, under the apparent decency of other needs.

Their first necessity consists in employing women in pounding corn and doing their Cooking, and whom they detain under That pretext in their houses, when they wish and as long as they wish. The second consists in having some Cut wood for them, and carry it To their dwellings. The third consists in having laundresses who, on the one Hand, wash their linen, on the other defile their Bodies by the most shameful brutishness. The 4th consists in having some women who make Indian shoes, leggings, and pouches, and other similar articles. There are also some other necessities, less Common than Those 4, of which They make use to lure the women to their houses, and to give themselves a Pretext for going to theirs when It pleases them.

Even though they may sometimes need the services of women for Those four sorts of necessities, Still It is also true that these give them an easy means of obtaining the Commerce of the women's Bodies, And an apparently decent pretext for receiving them in their houses. Those pretended necessities have been allowed to introduce themselves gradually, and to become a Custom; and Custom has made them Insurmountable to the missionaries.

To Restore the 25 Permits, all Those pretended necessities must be done away with, if the government would prevent them from Causing the Ruin of our missions. It may sometimes be necessary to employ Indian women, either to pound corn for them, to carry wood for them, to wash their clothes, to make shoes for them, or to render them any other kind of honest service, -- although, all These necessities are purely Optional On the Part of robust young men who are in good health, and who should give themselves some occupation, unless they desire to live in perfect idleness for whole Years. It is not necessary that The Indian women should make a business of being their servants, their housekeepers, their Cooks. It is enough that, after pounding their corn for them at their Homes, after Cutting wood for them in the forest, after washing their linen on the shore of the lake, after making shoes for them in their own Cabins, the women should carry all Those articles to The persons who have employed them, to receive payment for it, and to withdraw at once, without remaining any longer in their houses.

It is not sufficient to prohibit those who have Permits from allowing women to enter their houses for a longer time than is needed for actual trading -- which should Never be carried on with them except with open doors, so they can be seen within. It would be necessary to Ask the Indians -- and to obtain from them by means of a Collar, given to them publicly in open Council -- not to allow their women and girls to Roam through the French houses; or to enter them, save only when necessary to trade some article, without stopping there any longer. Indeed, they should never go there alone, but they should always be accompanied by some other person.

Lewdness has become Established not only through the liberty that the French have taken of admitting to their houses the Indian women at all hours; but What has most Contributed to Establish it is the liberty of going to Seek those women in their villages. Many of the most immoral do not hesitate to leave the French houses, and go to live with the women in their Cabins. This is, however, an evil that has Begun only since the departure of Sir de ladurantaye, whose successors have not been as Chaste as he was; as a result, one of them has more than one child in The village. This is still another kind of misconduct that must be especially prohibited.

When I came to This mission, if any French trader had to lodge for any time in the village of the Indians, He notified the Commandant and the missionary, so that he might be assigned to a Cabin about which there was no suspicion, so he could lodge there without scandal. But we no longer live in Such happy times. Unchaste Commandants and traders have obtained the upper hand, without paying any attention to the Missionaries -- who witness the scandal without being able to prevent it, because the Commandants support it.

There are several who are addicted to such excessive and Continual lewdness that They build separate houses for themselves alone -- where, Remaining solitary as regards the French, They are Never so as regards the women. This is not an evil that can be tolerated, so scandalous is it. Traders -- who are associated together, should not live separated from one another, in case accidents might happen.

The most scandalous Evil of all is that the traders have become so accustomed to have women in the trading-places, and these have become so necessary to them, that they cannot do without them even on their journeys. I do not refer to Those who are taken with their husbands, because there is nothing in This that is not decent; and those are not the ones whose company is generally desired. I refer to single women, women without husbands, women who are mistresses of their own Bodies, women who can dispose of them to these men, and whom the men know to be willing to do so, -- in a word, They are all the prostitutes of Montreal, who are alternately brought here and taken back; and They are all the prostitutes of this place, who are carried in the same way from here to Montreal. This is the usual manner in which their journeys are carried on; and voyages are no longer performed without a continual flow and Ebb of That tide of prostitutes, -- whom we see going and coming from one mission to another, without cessation.

The pretext that they usually allege for taking women on their journeys is that women cost them less than men, and are satisfied with lower wages. They speak the truth; but their being Satisfied with less wages is a Manifest proof of their immorality. If they Were wise, would they not ask to be paid the same as men, since they perform the same services -- and frequently do more, by Cutting wood for them and by Cooking their food, which the men will not do? Therefore, that is not their sole Reason for taking women; but the reason is that The women, Being depraved, want them as men; and the men want them as women, -- after which, If they leave one another, They separate from these only to Seek others.

Can all These evils be abolished by restoring the 25 Permits? If they can be abolished, then restore the Permits. But If you do not consider that they can be abolished, the 25 Permits must by no means be Restored, since their Restoration would Infallibly Cause That of lawlessness.

Suppose that, for the Reasons given Above, neither the garrisons with their Commandants nor the 25 Permits are reestablished in our missions; and that the Trade of the Indians cannot be permanently fixed with certainty at Montreal. There would remain no other measure for the Company to adopt than to send and maintain in our missions up here Selected persons, sober and virtuous, Intelligent, and well versed in everything connected with That trade, -- and, finally, such as would be fully disposed to live on terms of mutual Agreement with all the missionaries. These men should be sent, in whatever number the Company might Deem necessary for Carrying on its Trade. The French should be stationed in a good fort, always well provisioned, and well supplied with arms for its defense and for successfully combating the Indians in Case of necessity, -- where Those who would have charge of the Trade would on Such occasions occupy the position of Commandants, while the others would take the place of the garrisons.

Such is What we Consider the best that can be done for our missions, and the best that can be done in the Interest of the Company -- which would be sure to obtain exclusive possession of all the Beaver-skins. For there would no longer be either Commandants or garrisons -- who, in spite of all the precautions that may be taken, still succeed in obtaining a considerable portion of the pelts, by an Infinite number of hidden ways and by secret intelligence with the Indians. Also, as the 25 Permits would no longer be Available, the goods would not be wasted in a thousand unnecessary expenses by all the Libertines among an immoral youth.

As Regards the detroit Establishment, I have nothing to tell you about it of my own knowledge, except through the reports of the French and the Indians who talk with us here about it. Judging from their reports, It does not seem to them to be an advantageous Establishment. They are not Satisfied with it, for various Important reasons -- which I have pointed out in What I Write for my Justification against the charges brought by Sir de la Motte, who Continues to persecute me.

I would not now be in This trouble, had I obtained from you the favor that I had asked from you, that of sending to the Court the letter Containing our complaints in 13 articles, to be presented to His majesty, -- asking him to do us justice against the slanders and violence of Sir de la Motte, and to protect us Against his threats of ruining our missions, which he was then publicly uttering in the presence of the French, who listened to him with Astonishment. I foresaw that he Was a man capable of carrying his evil plans before the Court,As he has quite recently done Against father Vaillant. I Thought that I would anticipate him, to prevent the effect of his threats: and I would certainly have prevented it, had our complaints -- which I had reduced to 13 articles, and which I had addressed to you -- been laid before his majesty. But it was my misfortune not to deserve That favor from you. He derived all the advantage that he desired, to be the first to accuse us before the Court.

You will have learned His recent charges against me, respecting my pretended opposition to his Establishment of detroit. Although my innocence prevents my dreading his false accusations, It is however necessary for my protection that you should do now what has not been done in the past. Although you have not sent my letter of complaint to the Court, I cannot persuade myself that you should have deemed it so little worthy of consideration As not to wish at least to Keep it, so that you might use it in future to do us Justice in Case of need. Therefore I ask you to be good enough to place it in the hands of the Reverend Father superior, to whom I have Written to ask you for it on my behalf.

Etienne De Carheil, of the Jesuits.

During the whole time the war lasted, the Indians desired the Establishment at detroit; because They always supposed that the destruction of the Iroquois was desired, and that by his Destruction They would peaceably enjoy all the lands in his Country. But since they have found that, far from wishing to destroy him, we thought only of sparing and Preserving him; of befriending him, by giving him land in what they considered As their own country; and by restoring Fort Frontenac for his benefit, -- They have completely Changed their minds, and no longer look upon Detroit in any other light than That of an Enemy's country, where they can have no Wish to dwell, and where there can be no security for them. And they cannot think or judge otherwise; so that Those of the Huron nation who remain Here, and who do not wish to go to detroit, mistrust Those who have gone to Settle there, and Think that they intend to go there to Surrender to the Iroquois, so as to join in the Trade with the English.

TO REVEREND FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE, OF THE JESUITS, AT THE COLLEGE OF LOUIS LE GRAND, PARIS 25TH OF MARCH, 1702.

Reverend Father,

After having written a good deal, I have been unable to avoid making myself responsible here for 128 gold coins and 5 silver coins for Jean Baptiste Sir, who has served us for nearly 3 years. He wished to leave me here, where he could earn as Much as 200 gold coins per annum; on that account, I engaged him for a 4th year, -- to begin on The 27th of July of this year, and end on the same Day of 1703, -- In the presence of witnesses and by a signed contract. I am not aware that he has Received more than 50 gold coins for the 3 years. It is the painful necessity to which I am reduced of seeing the 3 Illinois missionaries without a man this summer which has compelled me to promise him 100 gold coins for that 4th year; but, so he may cost only 75 gold coins at Quebec, I ask you to pay The extra 25 gold coins that I give him. This sum I have advanced him out of the money that you must have received from father Lila and from father Laseur. Thus there will be entered in the Quebec accounts only 103 gold coins and 5 silver coins paid for Sir on his wages, for 3 years ending on the 27th of July of this year, 1702; and although I promised him an extra amount of 25 gold coins, he will cost Quebec only 50 gold coins for The first year -- because we shall pay him The 25 gold coins that I advance him out of my money in your hands.

And I ask You to pay promptly The note that I made out in favor of Sir d'Iberville, for it is important that he should not suppose that you have Any trouble in paying what we have taken from him here; we would be unable to obtain anything more here. We will take nothing except in case of extreme necessity; but if you do not send us what we ask, we shall be forced to procure it here, at an advance of from 300 to 400 percent.

Place no reliance whatever on Sir Lesueur, whose arrogance is Unbearable, and who has had a groundless quarrel with me about his canoe, which was plundered at [illegible], and about the appropriation of fifty gold coins of gunpowder.

Jacques Gravier

This 25th of march, 1702. At last I am about to start.

AMONG THE KASKASKIAS, THE 5TH OF JULY, 1702. TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE, OF THE JESUITS, AT PARIS.

Reverend Father,

I have already written to you via Quebec, but we take every opportunity to pay our respects to you. Father Pinet has left The mission at the Tamaroa, or Arkansas, in accordance with your directions to me. But he has only half left it, for he has left a man in our house there who takes care of it, and therefore we occasionally go there from this place to show that we are obedient to the king pending the receipt of his orders. That Father now has charge of the Kaskaskias, where I leave him alone, owing to present circumstances, in which Sir bergier shows that he is a worthy member of the Paris Foreign Missions Society. Inform Him of the ruling by which The vicars-general have no right to visit our churches or to hear confessions in them without our consent. I am convinced that these missions will receive rude shocks.

They were beginning to be on a good footing. This caused Jealousy in the minds of the gentlemen of the Paris Foreign Missions Society, who have come to take them from us. It also seems as if there were a coolness on the part of Sir D'iberville; and perhaps next year there may be a freezing coldness.

Tonight I shall commence my retreat, immediately after which I shall leave for The Sioux country.

Gabriel Marest

THE 26TH OF NOVEMBER AMONG THE ILLINOIS ON THE MISSISSIPPI. TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE, OF THE JESUITS, AT THE COLLEGE OF LOUIS LE GRAND, AT PARIS. 1702.

Reverend Father,

I have already written to you from my village, with respect to the abandonment of the fort among the Sioux, and to the arrival of Sir Jucherau, who is to establish a post at Vabache (Cache River, IL), where he takes with him Father mermet. As it is stated that Sir de Ponchartrain wants this post established, I rendered Sir Jucherau all the services in my power; and I accompanied him for a distance of 75 miles from my village to see Rouenza in his winter quarters. I also attempted to assemble the Illinois at Wabash; but there are many obstacles, and I think that we shall have considerable difficulty in gaining our end. As Father Goui has ready access to Sir de ponchartrain, I have just written to him on the subject, so through his agency a grant may be given to our missions. Try to support my Letter, if you see that his intervention can be successful. Shall it be said that the gentlemen of the seminary, who work less than we do, will continually receive both grants and pensions for living in missions where they do nothing, and which they abandon at once -- as we see in The lower Mississippi, where all those gentlemen do not even take the trouble to learn the Indian Tongues, And quite recently, also, Sir foucault has abandoned The famous mission of the Arkansas.

Sir Jucherau is extravagant with his promises, but he thinks of his own interests. The Father who is with him is not pleased. He is neither a missionary, for there are no Indians, nor a chaplain, for there is no stipend. He has not even a person to help him in his needs.

Gabriel Marest

The 26th of November, 1702 among the Illinois On The Mississippi.

LETTER BY REVEREND FATHER MARTIN BOUVART TO THE COUNT DE PONTCHARTRAIN. 1702.

Monseigneur,

On account of His Majesty's refusal to ratify a land grant which the Governor and the Intendant of this country jointly granted to the Jesuit Fathers of New France, of the estate of Sillery and some acres of land at Three Rivers, by a deed passed on the 23rd of October, 1699, Your Grace is humbly asked to consider that it is not a new land grant that is given them, but merely a confirmation of possession that is granted to them. For fifty years, they have held those lands as Tutors and Administrators of the property of the Indians; this quality was conferred upon them by His Majesty, by a deed dated in July, 1651. They have built there a Church and a stone fort, with a tower on the height commanding the fort; they have built several dwellings and built a mill, all of good masonry; and have cleared a considerable extent of land, -- all this at their own expense, and solely for the benefit of the Indians. As all these lands Are exhausted, and Are no longer capable of producing Indian corn, the Indians have abandoned them for some years; and the Jesuit Fathers have bought for them other lands, -- Either on the river of the Chaudiere Falls, In the estate of Lauzon; or at New Laurette, In the estate of St. Gabriel, -- to retain them in one village, to the great advantage of the Colony.

And this leads these Jesuit Fathers to rely on Your Grace, to obtain from His Majesty that they may continue to hold these former lands of the Indians, -- no longer as their Tutors and as the Administrators of their property, as until now; but in their own private name and as a real fief, as granted to them by the Governor and the Intendant of this country. By this request, the Petitioners seek to avoid the contestations that might arise through the escheat of these Indians, and so the slight fruits that may be derived may fall into the hands of those who employ them -- all for the benefit of the Indians to whom they were first given.

Martin Bouvart, Superior, Francois Vaillant, Procurator,

We Certify that the Contents of the above petition are True, and that Accordingly We have deemed it just to grant to the Jesuit fathers, As We have done, the possession in their own name of the lands, the ratification they now ask of His Majesty, -- especially in View of the Exceedingly great expense which they have incurred in the past, and still incur daily, in Supporting the Missions of the Indians in this country. Besides, they have purchased several tracts of land, As set forth in the said petition, to replace Those at Sillery and three Rivers, which the said Indians have abandoned.

Sir Decalliere.

CHAMPIGNY.

YEAR 1703

JOUVENCY LETTERS - 1703 - AN ACCOUNT OF THE CANADIAN MISSION

SETTLEMENTS AND MISSIONS OF THE JESUITS IN NEW FRANCE

In the beginning of this year 1703, while we are writing these things, there are numbered in this formerly unexplored country more than thirty prosperous and well-equipped Missions of our Jesuits, besides the college of Quebec. The first of these, in sight of Quebec, at the tenth milestone from the city, is called Lorette. Another is situated in the district of Tadoussac, on the shore of the Saint Lawrence River, 150 miles below Quebec toward the east. Three others, above Quebec itself, extend far into the North about Lac Saint-Jean; one in that place which takes its name from the seven islands; another in the district of Chicoutimi; the third on the Saguenay River. There they minister to the Innu, the Papinachois Innu, the Mistassini Innu, and other wandering tribes.

If you journey towards the regions of the setting sun, and the source of the Saint Lawrence River, you will find upon its northern bank a district called Three Rivers, because there Three Rivers flow together. It is distant from Quebec seven or eight days journey. Here there formerly flourished the most successful Mission of the Algonquins; but it has been much weakened through the drunkenness persuaded by brandy, brought in by European merchants who wickedly derive an easy profit. But these losses are compensated by the virtue of the Abenakis. Among them a mission of three settlements has been established; one located among them, not far from Quebec, on the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, distinguished by the name and patronage of St. Francis de Sales: the other two are more remote, at a place named Nipisikouit.

Across the Saint Lawrence River, to the South, extend the five nations of the Iroquois. There are among them seven settlements of the Evangelists, scattered through 375 miles. Of these, six were destroyed in the war which arose between the French and Iroquois, about the year 1682. Peace, together with the recall of the missionaries, in 1702, restored all things to their previous condition. Among these Missions of the Iroquois, that one is especially flourishing which is named for St. Francis Xavier, at Montreal.

Above the Iroquois, toward the west and North, between the fortieth and forty-fifth parallels, one may see two great lakes joined by a narrow strait; the larger one is called Lake Michigan, the other Lake Huron. These are separated by a large peninsula, at the point of which is situated the Mission of St. Ignatius, or Mackinac. Above these two lakes, there is a third, greater than either, called lake Superior. At the entrance of this lake has been established the Mission of Sault Ste. Marie. The space between this and two smaller lakes is occupied by the Ottawas, among whom the Jesuits have many campsites. Three such citadels of religion have been located about Lake Michigan: the first, among the Potawatomis, and called the Mission of St. Joseph; another, among the Kickapoos, Mascoutens, and Meskwakis, and possessing the name of St. Francis Xavier: the third, among the Miamis, has the name of the Guardian Angel.

Below the lakes which have been mentioned, above Florida, the Illinois roam through most extensive territories. There, a large settlement, named from the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mother, is divided into three Missions, and extends as far as the river Mississippi. Upon the banks of that river is the mission of Bayogoula, at the thirty-first parallel of latitude; and it extends down that stream towards the gulf of Mexico.

There remains, unknown to Europeans, an immense portion of Canada, beyond the Mississippi river, situated beneath a milder sky, well-inhabited, and abounding in animal and vegetable life. There is another region far dissimilar to that, around the frozen Hudson bay, from the fifty-fifth parallel to the sixtieth or seventieth; lying at the north, plunged in snows and frosts. Here the Jesuits, a few years ago, first began to plant their footsteps.

RIVERS OF NEW FRANCE; NATURE OF THE SOIL; WILD BEASTS, FISH, BIRDS, ETC.

THERE are two great rivers in New France. One, called by the natives Canada, a name from there extended to the whole country, is now called the Saint Lawrence River, and flows in a broad channel from west to east. The other, named Mississippi, flows from North to South, through vast regions, mostly still unknown. The rivers of this land are remarkable because in certain places they fall with a great uproar from the higher to the lower levels. The French call those places waterfalls. The water of an entire river often falls in the form of an arch, in such fashion that it is possible to walk dry-shod beneath the stream which rushes overhead. The Indians, when they come to such a spot, shoulder their boats, which are constructed of light bark, and carry them, together with the baggage, to the calm portion of the river flowing below.

The chief city of New France is called Quebec, and is situated on the Saint Lawrence River. The whole country possesses a healthful climate, but is harassed by a cold and long winter. This is caused partly by the frequency of the rivers and lakes; partly by the thickness and great extent of the forests, which diminish the force of the sun's heat; finally, by the abundance of snow with which the land, in its most Northern regions, which lie upon the same parallel as old France, is continually desolated for three or four months. The soil is extremely productive of all sorts of trees and plants, especially where the clearing of the forest has furnished additional space for cultivation.

The same quadrupeds are found as in Europe; some, as the moose, are peculiar to the country. The natives call it the "great beast". This name it receives because of the huge size of its body, for it is as large as an ox. Its head resembles that of a mule; its horns, hoofs, and tail, those of a stag. The Indians hunt this animal with the aid of dogs; when it is worn out they dispatch it with spears and missiles. If hunting-dogs are lacking, they themselves go in place of them. Indeed, they proceed through the midst of the snow with incredible swiftness; and in order that the weight of the body may not sink their feet too deeply into the snow, they place beneath their soles, and fasten to their feet, broad pieces of net-work, similar to those with which players commonly strike a ball. These pieces of net-work, which cover a sufficiently large portion of the surface of the snow, readily support them while running. But the moose, planting their slender legs deeply into the snow, with difficulty extricate themselves. The Indians eat its flesh, are clothed with its skin, and are cured by the hoof of its left hind leg. In this hoof there is a certain marvelous and varied virtue, as is affirmed by the testimony of the most famous physicians. It helps especially against the epilepsy, whether it be applied to the breast, where the heart is throbbing, or whether it be placed in the bezel of a ring, which is worn upon the finger next to the little finger of the left hand; or, finally, if it be also held in the hollow of the left hand, clenched in the fist. Nor does it have less power in the cure of pneumonia, dizziness, and, if we may believe those familiar with it, six hundred other diseases.

Another well-known and common sort of animal there, is the beaver; its skins, which are exchanged for European merchandise, being the basis of almost the entire system of Canadian commerce. Its color resembles that of the chestnut; the shape of its body is like that of a small goat; its legs are short and formed for swimming; its tail, which it uses as a rudder while swimming, is smooth, thick and flat; two teeth, larger than the others, project from its mouth on each side; these, the beavers use like a sword and a saw in cutting down trees when they build their houses, for in the construction of these they exhibit wonderful industry. They locate them on the banks of lakes or rivers; they build walls of logs, placing between them wet and sticky sods in the place of mortar, so that the work can, even with great violence, scarcely be torn apart and destroyed. The entire house is divided into several stories; the lowest is composed of thicker cross-beams, with branches strewn upon them, and provided with a hole or small door through which they can pass into the river whenever they wish; this story extends somewhat above the water of the river, while the others rise higher, into which they retire if the swelling stream submerges the lowest floor. They sleep in one of the upper stories; a soft bed is furnished by dry seaweed and tree moss, with which they protect themselves from the cold; on another floor they have their storeroom, and food provided for winter. The building is covered with a dome-shaped roof. Thus they pass the winter, for in summer they enjoy the shady coolness upon the shores, or escape the summer heat by plunging into the water. Often a great colony of many members is lodged in one house. But, if they be incommoded by the narrowness of the place, the younger ones depart and construct homes for themselves.

Upon the advent of cool weather in autumn, they devote themselves to this task, and lend mutual services in turn, both in cutting and carrying logs, so that many assist at one and the same burden, and therefore carry down great branches and logs of forest trees. If they find any river suitable for their purposes, except in having sufficient depth, they build a dam to keep back the water until it rises to the required height. And first, by gnawing them, they fell trees of large size; then they lay them across from one shore to the other. They construct a double barrier and rampart of logs, obliquely placed, leaving between them a space of about six feet, which they so ingeniously fill in with stones, clay, and branches that one would expect nothing better from the most skillful architect. The length of the structure is greater or less, according to the size of the stream which they wish to restrain. Dams of this kind a fifth of a mile long are sometimes found. But, if the river swell more than is safe, they break open some part of the structure, and let through as much water as seems sufficient.

As the forests abound in wild beasts, so the rivers teem with fish. There is one in Lake Ontario, which is not mentioned by early authors. It is called by the natives "Causar" (sturgeon), and is eight feet long, sometimes ten. It is as thick as the human thigh; it is dun-colored, approaching white; it bristles all over with scales, so hard and so firmly set together that they turn the edge of a knife or the point of a spear. The head is large, and protected by an exceedingly hard skull, like a helmet. So the name of "ARMORED FISH" has been given it by the French. It carries on perpetual war with, and feeds upon, other fishes. For a weapon, it carries an immense beak, of the length of a man's arm and furnished with a double row of teeth. With this hunting-spear, it not only devours other fishes, but also, whenever it wishes to vary its diet, deceives and ensnares birds. For ensnaring birds, it hides itself among the sedge; it projects its beak from the water and opens it slightly. It therefore remains motionless until the birds approach and thoughtlessly perch upon the beak, deeming it a reed or a bush; then the treacherous ensnarer seizes the feet of the unfortunate birds by closing its beak, and, dragging them into the water, devours them.

The birds are fully as abundant as the fishes. During certain months of the year the pigeons sally forth from the woods into the open country in such great numbers that they overload the branches of the trees. When they have settled upon the trees at night they are easily captured, and the Indians heap their tables with royal abundance. Besides this, in the huge gulf into which the Saint Lawrence River flows may be seen a small island, or rather a double rock; they call it the isle of birds. For so many congregate there from the neighboring ocean that it is impossible to count their numbers. The natives make an easy prey of them with clubs, or by trampling them under foot, and bring back their canoes filled with sumptuous food acquired without price. Everywhere may be seen, sporting in the water, geese, ducks, herons, cranes, swans, coots and other birds whose habit it is to seek their food from the waves. A certain peculiarity attaches to one, which is about the size of a cock; its wings are black on the outside and white beneath. One of its feet is armed with hooked claws, the other has webbed toes, like those of a duck; with the webbed toes it swims, with the hooked claws it seizes and disembowels fishes.

HOMES AND HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF THE INDIANS; DISEASES; TREATMENT OF THE SICK AND THE DEAD.

Concerning the customs and character of this people, a part of them are nomads, wandering during the winter in the woods, where the hope of better hunting calls them -- in the summer, on the shores of the rivers, where they easily obtain their food by fishing; while others inhabit villages. They construct their huts by fixing poles in the ground; they cover the sides with bark, the roofs with hides, moss and branches. In the middle of the hut is the hearth, from which the smoke escapes through an opening at the peak of the roof.

As the smoke passes out with difficulty, it usually fills the whole hut, so that strangers compelled to live in these cabins suffer injury and weakening of the eyes; the Indians, a coarse race, and accustomed to these discomforts, ridicule this. The care of household affairs, and whatever work there may be in the family, are placed upon the women. They build and repair the wigwams, carry water and wood, and prepare the food; their duties and position are those of slaves, laborers and beasts of burden. The pursuits of hunting and war belong to the men.

From there arise the isolation and numerical weakness of the race. For the women, although naturally prolific, cannot, on account of their occupation in these labors, either bring forth fully-developed offspring, or properly nourish them after they have been brought forth; therefore they either suffer miscarriage, or abandon their new-born children while engaged in carrying water, procuring wood and other tasks, so that scarcely one infant in thirty survives until youth.

To this there is added their ignorance of medicine, because of which they seldom recover from illnesses which are at all severe. They believe that there are two main sources of disease: one of these is in the mind of the patient himself, which desires something, and will vex the body of the sick man until it possesses the thing required. For they think that there are in every man certain inborn desires, often unknown to themselves, upon which the happiness of individuals depends.

For the purpose of ascertaining desires and innate appetites of this character, they summon fortune tellers, who, they think, have a divinely-imparted power to look into the inmost recesses of the mind. These men declare that whatever first occurs to them, or something from which they suspect some gain can be derived, is desired by the sick person. Then the parents, friends, and relatives of the patient do not hesitate to lavish upon him whatever it may be, however expensive, a return of which is never to be sought. The patient enjoys the gift, divides a portion of it among the fortune tellers, and often on the next day departs from life. Commonly, however, the sick recover, plainly because their illnesses are slight; for, in the case of more severe complaints, these fortune tellers are more cautious, and deny the possibility of ascertaining what the patient desires; then they grieve him whom they hove given up, and cause the relatives to put him out of the way. Thus they kill those afflicted with protracted illness, or exhausted by old age, and consider this the greatest kindness, because death puts an end to the sufferings of the sick. They display the same benevolence towards children deprived of their parents, whom they prefer to see dead rather than to see them miserable. They believe that another source of disease is the hidden arts and the charms of sorcerers, which they seek to avert by means of absurd ceremonies.

Often they expel noxious bodily fluids by sweating. They enclose a certain portion of the hut with pieces of bark and cover it with hides, so no air may enter. Within they pile stones heated to a high temperature. They enter naked and toss their arms while singing. But, strange to say, they will leave this heat, dripping with perspiration, and in the coldest part of winter cast themselves into a lake or river, careless of pneumonia.

They never bear out the corpses of the dead through the door of the lodge, but through that part toward which the sick person turned when he expired. They think that the soul flies out through the smoke-hole; and so it may not linger through longing for its old home, nor while departing breathe upon any of the children, who by such an act would be, as they think, doomed to death, they beat the walls of the wigwam with frequent blows of a club, so they may compel the soul to depart more quickly. They believe it to be immortal. That it may not perish with hunger, they bury with the body a large quantity of provisions; also, garments, pots, and various utensils of great expense, and acquired by many years labor, in order, they say, that he may use them and pass his time more suitably in the kingdom of the dead. The tombs of the chiefs are raised a little from the ground; upon them they place poles joined in the form of a pyramid; they add a bow, arrows, shield and other insignia of war; but upon the tombs of the women they place necklaces and collars. They bury the bodies of infants beside paths, so their souls, which they think do not depart far from the body, may slip into the bosoms of women passing by, and animate the yet undeveloped fetus.

In mourning, they stain the face with soot. When informed of a death, the relatives, neighbors, and friends assemble at the lodge where the corpse lies. If the condition of the dead permit, one of them makes a speech, in which he employs all those arguments that the most eloquent speakers are accustomed to use for the solace of grief. He praises the dead; he reminds them that the dead was born a man, and therefore liable to death; that those misfortunes which cannot be repaired are made lighter by patience; he sets forth other things of that sort to the same effect.

On the third day the funeral is held. A funeral feast is provided for the whole village, each individual liberally furnishing his share. For this feast, they advance three main reasons: first that they may relieve the general grief; secondly that those friends who come from a distance to the funeral may be more fittingly entertained; thirdly that they may please the spirit of the dead, which they believe is delighted by this exhibition of liberality, and also partakes of the meal placed for him When the feast is completed. The master of the funeral, who, in each distinguished family, permanently holds this office and is honored, proclaims that the time for the burial has come. All give utterance to continuous lamentations and wailings. The corpse, wrapped in beaver skins, and placed upon a bier made of bark and rushes, with his limbs bent and pressed tightly against his body so, as they say, he may be committed to the earth in the same position in which he once lay in his mother's womb, is borne out on the shoulders of the relatives. The bier is set down at the appointed place; the gifts which each one offers to the dead are fastened to poles, and the donors are named by the master of the funeral. The mourning is renewed; finally, boys vie with each other in a mock contest.

Those who have been drowned are buried with greater ceremony and lamentation. For their bodies are cut open, and a portion of the flesh, together with the viscera, thrown into the fire. This is a sort of sacrifice, by means of which they seek to appease heaven. For they are sure that heaven is enraged against the race whenever anyone loses his life by drowning. If any part of these funeral rites has not been duly and regularly performed, they believe that all the calamities from which they afterward may suffer are a punishment for this neglect. They indulge their grief throughout an entire year. For the first ten days they lie upon the ground day and night, flat upon their bellies; it is impious then to utter any sound unless significant of grief, or to approach the fire, or to take part in feasts. During the remainder of the year, the mourning continues, but less vigorously. All the duties of politeness, conversation with neighbors, and association with friends are neglected; and if a man has lost a wife, he remains unmarried until the year has expired. Every eight or ten years the Hurons, which nation is widely extended, convey all their corpses from all the villages to a designated place and cast them into an immense pit. They call it the day of the Dead. When this has been decreed by resolution of the elders, they drag out the corpses from their graves, some already decomposed, with flesh scarcely clinging to the bones, others thinly covered with putrid flesh, others teeming with vile worms and smelling fearfully. The loose bones they place in sacks, the bodies not yet disintegrated they place in coffins, and bear them, in the manner of suppliants, to the appointed place, proceeding amid deep silence and with regular step, uttering sighs and mournful cries.

So that the memory of chiefs and of those especially famous in the art of war, who lack off-spring, may not fail, they choose some person in the flower of his age and strength, to whom they give the name of the dead man. The namesake immediately enlists warriors and starts for battle, so by the achievement of some glorious deed he may prove himself the heir not only of the name but also of the valor of him whose place he has taken. Names of lesser note are condemned to ever-lasting silence. Therefore, as soon as anyone in the village has departed this life, his name is proclaimed in a loud voice throughout all the lodges, in order that no one may rashly use it. But if it be necessary to name the dead man, they use a circumlocution and preface something by which the unpleasant recollection of his death may be softened. If that be omitted they consider it a deadly insult. They think that son or parent cannot be more wounded than when their dead relatives are defamed before them.

METHODS OF WARFARE; WEAPONS; CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.

THEY engage in war rashly and savagely, often with no cause, or upon a slight pretext. They choose as leaders, by general vote, either the eldest members of illustrious families or those whose warlike valor, or even eloquence, has been approved. In civil war they never engage; they carry arms only against their neighbors, and not for the sake of extending their dominion and sway, but usually, so they may avenge an injury inflicted upon themselves or their allies. They have obtained swords and guns from the Dutch and English, and, relying upon these weapons, they plan with greater determination and boldness the destruction of their enemies, and even of the Europeans. Sometimes they decide their wars by single combat. Two bands, one of the so-called Innu, the other of Iroquois, had met a few years ago in readiness for battle. The leaders had advanced and were already designating the positions for the formation of the lines of attack, when one addressed the other: "Let us spare the blood of our followers; nay, rather let us spare our own. Let us settle the matter with our bare hands, and he who overcomes the other shall be the victor." The proposition was accepted, and the two joined battle. The Innu, by means of a combination of strategy and skill with courage, so wearied the Iroquois that he finally hurled the Iroquois to the ground, bound him, and triumphantly carried him off upon his shoulders to his own band.

They make their shields of hewn wood, principally cedar, with slightly curving edges, light, long and large, so that they cover the entire body. Next, so they may not be penetrated and split by spears or tomahawks, they overlace them on the inner side with thongs made from the skins of animals, which hold together and connect the whole mass of the shield. They do not carry the shield suspended from the arm, but cast by a cord over the right shoulder, so that it protects the left side of the body; when they have cast their spears or fired their guns they slightly retire the right side and turn toward the enemy the left side, which is protected by the shield.

In battle, they strive especially to capture their enemies alive. Those who have been captured and led off to their villages are first stripped of their clothing; then they savagely tear off their nails one by one with their teeth; then they bind them to stakes and beat them as long as they please. Next they release them from their bonds, and compel them to pass back and forth between a double row of men armed with thorns, clubs and instruments of iron. Finally, they kindle a fire about them, and roast the miserable creatures with slow heat. Sometimes they pierce the flesh of the muscles with red-hot plates and with spits, or cut it off and devour it, half-burned and dripping with gore and blood. Next, they plant blazing torches all over the body, and especially in the gaping wounds; then, after scalping him they scatter ashes and live coals upon his naked head; then they tear the tendons of the arms and legs, lacerate them, or, after removing a little of the skin, leisurely cut them with a knife at the ankle and wrist. Often they compel the unhappy prisoner to walk through fire, or to eat pieces of his own flesh.

Torture of this sort has been borne by several of the Fathers of the Jesuits. Besides, they prolong this torment throughout many days, and so that the poor victim may undergo fresh trials, pause it for some time, until his vitality is entirely exhausted and he perishes. Then they tear the heart from the breast, roast it upon the coals, and, if the prisoner has bravely borne the bitterness of the torture, give it, seasoned with blood, to the boys, to be greedily eaten, in order, as they say, that the warlike youth may imbibe the heroic strength of the valiant man. The prisoner who has seen and endured stake, knives and wounds with an unchanging countenance, who has not groaned; who with laughter and song has ridiculed his tormentors, is praised; for they think that to sing amid so many deaths is great and noble. So they themselves compose songs long beforehand, so they may repeat them if they should be captured. The rest of the crowd consume the corpse in a brutish feast. The chief reserves for himself the scalp as a sign of victory, a trophy of cruelty.

MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS; CARE OF THE BODY; FOOD; FEASTS; HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS; RELIGION AND SUPERSTITIONS.

THUS they treat their enemies; but at home they cultivate peace and carefully avoid quarrels, except those which the fury of drunkenness has aroused. Fortunate would they be if Europe had never introduced this scourge among them! They know nothing of anger, and at first were surprised when the Fathers censured their faults before the assembly; they thought that the Fathers were madmen, because among peaceful hearers and friends they displayed such vehemence. These people seek a reputation for liberality and generosity; they give away their property freely and seldom ask any return; nor do they punish thieves otherwise than with ridicule and derision. If they suspect that anyone seeks to accomplish an evil deed by means of false pretenses, they do not restrain him with threats, but with gifts. From the same desire for harmony comes their ready assent to whatever one teaches them; still they hold tenaciously to their native belief or superstition, and on that account are the more difficult to instruct. For what can one do with those who in word give agreement and assent to everything, but in reality give none?

They kindly relieve the poverty of the unfortunate; they provide sustenance for widows and old men in their bereavement, except when, with old age, vitality is withering away, or some grievous disease arises; for then they think it better to cut short an unhappy existence than to support and prolong it. Whatever misfortune may befall them, they never allow themselves to lose their calm composure of mind, in which they think that happiness especially consists. They endure many days fasting, also diseases and trials with the greatest cheerfulness and patience. Even the pangs of childbirth, although most bitter, are so concealed or conquered by the women that they do not even groan; and if a tear or a groan should escape any of them, she would be stigmatized by everlasting disgrace, nor could she find a man afterwards who would marry her. Friends never indulge in complaint or protest to friends, wives to their husbands, or husbands to their wives. They treat their children with wonderful affection, but they preserve no discipline, for they neither themselves correct them nor allow others to do so. So the impudence and savageness of the boys, after they have reached a vigorous age, breaks forth in all sorts of wickedness.

They exercise the same mildness which they exhibit toward their children and relatives, toward the remainder of their tribe and their countrymen. If any person has injured another by means of a rude jest (for they are commonly talkative, and are ready jesters), the injured party carefully conceals it, and in retaliation injures his detractor behind his back; for to jest in the victim's presence, or to make a verbal attack, face to face, is characteristic of religion. There is nothing which they are more prone to use as a counter-allegation, when provoked, than to charge a man with a lack of intelligence. For they claim praise because of their intelligence, and with good reason. No one among them is stupid or sluggish, a fact which is evident in their inborn foresight in deliberation and their fluency in speaking. Indeed, they have often been heard to make a speech so well calculated for persuasion, and that off-hand, that they would excite the admiration of the most experienced in the arena of eloquence.

Their bodies, well proportioned, handsome because of their height, vigorous in strength, correspond to their minds. They have the same complexion as the French, although they disfigure it with fat and rancid oil, with which they grease themselves; nor do they neglect paints of various colors, by means of which they appear beautiful to themselves, but to us ridiculous. Some may be seen with blue noses, but with cheeks and eyebrows black; others mark forehead, nose and cheeks with lines of various colors; one would think he saw so many hobgoblins. They believe that in colors of this description, they are dreadful to their enemies, and that likewise their own fear in battle will be concealed as by a veil; finally, that it hardens the skin of the body, so that the cold of winter is more easily borne.

Besides these colors, which are usually applied or removed according to the pleasure of each person, many impress upon the skin fixed and permanent representations of birds or animals, such as a snake, an eagle, or a toad, in the following manner: With awls, spear-points or thorns they so puncture the neck, breast or cheeks as to trace rude outlines of those objects; next, they insert into the pierced and bleeding skin a black powder made from pulverized charcoal which unites with the blood and so fixes upon the living flesh the pictures which have been drawn that no length of time can remove them. Some entire tribes, especially the one called the Petun nation, and also another, which is called the Neutral nation, practice it as a continuous custom and usage; sometimes it is with danger, especially if the season be somewhat cold or the physical constitution rather weak. For then, overcome by suffering, although they do not betray it by even a groan, they swoon away and sometimes drop dead.

They praise small eyes and turned-up and projecting-lips. Some shave their hair, others cultivate it. Some have half the head bare, others the back of the head; the hair of some is raised upon their heads; that of others hangs down scantily upon each temple. They detest a beard as a monstrosity, and straight-way pull out whatever hair grows upon their chins. The men as well as the women pierce the lobes of their ears, and place in them earrings made of glass or shells. The larger the hole, the more beautiful they consider it. They never cut their nails. They ridicule the Europeans, because the Europeans wipe off the mucus flowing from the nose with white handkerchiefs, and say: "For what purpose do they preserve such a vile thing?"

In dancing, they bend the body, with the head lowered, in the form of a bow, and move their arms like those who knead dough, at the same time emitting hoarse grunts.

They gird the lower portion of the belly with a broad piece of bark or hide or a parti-colored cloth, and leave the rest of the body naked. The women wear skins hanging from the shoulders and neck to the knees. They wear belts and bracelets ingeniously manufactured from Venus shells, which we commonly call wampum, or from porcupine quills; and necklaces made in this fashion they value highly.

They make neat mats from marisco (a variety of marine rush); with these they cover their floors, and also take their rest upon them, or upon the soft furs of the seal or the beaver. In winter, they sleep around a fire constantly burning in the middle of the lodge, in summer under the open sky. Neither table nor chair can be seen in the hut. They squat upon their haunches like monkeys; this is their custom while eating, deliberating or conversing. They greet approaching friends with silly laughter, more often exclaiming, ho, hho, hhho.

When they eat, they do not take beverages with their food, nor do they drink often, but only once after eating. Whoever entertains his friends at a feast neither sits with them nor touches any part of the food, but divides it among the feasters; or, if he has someone act as carver, sits apart fasting and looks on. While eating they keep silence; they reject salt and condiments; they consider it a sin to throw the bones to the dogs; they either burn them in the fire or bury them in the ground. For, they say, if the bears, beaver, and other wild animals which we capture in hunting should know that their bones were given to dogs and broken to pieces, they would not allow themselves to be taken so easily. They wipe off upon their hair the grease which is collected from fatty foods; sometimes they smear their cheeks or arms for the sake, as they say, of elegance and health; for they think that not only is the skin made resplendent with grease, but that the limbs are strengthened. For no other food do they have such fondness as for Sagamite. It is a relish made from flour, especially that of Indian corn, mixed with oil, which as a flavor is held in special esteem among them. Therefore, in feasts, the first course consists of oil or fat, in hard and compact lumps, into which they bite as we do into a piece of bread or an apple.

Before pots, kettles and other vessels of the sort were brought to them from France, they used receptacles of closely joined bark; but, because they could not place them with safety over the flames, they devised the following way of cooking meat: They cast a large number of flint stones into the fire until they had become red-hot. Then they would drop these hot stones one after another into a vessel full of cold water and meat. In this manner the water was heated and the meat cooked more quickly and more easily than one would suppose. For wiping their hands, they use the shaggy back of a dog, also powder of rotten wood. The last-named is used by mothers, in the place of wash-cloths, to clean the dirt from their infants; it is also used as a mattress to support the weary body. They do not cleanse their cooking utensils. The more they are covered with thick grease, so much the better are they, in their judgment. They consider it disgraceful and arrogant to walk while conversing. They dislike the odor of musk, and consider it a downright pestilence in comparison with a piece of rancid meat or moldy fat.

There are six hundred matters of this sort in which their customs differ widely from those of Europeans; but they are less removed from the faults of the Europeans and either equal or excel them.

They have received stimulants of the appetite, and drinks hostile to a good and sound mind, from European traders, who think much of profit, even when tainted with the disgrace of a wicked trade. They continue to exist so long as they have anything to eat; they store up nothing for tomorrow, or for the winter; nor do they dread famine, because they are confident of their ability to bear it for a long time. In feasts, it is the rule, by general consent and custom of the race, that all the food shall be consumed. If anyone eats sparingly and states his poor health as an excuse, he is beaten or ejected as ill-bred, just as if he were ignorant of the art of living. The principal article of their household utensils is the pot or kettle in which the meat is cooked. They measure property by the number of kettles, and in the beginning conceived a high opinion of the king of France, for no other reason than because he was said to possess a good many kettles.

How great is the impunity and wantonness of lust among men uncivilized and free from all restraint, especially among the youth, which may be readily observed; the elder men confine their lust within fixed limits, after the violence of their passions has subsided, and an erring woman does not go unpunished.

There is among them no system of religion, or care for it. They honor a Deity who has no definite character or regular code of worship. They perceive, however, through the twilight, as it were, that some deity does exist. What each boy sees in his dreams, when his reason begins to develop, is to him afterwards a deity, whether it be a dog, a bear, or a bird. They often derive their principles of life and action from dreams; as, for example, if they dream that any person ought to be killed, they do not rest until they I have caught the man by stealth and slain him.

It is wearisome to recount the tales which they invent concerning the creation of the world. Fortune tellers and worthless quacks fill, with these tales, the idle and greedy ears of the people in order that they may acquire gain. They call some divinity, who is the author of evil, "Manitou", and fear him exceedingly. Beyond doubt it is the enemy of the human race, who extorts from some people divine honors and sacrifices. Concerning the nature of spirits, they make them corporeal images which require food and drink. They believe that the appointed place for souls, to which after death they are to retire, is in the direction of the setting sun, and there they are to enjoy feasting, hunting, and dancing; for these pleasures are held in the highest repute among them.

When they first heard of the eternal fire and the burning decreed as a punishment for sin, they were marvelously impressed; still, they withheld their belief because, as they said, there could be no fire where there was no wood; then, what forests could sustain so many fires through such a long space of time? This absurd reasoning had so much influence over the minds of the Indians, that they could not be persuaded of the truth of the gospel. Still, a clever and ingenious priest overcame their obstinacy. He confidently declared that the lower world possessed no wood, and that it burned by itself. He was greeted by the laughter of the crowd of Indians. "But", said he, "I will exhibit to you a piece of this land of hell, so, since you do not believe the words of God, you may trust the evidence of your own eyes".

The novelty and boldness of the promise aroused their curiosity. Upon the appointed day, they assembled from the whole neighborhood, and sat down together in an immense plain, surrounded by hills like an amphitheater. Twelve leading men of the tribe, persons of dignity and sagacity, were chosen to watch the priest, so neither fraud nor sorcery might be concealed. He produced a lump of sulphur and gave it to the judges and inspectors to be handled; after examining it with eyes, nose, and hand, they admitted that it was certainly earth. There stood nearby a kettle containing live coals. Then the priest, under the eyes of the people at a distance, while the judges had their noses thrust down toward the coals, shook some grains from the lump of sulphur upon the coals, which suddenly caught fire and filled the curious noses with a stifling odor. When this had been done a second and a third time, the crowd arose in astonishment, placing their hands flat over their mouths, by which gesture they indicate great surprise; and believed that there is a lower world.

YEAR 1706

LETTER BY FATHER MERMET, MISSIONARY AT KASKASKIA, TO THE JESUITS IN CANADA. AMONG THE KASKASKIAS, THIS 2ND OF MARCH, 1706.

I WRITE you news concerning the affairs of the Illinois, some of which is good and some bad. It is good from this village, except that they threaten to leave us at the first word.

It is bad among the Illinois of Detroit, -- also called the Peorias, -- where Father Gravier nearly lost his life on two occasions, and he is not yet out of danger. It happened like this: in obedience to the menacing orders of the Governor, the chiefs appointed one Mantouchensa, -- called by the French "Bear's Head", -- to go to the Governor to account for the death of a soldier named la Giroffe, who had been killed by the Illinois. He was accompanied by some other Illinois Indians, and went to Mackinac with Sir Desliettes, with the intention of going down to Montreal. But while at Mackinac, he saw the frightful presents that the timidity of the French caused them to give to the Ottawas, -- who, as well as the Illinois, were all to be killed, and he at once took different measures with the Ottawas. The Ottawas told him that they were more feared at Montreal than was imagined; and that he should act as they did, and do things that would make him dreaded and formidable.

These talks, or the mere sight of the cowardice of the French, and their powerlessness to avenge themselves after the terrible threats of all the tribes -- which were to eat the first one who broke the peace, -- persuaded him to give up the idea of going to Montreal. He decided to return to his own country, and kill and pillage the black gown and the French, so he could make himself at once formidable and rich with their spoils. He sent his comrades away from Mackinac, with orders to keep in sight this father and the French who were among the Peorias. He followed closely upon his countrymen, and no sooner had he reached the village than he told the news, and urged the whole village to sedition. He loudly said that a person who took notice of everything, as the black gown did, should not be tolerated; that, after killing these French, they need use no further moderation toward the others; that they must be got rid of, and that the Indians must make themselves formidable, in imitation of their neighbors.

All these talks excited their minds to revolt, and, although not all were of that opinion, a great many followed it. Among these was a hot-headed man, who, under the pretext that he had been offered a slight by this father, who would not bury one of his deceased relatives in the church, -- a favor which the father had granted to no one, and which he was not even able to grant at the time when the deceased person died; for the Indian had brought her dead body without taking the trouble to dig a grave, leaving the father to do everything, a thing that has never been done, -- this hot-headed man asserted that since the Father rejected the body of his relative, he would revenge himself for it. This he did shortly afterward; for, when he met the father in the village, he ran to his Cabin for his bow and arrows, and, without saying a word, shot the father, wounding him dangerously. Two arrows struck his breast, but glanced off; a 3rd tore his ear; the next would have killed him, had it not been for the collar of his cassock, which stopped the arrow-head; the 5th was a deadly shot, for the arrow pierced the arm above the wrist, and penetrated to below the elbow; three streams of blood poured from the opened veins and from the severed artery. The father plucked out the arrow, but the stone head stuck in the sinews near the joint of the elbow.

All this occurred quietly, without a single Illinois trying to stop the furious man. At the first shots, the father asked the Indian: "My son, why do you kill me? What have I done to you?" He knelt to entrust himself to God; and at the same time, as soon as the wound was inflicted, the father swam in his own blood. A good Samaritan, a stranger in the village, and a Meskwaki [Fox] by nation, had compassion on the father. He pressed tightly upon the upper part of the arm, and the artery, from which the blood had spurted freely, allowed only a few drops to escape. Then some praying women ran to the poor Father; and assisted by the Meskwaki, who still retained his strong pressure on the father's arm, they brought poor father Gravier home.

An Illinois offered to dress the wound, and the father consented; but we saw, from what happened afterward, that the intentions of this physician were no better than those of his brothers. He closed the wound as well as he could; and as a Frenchman who was there said truly, he shut up the wolf in the sheepfold, by closing up in the wound the clotted blood that was in it. At first, the father felt some relief from pain; but he afterward paid dearly for his credulity in having tolerated his physician. Fever was added to his sufferings, and, during the three months while the father remained there, he suffered terribly.

He still made an effort to write some letters to inform me of what had happened and decided to withdraw -- while he took steps to keep in communication with some faithful praying Indians here. This cannot be done, especially among Indians, without some information of it being given. At the first Suspicion, they called out in the village that the father must not be allowed to depart; that those who favored his escape were to be killed, and that the French were to be closely watched.

At the first news of this accident, I asked assistance of Rouenza, who gave me 4 young men to go get the father. Sir Berger, who was nearer the Peorias than we were, had sent there 14 persons, but they abandoned the task; one only, one of the chief men among them, went to the father, and remained some time, watching over him; but he went home before the father's departure. One of our 4 young men came back from the Tamaroa Illinois to inform us of what they had done; the three others continued their journey, and told the Father that Rouenza had ordered them to die with him. Thus they did not leave him until he reached us at Rouenza's village, which is called st. Francois de Xavier, as you are aware. The praying women who took care of the father among the Peorias also accompanied him. They supplied him with a Canoe, and with what he needed on the journey.

The rendezvous was appointed for after Midnight, long before daybreak; but the father was nearly prevented from going by an accident more unfortunate than the first. About Midnight, when rain was falling and the sky dark, and the father considered the time favorable to his escape, he was surprised on being told that his house was surrounded by 200 Illinois -- who had taken down a portion of his palisade to get in. It was St. Michel, the blacksmith, who was watching with the father; and who, on going out, saw all this great multitude, whose numbers were probably exaggerated by the darkness of the night and by his fears. He did not lose his presence of mind in his fright. He approached and questioned them, asking them: "What do you seek at this hour?"

"We are looking for something," one of them replied.

St. Michel at once reentered the house, and said to the Father: "We are lost; we are besieged by 200 Illinois. Listen to me while I confess my sins before I die."

Deman, the father's servant, did the same. Meanwhile the Indians were deliberating as to what they should do; because, as they expected to surprise the father in his house alone, and without witnesses, they were astonished at finding there the blacksmith, who dwelt elsewhere. Hardly had these Frenchmen finished their confessions, when 4 or 5 Indian knaves entered arrogantly, as if to speak to the father. But meanwhile, St. Michel had pushed through the crowd of besiegers to warn, without loss of time, one of the chiefs, who was rather friendly to the French, of what was going on at the father's house.

The chief came at once with St. Michel, and with some young men among his followers, to the dwelling of the father, who was perplexed about his safety. The sight of the chief disconcerted the assassins, who had intended to kill the father in his own house. But, as they have deference for one another, they did not dare to carry out their plan against the will of the last newcomer, who caused them to be asked what they were looking for. The band dispersed without a word, and swooped down upon St. Michel's house, which they pillaged. Some hours afterward, the father embarked without loss of time; and shortly before dawn, his Indian and French canoemen brought him safely here. That was at the end of October, three months after the attack; and even then, I feared for his life.

The poor father could barely say mass; he had to be dressed like a child; but afterward his arm swelled more than ever, and he could not use it. He uttered cries night and day, like a man who is being burned; in fact, he felt pains similar to those caused by a scorching fire. His condition excited compassion in me, for I had no means of relieving him. At last I proposed, somewhat rashly, to lance the swelled arm, and he consented.

"But," he said, "you will have to cut deep with the lancet, to reach the stone arrowhead."

"I am not sufficiently skillful to flatter myself that I can find it, even if you were to point out the place where the pain is most severe; but I hope to give you relief by allowing the pus to flow."

He consents; he urges me to perform the operation, and I set to work. I thrust the lancet three times into his arm, fortunately without injuring him, or opening the principal vein, although the lancet was buried to one-half its depth. After this a great quantity of putrid blood, having a disagreeable odor, escaped, and this gave him relief; but the stone did not appear and we despaired of curing him. How could an inexperienced man, as I was, seek it among the sinews?

Therefore, Jacques dit le Castor, and all the French here agreed with me that he should go to Mobile to have his wound attended to, as there are surgeons at that place who know their trade. After much resistance, he yielded to our prayers and to the kindness of his guide, Bouat, who had been sent by Sir Pacaud to Wabash; he had returned from the sea to go to Canada, and was here when the father arrived from Peoria. Bouat did not want to continue his journey to Wabash, on account of the insolence of the Illinois -- who, at the least, would not have failed to rob him. In despair of being able to get past that barrier, he kindly came to offer his services to the Father to conduct him to Mobile, from where he had come; he sold here all his goods, and conducted the father, and took care of him. He even came to our house and dressed his wound some days beforehand, and did so with remarkable skill. The father left here for the sea on the 6th of November.

I fear that he will die of his wound, or be crippled by it for the remainder of his life. After one day's journey, he hesitated as to whether he should not return to see me, instead of continuing his journey; for the pain had diminished. He continued it with the view of returning as soon as he is cured, to die on his first battlefield.

Dauteuil.

LETTER FROM FATHER GABRIEL MAREST, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS, TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE OF THE JESUITS, PROCURATOR OF THE MISSION OF CANADA. 1706. EVENTS OF 1694-1695.

Reverend Father,

It is rather late to ask me for news of Hudson bay. I was in far better condition to tell you of it when I went back to France on my return from the prisons of Plymouth. All that I can do now is to send you an extract from the little Journal which I wrote at that time, and of which I have kept a copy. It begins with our departure from Quebec, and ends with the return of the two vessels which carried us to that bay. Still, first allow me to inform you of what I had learned at Quebec -- both in regard to the two Jesuits who had made the same voyage before me, and concerning the first discovery of Hudson bay.

It is already more than two centuries since Navigators of various Nations attempted to open a new way to China and Japan by the North; and yet none of them have succeeded, God having placed in their way an invincible barrier in the icebergs that are found in these seas. It was with the same plan that, in 1611, the famous Hudson, an Englishman, penetrated 1250 miles and more farther north than the others, to the great bay that today bears his name, and at which he passed the winter. In the spring of the following year he tried to continue his route; but, provisions beginning to fail him, and diseases having enfeebled his crew, he found himself compelled to return to England. Two years after, he made a second attempt; and in 1614 he pushed on as far as the 82nd degree. He was so many times in danger of perishing there, and he had so much difficulty in retreating, that since that time neither he nor any other has again dared to penetrate so far.

However, the English Merchants, to profit by the voyages and discoveries of their fellow-countrymen, have since then made a settlement at Hudson bay, and have begun there a trade in furs, with many northern Indians -- who during the long summer come, in their canoes, on the rivers which empty into that bay. At first, the English built only a few houses, so they could pass the winter in them and await the Indians. They had much to suffer, and many died there from scurvy. But, as the furs that the Indians bring to that bay are fine, and as the profits on them are great, the English were not deterred by the inclemency of the weather or the severity of the climate. The French of Canada likewise attempted to settle there -- claiming that, as many of the neighboring lands are on the same continent as New France, they had the right to trade in them to the 51st degree, and even farther north.

Misunderstandings soon arose between the two Nations; both built forts, in order that each might be sheltered from the attacks of the other. The frequent maladies and the continual dangers to which people are exposed in this perilous navigation are such that the French did not undertake the voyage without having with them a chaplain. And so Father Dalmas, a native of Tours, embarked for Hudson bay. Having arrived there, he offered to remain in the fort, both to serve the French who had been left in garrison, and to have an opportunity for learning the language of the Indians who bring their furs during the summer, so that he might be able afterward to go to proclaim the Gospel to them. The vessel which was to bring them provisions in the following year having been continually driven back by contrary winds, those men who had remained in the fort perished, mostly, from hunger or from disease. They were reduced to only eight; five of these having been detached to go hunting on the snow in the woods, left in the fort Father Dalmas, the Surgeon, and a Toolmaker.

The hunters, having returned four or five days afterward, were surprised at no longer finding there either the Father or the Surgeon. They asked the Toolmaker what had become of them. The embarrassment in which they saw him, the contradictory replies that he gave them, and some traces of blood that they perceived on the snow, made them resolve to seize the wretched man and to put him in irons. Finding himself arrested, and goaded by remorse of conscience, he confessed that, having been for a long time on bad terms with the Surgeon, he had assassinated him one morning and dragged his body to the river, where he cast it into a hole which he had made in the ice; and that afterward, having returned to the fort, he found in the Chapel the Father. The Toolmaker disclosed to the Father all that had happened, -- expressing to him the despair in which he was, and the fear that he had in case, when the others returned, he should be put to death. "That is not what you have most to fear," replied the Father to him; "we are too few in number, and have too much need of your services, to wish to kill you. If anyone were inclined to do so, I promise you to oppose him, as far as I am able. But I urge you to confess before God the enormity of your crime, to beg his pardon, and to do penance for it. Take care to appease the anger of God; as for me, I will take care to appease that of men."

The Father told him that, should he desire it, he himself would go to meet those who were away hunting; and that he would attempt to pacify them, and make them promise that they would not ill-treat him on their arrival. The Toolmaker accepted this offer, and appeared to become calm; and the Father set out. But hardly had he left the fort when this miserable man felt troubled again; he became melancholy, and was convinced that the Father was deceiving him, and was going to meet the others only to warn them against him. With this thought, he took his hatchet and his gun, to follow after the Father.

Having perceived him beside the river, he cried out to the Father to wait for him, which the Missionary did. As soon as this man had reached the Father, he reproached him with being a traitor and a deceiver; and fired at him his gun and wounded him. To escape from the fury of this wretch, the Father jumped upon a large cake of ice which was floating on the water. The Toolmaker sprang upon it after him, and knocked him down with two strokes of the hatchet, which he dealt him on the head. Then, after having thrown his body under the cake of ice upon which the Father had taken refuge, he returned to the fort, where the five others soon after arrived. This is what the unfortunate man himself admitted while they kept him in irons.

They had decided to guard him in this way until the arrival of the first vessels, upon which they were to embark; but, before assistance could come, the English attacked the fort. Those who were guarding it had taken the precaution of keeping all their cannon and guns loaded, and therefore they were in condition to pour a furious discharge upon the enemy when these attempted to make their approaches. This heavy fire, which killed and wounded many of the English, caused them to believe that there were many soldiers in the fort. For this reason, they retreated, but with the resolution to return soon with a much greater force. They did come back, and were prepared to attack the place in due form. The five Frenchmen who were guarding it, seeing themselves in no condition to resist, escaped at night by a gun port, and reached the woods, having left the Toolmaker as he was, alone and bound. We have not heard what the English did to him or what he said to them. But of the five persons who left the fort, three died on the way, and only two arrived, after many hardships, at Montreal. From them was learned all that I have just related.

The fate which befell Father Dalmas did not prevent Father Sylvi from returning to Hudson bay for the purpose of acting there likewise as Chaplain, and with the hope of opening a way for going to preach the Gospel to the most northern Indians, who have been without instruction. This Father was so ill that he had to reembark and return to Quebec, where he has never recovered from the diseases which he contracted at that bay. As soon as I arrived in Canada, I was assigned to the same office, and I will not conceal from you that this was contrary to my inclination. On setting out from France, my intention was to devote myself, as soon as possible, to the service of the Indians; but I saw myself somewhat diverted from that work by this voyage.

The late Sir d'Iberville, one of the bravest Captains whom we have had in New France, was ordered to seize some posts which the English were holding on Hudson bay. For this purpose, they had fitted-out two men-of-war -- the Poli, which he was to command; and the Salamandre, which was commanded by Sir de Serigny. He asked our Father Superior for a Missionary who would be able to act as Chaplain for both vessels. The Father Superior made choice of me, apparently because -- having recently arrived, and not yet knowing any Indian language -- I was least necessary to the work in Canada.

We set sail on the 10th of August, 1694, and cast anchor toward midnight, near the bar of cap Tourmente. We rounded it on the 11th, at about seven or eight o'clock in the morning. We made scarcely any progress the rest of the day, or on the three following days, because the wind was against us. I used this leisure in persuading a good part of our crew to celebrate worthily the Feast of the blessed Virgin. On the 14th, I distributed on the Poli the images of Our Lady which Madame de Champigny, wife of the Intendant of Canada, had given me at Quebec; and I spent all the evening and the next morning in hearing confessions; many received communion on the day of the Feast. When I was finishing Mass, the wind changed and we immediately set sail. On the 20th, the wind having entirely ceased, I went from the Poli to the Salamandre to see Sir de Serigny and to say Mass on his ship. The crew were glad of this.

On the 21st, we sailed beyond Belle Isle. This Island, which appears round in form, is by its latitude of 52 degrees, distant 550 miles from Quebec, in the middle of a strait which Newfoundland forms with the Mainland of Labrador.

From that time, we began to catch sight of those great icebergs which float in the sea; We saw perhaps 20 of them. Far away, they looked like mountains of crystal, and some of them like cliffs bristling with peaks.

On the 23rd, we had in the morning a great calm, and in the afternoon a violent and adverse wind, which continued on the 24th and 25th. On the two following days we had a great calm, which was as injurious to us as the contrary wind. The season was advanced; we were going into a country where winter comes before autumn; we were only at the 56th degree of latitude; there still remained to us a long distance to make, on a sea which is dangerous because of the icebergs that are usually found in it, amid which it was necessary to force our way as far as the 63rd degree, On the 28th, about eight o'clock in the evening, a slight east wind arose -- which, striking us from the stern, caused us to make a good run during the two or three days that it lasted. On the 31st the wind changed a little, without, however, ceasing to be favorable to us; but it brought us a heavy fog that prevented our seeing the shore, which we believed to be not far distant, and to which in reality we were quite near. Toward noon the weather cleared, and we easily saw the coast, bordered with a great number of rocks that are called "sugar-loaves," because they have that form; they were all still covered with snow. About evening, we saw the entrance of the strait that must be passed through to reach Hudson bay.

This strait, which is called North channel or strait, is difficult to access on account of the ice -- which is continually coming from the cold regions, and which rushes into the open sea through this channel. The shores of the strait generally run West-Northwest and East-Southeast. At the beginning and at the end of the strait there are islands; lying on the South coast. The islands that are found at the entrance of the strait in the direction of Europe are called the Button Islands; they are at about the 60th degree and some minutes. Those which are at the other extremity of the same strait are called the Digges Islands; they are at about the 63rd degree. Besides these, there are many on the sides and in the middle of this strait, which is 87 miles long. Its least breadth is about 17 or 20 miles, but generally it is broader.

Some deep bays are seen there, especially near the Button Islands. One of these is more important than the others; it is affirmed that boats can go by this bay as far as to the lower end of Hudson bay, but this is uncertain.

Sometimes it takes a long time to go through the strait; we passed through it safely in four days. We entered it at four o'clock on the morning of September 1st, and went out of it on the 5th, also in the morning -- with a wind which was not favorable, and which was increased on the 6th. On the 7th, the weather became calm.

The calm continued during the 8th, the 9th, and the 10th, which caused much sorrow and anxiety to all the crew. On the next night the wind became favorable.

On the 12th, we discovered the North land, but below the place where we wished to go. The wind having again become adverse, we tacked for several days, but all in vain, and had to cast anchor. Meanwhile, we began to suffer; the cold was increasing, and we lacked water. In this extremity, our Canadians came to me, proposing to make a vow to saint Anne. The next day, the sailors wished to imitate the Canadians, and make the same vow that they had made. Sir d'Iberville and the other Officers took the lead. The next night, which was that of the 21st and 22nd of September, God gave us a favorable wind.

About six o'clock on the evening of the 24th we entered the Nelson River. There was great joy among all the crew. The river to which the French have given the name of Bourbon (Nelson River) is called by the English the Pornetton river, for which cause many Frenchmen still call the surrounding country the Pornetton district. This river is long, broad, and stretches far onward into the interior. But, as it has many rapid currents, it is less adapted to the trade of the Indians; it was for this reason that the English did not build their fort on the shore of this river.

Southeast Of the Nelson River and into the same bay empties also another large river, which the Frenchmen who were first to discover it called the river of Saint Therese (Hayes River), because the wife of the man who made the discovery bore the name of that great Saint. These two rivers are separated from each other only by a tongue of low land which produces in both of them extensive shallows. Their mouths are at the 57th degree and some minutes. They both flow in the same rhumb line; and for a long distance their beds are distant from each other only 3 or 5 miles. The shallows which abound in these two rivers render them dangerous to large vessels. As there are somewhat few of them in the Nelson River, it was decided to have the Poli winter in this river, and the Salamandre in that of the Hayes River -- on the bank of which the English have built their fort, on the tongue of land which separates the two rivers.

We had arrived at the Nelson River on September 24, about six o'clock in the evening. That night several of our men were put ashore, so they could attempt to surprise some of the English. They had much trouble in landing, on account of the shallows; they had to throw themselves into the water, which caused them great discomfort, the shores of the river being already frozen. An Iroquois Indian was among those who were sent ashore. The men whom we had sent ashore were not able to surprise any of the English, because we had been perceived by them at the moment of our arrival, and all had immediately retired into the fort; but on the 25th, the men brought us two Indians, whom they had seized near the fort.

Sir d'Iberville had gone, the same day, to sound the river, and to seek a place where our vessel could be sheltered during the winter; he found a suitable one. After having inspected those men whom he had sent on shore, and given them his orders, he instructed Sir de Serigny to conduct the Poli to the place selected; and on the 27th he passed to the Salamandre, where I followed him.

The same day, at evening, we reached the mouth of the Hayes River and entered it. About the middle of the night, Sir d'Iberville set out to sound this second river. On the 28th, we proceeded on the river 4 miles, favored by the tide, the wind being against us. The rest of the day was employed in sounding on all sides.

On the 29th, we again made 2 miles; and Sir d'Iberville went ashore to decide upon his camp, and the place where he would have the vessel land. He found one that suited him, 4 miles above the fort. A large point of comparatively high land which juts into the river makes there a sort of bay, where the vessel could be completely sheltered from the blocking of the ice, which is much to be feared in the spring. Orders were given to those of our men who were ashore to come to this place to encamp. There were not more than 20 of them; but the Indians of the country had told the English that there were forty or fifty, which had kept the English from ever leaving the fort.

On the 30th, it was impossible for us to go on. We were in the same condition on the first of October -- an adverse wind invariably arising at every low tide, and making it impossible for us to tack. Meanwhile, the wind, the cold, and the ice were increasing every day. We were 2 miles from the place where we were to disembark and we were in danger of not being able to reach it. Our crew were alarmed, but on that same day the weather changed, and became fine.

About eight o'clock in the evening, the moon being bright, we weighed anchor; and, favored by the tide, our sailboat, equipped with sixteen oars, towed the vessel and conducted it to within a gunshot of the place to which we wished to go -- but which we could not reach, the tide having failed us. In passing before the Fort, three or four volleys were fired at us from the guns, the balls of which did not reach us. Our Canadians replied to them only by some Sassa Koues; this is the name that the Indians give to the shouts which they make in war as a sign of rejoicing.

Our vessel was near being lost on the 2nd. As we were getting under way, in the hope of soon making the port that we were touching, a heavy snowstorm hid the land from us, and a rough Northwest wind dashed us on the shallows, where we ran aground at high tide. We spent a sad night there. About ten o'clock in the evening, the ice, swept on by the current and driven by the wind, began to beat against our vessel with violence, and with so frightful a noise that it could have been heard 2 miles away; this uproar continued four or five hours. The ice struck the vessel with such force that it broke through the hull, and in many places made holes three or four inches in size.

Sir d'Iberville, to lighten the vessel, gave orders to cast out on the shallows a dozen pieces of cannon, and several other articles, which could not be lost in the water or injured by it. Afterward he ordered these pieces of cannon to be covered with sand, fearing in case they might be swept away in the spring by the crowding of the ice.

On the 3rd, the wind having somewhat subsided, Sir d'Iberville decided to order the unloading of his vessel, which was in continual danger of being destroyed. We were not able to make use of the sailboat for that, because it was not possible to guide it through the ice, which was continually floating in great quantity; but we used the bark canoes which we had brought from Quebec, and which our Canadians steered through the ice with admirable skill.

I had been ill for some days and had even had a fever. Sir d'Iberville urged me to go ashore; but I could not resolve to leave the vessel which was in such danger, when I saw the whole crew in fear. I was compelled to do so, because of the sad news that we soon heard. Sir de Chateauguai -- a young Officer nineteen years old, and brother of Sir d'Iberville -- had gone to skirmish near the English Fort, to divert their attention and prevent their knowledge of our difficulties. Having advanced too far, he was wounded by a ball which pierced him through. He sent for me that he might confess, and I went to him immediately. At first, we thought that the wound was not mortal; we were soon undeceived, for he died the next day.

A little while before, we had heard news of the Poli; and we learned that that vessel was in no less danger than was our own. The winds, the ice, and the shallows had all been adverse to it; once when it was aground, a great noise had come from the keel, and four pumps were not sufficient to empty out the water that was pouring in. Many barrels of gunpowder had been made wet in unloading that vessel. It had not yet made, and it was in danger of not being able to make, the place where it was to winter.

So much sad news did not dampen the courage of Sir d'Iberville, although he was extraordinarily touched by the death of his brother, whom he had always tenderly loved. Foreseeing that the least sign of anxiety would throw everyone into confusion, he maintained throughout a marvelous firmness -- setting everyone to work, exerting himself, and giving his orders with as much presence of mind as ever. God consoled him on that day; one and the same tide put the two vessels out of danger, and carried them both to the places that had been selected.

On the 5th, I baptized two children of an Indian; they had been sick for a long time, and I thought them in danger. I hurried to baptize them, because the Indians had to go away on the next day, as they were to spend the winter in the woods far from us. I made their father promise that, if they recovered from their maladies, he would bring them to me in the spring that I might instruct them. They were both children of the same father, but of different mothers, polygamy being common among the Indians of that Country. One of the two died, and in the following spring the father brought back to me the other, as he had promised. Afterward, we were busy in building cabins for ourselves, in unloading the ship, and in preparing everything for the siege.

On the 9th, I set out to go to the Poli, where Sir de Tilly, the Lieutenant, had been dangerously sick for some days. That was the first journey that I had made in the woods of America. The ground over which it was necessary for us to pass was marshy; we were compelled to take long winding ways, to avoid the swamps. The water was beginning to freeze, but the ice was not strong enough to bear us; we often sank knee-deep. We went therefore 12 miles over the snow and through the woods, -- if, however, this term can be used, for in that Country there are no real woods; they are mostly but brambles and thorns, moderately thick in some places, and in others interspersed with much open Prairie. When we had arrived at the bank of the Nelson River, we found ourselves much perplexed, for the ship was on the other side. The river at that place is 4 miles broad; it is swift, and was bearing along many cakes of ice.

Those who accompanied me believed the passage to be impossible. Indeed, I had trouble in overcoming their opposition; but, shortly after, the river became free, the ice having drifted with the ebbing tide. We embarked immediately, after having carried our canoe over the ice which edged the river. We left there at sunset, and we arrived safely at the beginning of the night.

We found the ship in a safe and convenient place. They were beginning to recover from their past hardships. I went to see the sick man, whom I comforted; I heard his confession the next day, and administered to him the holy Eucharist. I spent the afternoon in visiting our Canadians and Sailors, who had made cabins for themselves on the shore.

On my return, I was told that the river was passable; and I embarked at once, because I had promised to return without delay, on account of the attack on the Fort. We reached the other bank late, and we made a cabin in which to spend the night. We made it with great carelessness, because the Heavens appeared serene; we repented of this, for during three hours we were exposed to the snow.

We arrived on the 11th at our camp, where everything was well advanced for the siege. A fine road had been made through the woods for moving the cannon, mortars, and bombs.

On the 12th, the mortars were placed in position. On the 13th, when they were ready to fire, we sent to summon the enemy to surrender, and to offer them good conditions if they surrendered at once. They asked to have until eight o'clock next morning before giving their answer, and asked that they should not be disturbed that night, in the neighborhood of the Fort. This was granted to them. The next day, at the appointed hour, they brought their conditions. We subscribed to them without difficulty, for they did not even ask for their arms or their flag. Their minister had drawn up the capitulation in latin, and I served as interpreter, on our side. Fear had seized them at the moment of our arrival; from that time they had remained continually shut up, without even daring to go out during the night to fetch water from the river, which washes the base of the Fort.

Sir d'Iberville on the same day sent Sir du Tas, his Lieutenant, with sixty men to take possession of the Fort. He himself went there on the next day, and he named it Fort Bourbon. This Fort was only of wood, smaller and weaker than we had believed. The booty that was found in it was therefore less valuable than we had hoped. The English were fifty-three in number, all comparatively tall and well built; he who commanded them was more proficient in trade than in the profession of arms, which he had never followed; this was the reason why he surrendered so readily.

I thought that I ought to go back on that same day to visit Sir de Tilly, whom I had left sick. I set out then after dinner, and arrived at the bank of the Nelson River, which we found impassable. We built cabins, and spent the whole night there, The next day, the river being in no better condition, we made on the shore a dense smoke, which was the signal that had been agreed upon for giving notice to the Poli of the capture of the Fort. They responded by similar signals, and we returned to the Fort. Three days after, -- that is, on the 18th of October, -- I joined Sir de Caumont, brother of Sir de Tilly, two others of his relatives, and another Canadian, so we could attempt going together to the Poli. We found the river still rough, and the next day it was no better. Still, we ventured to cross it; this had great risk, but at last we arrived safely. I did not leave the invalid again until the 28th, which was the day of his death. After his funeral I intended returning to the Fort, to celebrate the feast of All Saints; but it was impossible to cross the river before All Souls' day. That evening we went astray in the woods, and, after having walked. a long time, we found ourselves almost at the spot from which we had started; we spent the night there, and I reached the Fort only on the 3rd of November. Afterward, I often made these short journeys; for an epidemic and the scurvy having broken out among our crews, I was obliged to go continually from the Fort to the Poli, and from the Poli to the Fort, to attend all the patients. I had a few attacks of scurvy; my constant activity, in going here and there to assist those who were in any danger, removed the beginnings of the disease.

As early as October the Hayes River was wholly frozen over, as far as 7 or 10 miles above the Fort, where there are some islands which render the channel narrower; but we did not begin to cross it, opposite the Fort, until the 13th of November. The Nelson River was not entirely frozen over until the night of January 23 and 24, 1695. After that time we crossed on the ice in going to the Poli and this shortened our journey. The ice in the Hayes River began to break up on the 30th of May, and in the Nelson River only on the 11th of June. On July 30, we embarked to go with our two vessels from the roadstead to the mouth of the Hayes River, to await the English vessels which are accustomed to arrive there at about that time. But we waited for them in vain; not one of them appeared.

On my arrival, I had decided to learn the language of the Indians; for that purpose I had intended to employ two of them who had lived, during the winter, in a cabin near the Fort. But my frequent trips from one river to the other had prevented my doing so; besides, the man was a slave from another Tribe, who knew only imperfectly their Tongue; the woman, who deeply hated the French, spoke to me only through caprice, and often deceived me. Still, the visits that I made had, at least, some good effect. I had gained the confidence of this poor man, and I began instructing him to the best of my ability. He fell sick; he asked me for baptism, and I had the satisfaction of administering it to him before he died. I will now mention what I was able to learn about the Indians of that Country.

There are seven or eight different Tribes who come to the Fort: and in 1695 possibly three hundred or more Canoe-loads of them came to trade. The most distant, the most numerous, and the most important of these Tribes are the Assiniboine Sioux and the Crees -- or, otherwise, the Kriqs; indeed, it is necessary to learn only the languages of these two Tribes. The language of the Crees, which is Algonquin, and that of the Indians nearest to the Fort are the same, with the exception of a few words and some slight difference of accent. The language of the Assiniboine Sioux is different from the Crees; it is the same as that of the Sioux, to whose country my brother has made two journeys. It is even asserted that these Assiniboines are a Sioux Tribe who have been separated from that nation for a long time, and who since then have constantly made war upon them. The Crees and the Assiniboine Sioux are allied together; they have the same enemies, and undertake the same wars. Many Assiniboine Sioux speak Cree, and many Crees, Assiniboine Sioux.

The Crees are numerous and their Country more vast; they are spread as far as Lake superior, where many go to trade. I have seen some of them who have been at Sault Ste. Marie and at Mackinac and some who have gone as far as Montreal. The Nelson River flows as far as the Lake of the Crees: it takes twenty or twenty-five days to go there from here; it takes thirty-five or forty to go to the land of the Assiniboine Sioux.

These Indians are well formed; they are tall, robust, alert, and hardened to cold and fatigue. The Assiniboine Sioux have on their bodies deep lines, which represent serpents, birds, and various other objects; these are imprinted by puncturing the skin with small pointed bones, and filling these punctures with the dust of pounded charcoal. They are serious, and appear phlegmatic. The Crees are more vivacious -- always in motion, always dancing or singing. Both tribes are brave, and delight in war. The Assiniboine Sioux have been compared to the Dutch, and the Crees to the Gascon French: their dispositions have some resemblance to those of these two Nations. These Indians have no Villages or fixed dwelling. They are always wanderers and vagabonds, living by hunting and fishing. Still, in the summer they assemble near the Lakes, where they remain two or three months; and afterward they go to gather wild rice, of which they put away a store.

The Indians who are nearest to this point live only by hunting; they continually range the woods, without stopping in any place, either in winter or summer, unless they have good sport; but in that case they build cabins on the spot, and remain there until they no longer have anything to eat. They are often compelled by lack of forethought, to go three or four days without taking any food. Like the others, they are accustomed to cold and accustomed to fatigue; still, they are base, cowardly, idle, churlish, and wholly vicious.

As for the Religion which they profess, I believe that it is the same as that of other Indians; I cannot yet precisely say in what their Idolatry consists. They have some sort of Sacrifices, and they are great tricksters; like other Indians they use a pipe, which they call a calumet; they smoke in honor of the Sun, and also in honor of absent persons; they have smoked in honor of our Fort and of our Vessel; yet I cannot tell you anything positive concerning the ideas that they may hold of the Deity, not having been able to examine them thoroughly, I will only add that they are extremely superstitious, and immoral; and that they live in polygamy, and in a great aversion to the Christian Religion.

By this you see that it will be difficult to establish Religion among these Peoples. If we wish to make any progress there, I believe that we must begin with the Crees and the Assiniboine Sioux. Not only are these Indians more numerous, but they are not so averse to Religion; they have more intelligence; they are settled, at least for three or four months, and we could more easily start a Mission in their Country. Not that I do not see the difficulties that we would have in establishing ourselves among them; I do not know whether our first Fathers had as many in their first Missions in Canada as these promise us.

It still remains for me to speak of the climate and of the temperature of this Country. The Fort is at about the fifty-seventh degree of latitude, situated at the entrance of two large rivers; but the land is unproductive; it is a Country wholly marshy and abounding in meadows. There are few trees and those are stunted. For more than 75 or 100 miles from the Fort there are no real woods. That results from the high sea-winds which usually blow, from the severe cold, and from the snow, which is almost continual there. With September, the cold weather sets in; and before that the weather is severe enough to fill the rivers with ice, and sometimes even to freeze them solid. The ice does not disappear until about June; but even then the cold weather does not cease.

In this time there are some hot days (for there is scarcely any midway between the great heat and the great cold); but these last a short time: the winds from the North, which are frequent, dissipate soon this first heat, and often after having perspired in the morning we are frozen at night. The snow lies on the ground here for eight or nine months, but it is not deep; its greatest depth this winter has been two or three feet.

The long winter, although it is always cold, is not however always equally so. There is often extreme cold weather, during which a person does not go outside with impunity. There are only a few of us who do not bear marks of the weather, and one of the Sailors has lost both his ears; but there are also fine days. What pleases me most is that we see no rain; and after a certain period of snow and powder (it is what they call a fine snow that sifts in everywhere) the air is pure and clear. If I had to choose between winter and summer in this country, I do not know which I would take; for in the summer, besides the scorching heat and the frequent passing from extreme heat to extreme cold, and rarely having three fine days in succession, there are besides so many Mosquitoes or gnats, that you cannot go out without being covered with them, and stung on all sides. These flies are more numerous here than in Canada, and are larger. Also, the woods are full of water; and however little you advance in them, it is often waist-deep.

Although the Country be such as I have just described, that does not prevent a person from living in it comfortably. The rivers are full of fish, and game is abundant: all winter long there is a great multitude of partridges; we have killed possibly twenty thousand.

In the spring and in the fall, there are countless numbers of geese, bustards, ducks, barnacles, and other water-fowl. But the best hunting is that of the Caribou; it lasts all the year and is especially good in the spring and fall. Herds of three or four hundred and more are seen at a time. Sir de Serigny told us that on All Saints' day and on All Souls' day he had passed perhaps ten thousand of them, at about 2 miles from the Cabins; and that the people on the Poli had seen them from the other shore of the Nelson River.

The Caribous somewhat resemble the fallow-Deer, with the exception of their horns. The first time that the Sailors saw them, they were afraid and ran away. Our Canadians killed a few of them; the Sailors, who had been rallied by the Canadians, became more courageous; and they also killed some afterward.

Besides the Tribes who come to the Hayes River for trade, there are still others, farther North, in a climate even colder than this -- as the Ikovirinioucks who are about 250 miles from here; but they are at war with the Indians of this Country and have no communication with the Fort. Farther on are found the Eskimo; and near the Ikovirinioucks, another great Tribe who are allied to them, and are called the Alinouspigut. This is a numerous Tribe: they have Villages, and extend even back of the Assiniboine Sioux, with whom they are almost always at war.

I do not yet speak the language of the Indians well, and, still, none of them have come to the Fort to whom I have not spoken of God. I had a secret delight in declaring him to these poor people who had never heard of him; many have listened willingly to me; they knew that I came for a purpose different from that of the other Frenchmen. I told them that I would go into their Country, so I could make them know God; they were pleased at this, and invited me to do so.

I have still more difficulty in understanding the Indian tongue than in speaking it. I already know the greater number of the words; Sir de la Motte has supplied me with a good many, and an Englishman who knows the language has given me many more. I have made a Dictionary of all these words according to our alphabet, and I believe that, considering the short time that I could spend among the Indians, I had begun to speak their language easily and to understand it. I have translated the sign of the Cross, the Lord's Prayer, the Hail Mary, the Credo, and the Commandments of God.

Our two vessels set out at the beginning of September, 1695, to go back. As it was probable that they would go directly to France, I preferred to remain at the Fort with the eighty men who were left there in garrison, and who had no Chaplain. I was convinced that, having more leisure after the departure of the Vessels, I could thoroughly learn the language of the Indians, and be enabled to begin a Mission among them. God did not deem me worthy; the English came to besiege us, and took us captive. On crossing to France, I gave you the details of this affair, with the history of our imprisonment. It would be useless to repeat it here.

Gabriel Marest, Missionary.

YEAR 1707

LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES GRAVIER TO THE REVEREND FATHER MICHELANGELO TAMBURINI, GENERAL OF THE JESUITS, AT ROME. PARIS, MARCH 6, 1707.

Reverend Father,

I arrived here not long ago from our missions among the indians commonly called Illinois, situated near the great river Mississippi, which flows into the gulf of mexico.... I traveled by ship more than 5000 miles, -- not with the intention of finding someone who might extract from the middle of my arm the stone arrow-head which is riveted there for the rest of my life (the Four other arrows which the same barbarian shot at me in hatred of the faith, apart from piercing my ear, hardly wounded me); but I performed the journey, urged by anxiety to procure, from the Reverend Father General, workers whom our missions need, and for a decision in the cases referred to you. Those concerning marriage by a Christian with an infidel are of the greatest importance for the strengthening of Christianity.

In my village, which is 1250 miles away from Quebec, and which consists of about three thousand people, -- unless, during the pastor's absence, the flock be dispersed for a time, -- I have for the last nineteen years lived nearly always alone without a colleague, without a companion, often even without a servant. I am already fifty-six years old. Father Gabriel Marest likewise lives alone in his Mission with the same nation. During an entire day he has hardly time to read his prayer book, or to eat, or to take a short rest in the middle of the night. His fellow-missionary, Father Jean Mermet, can hardly work, owing to his ruined state of health after having spent all his strength. They have hardly time to breathe, on account of the increasing number of neophytes and their great fervor; for out of the two thousand two hundred people who compose their village, hardly forty may be found who do not profess the catholic faith. We are separated from each other by a distance of 300 miles, and hardly once every other year have I time to visit him....

Jacques Gravier

YEAR 1708

LETTER OF FATHER JACQUES GRAVIER, UPON THE AFFAIRS OF LOUISIANA. FROM FORT ST. LOUIS OF LOUISIANA, THIS 23RD OF FEBRUARY, 1708.

Reverend Father,

We have at last arrived. Brother fortin is not yet here. He started three Days ago from l'Isle massacre, at which port the ship, the Renommee, anchored only on the 12th of this month of February; and from that Day I have Been constantly moving from massacre to here, and from here to massacre to get the articles which I have brought from France transported to this place. I loaded a Boat with them; This Cost me 23 gold coins in money, and, If the boat do not arrive today, I think it must be lost, for It was laden too heavily. This resulted from the Greed for making money displayed by the master, who Overloaded it with other goods; besides, there has been a strong wind, and there is a shoal that is to be dreaded.

Brother fortin has been ill all the time, and is still, with quartan fever. Do not count On him; he is waiting to go to Quebec. Please send me next year -- I mean, by the first ships -- a good French layman to replace poor Jaques. At present is only a burden; but it is right that we should Serve him after he has Served us So well for so many years. I found several letters here from the fathers among the Illinois, where father de ville is not likely to arrive for some time, as the roads Are closed.

Sir Bergier claims: 1st, that we have the powers of vicar-general merely with regard to the Indians of our missions, and not to the French who Are also settled in them. This he says solely with the view of taking the French from us, and that they must rely on him in Spiritual matters. You can realize the inconveniences that would result if our powers as vicars-general did not extend to the French who Are settled in our missions, and If we had to refer them to Sir Bergier or to Sir de la vante.

2nd. He claims that, although I am titled as the Superior of the Illinois missions, and although the Bishop of Quebec gives the powers of vicar-general to the Superior of these missions, I have not those powers of vicar-general, -- because the Bishop took from me, at the time of the Tamaroa affair, those that he had given me more than 10 years previously. But it is only during the last 4 or 5 years that he gives these powers to the Superior of the Illinois missions; and I am not Aware that he has excluded me individually and by name.

I Gladly concede the Superiority and the powers of vicar-general to father mermet; but I urge you to have an explanation Respecting These 2 points with Sir de la Palliere, and with the Bishop of Quebec. Sir de la vante has retracted all the slanders that he had uttered Against Sir de Bienville, -- who is Justified on every point by the Investigations that have been made by Sir Dartaguiet, -- commissary-in-ordinary of marine, who has been sent expressly by the Court to Ascertain the truth of the facts; and Sir de la Salle, King's scribe, who performs the duties of commissary here, may be Deprived of that office. If Sir de muy -- whose intentions were good, had lived, he would this year have sent him back to France.

I do not pass here as being Seditious, or as an arch-Plotter. That is the Praise that Sir Tremblay gave me, and a letter that he wrote to Sir de muy: "Take care," He said, "not to allow yourself to be prejudiced by father Gravier, that arch-Plotter," etc. I ask you to Communicate to Sir de la palliere and Sir Tremblay the certificates that I left in your hands. They will see Whether a Seditious man, an arch Plotter, behaves how all the settlers and the garrison certify that I Have behaved.

I do not know Whether the time for which Reverend Father Goui leads us to hope is near; but I do Know that the people here are dissatisfied with these gentlemen: Sir de la vante, who is hated by nearly everyone; Sir le mere, the chaplain of the fort, who neither chants, nor preaches, nor visits a single Soldier, -- who thinks of nothing but eating, and for whom nothing but contempt is felt.

Sir huve does not know a single word in the Indian tongue, although he has been here 4 years. He has been in the Apalaches' village, 10 miles from Here; but he does not know a word of their language, and he hears confessions, baptizes, marries, and administers Communion and the Anointing of the Sick, Without understanding the Indians. What would be said if a Jesuit were to do as much? The Apalaches have driven him away twice, -- both because he does not learn their language, and because he is particular about his food, for they have given him a house and a chapel, and they feed him.

Sir Darion has abandoned his mission, through fear of the english and of the Indians, their enemies. This flight does him no credit, in having therefore abandoned His flock. He has not accomplished much there during 9 years, as he has no great talent for learning languages.

Sir de St. Cosme had not made a Single Christian among the Natchez. There is only Sir Bergier, among the Tamaroa Illinois; and he has said that, on the first alarm of an Enemy, He would abandon the place and come here; but I can hardly Believe that he will leave it If we do not.

Still, these gentlemen Have undertaken to provide missionaries. They receive 1,500 or 2,000 gold coins for 4 missionaries, and there is only Sir Bergier; 500 gold coins for the pastor that we have been good enough to cede to them, -- with 250 gold coins for a vicar, and 300 gold coins for the chaplain.

Sir de la vante is a strange man. Sir de muy would have sent him back this year; and nothing will go on well, this year, Unless he is recalled.

I do not think that I shall start before easter, and Sir de Bienville will do all that I may Desire so I may go up. As I do not know what is lacking at the Illinois establishment, I do not send you an invoice. The things we most need are: 1st, a barrel of fifty gold coins of gunpowder. And, 5 gold coins of white Beads, olive-shaped and large-sized; 2 gold coins of small beads, -- blue, green, and white. 3rd, 3 gold coins of good red pigment. 4th, one gross of large Clasp-Knives. 5th, half a gross of large bells, and half a gross of small ones. 6th, twelve quarts of Spanish wine. And, 4 pairs of rather light Shoes. We need no linen, but please send us 2 winter and 2 Summer Cassocks, for those among us four who are most lacking them. I ask you to Bear in mind that we have no servant for our 2 missions, even if brother fortin should remain in the place of Jacques, with His nephew, -- who is about 17 or 18 years old, and who does not seem to be worth much. I have no one for my mission but my little Indian. Do not send me back to Quebec, because there is no communication and father de ville cannot come to the Illinois country.

It is necessary to buy 3 gold coins of Red chalk or red lead, which Costs only 3 silver coins per coin weight, to mix, when well ground and well pounded, with the 3 gold coins of red pigment for which I asked you. At Paris, this costs Sir Tremblay only 8 gold coins for a gold coin in weight, and the Red lead, 3 silver coins. It should not be mixed.

As I hope that madame la presidente Perrot will send me the 2 Angels and the Royal crown for the Blessed Sacrament, or the rosaries for which I asked you, if you will take the trouble to go to see her on my behalf, I will not ask you this year for any part of the 50 gold coins that I left on deposit with Sir Berry.

Brother fortin arrived safely at 9 o'clock on the Evening of February 29, with everything that I brought from France. The poor brother cannot take 2 steps Without being out of breath; he also walks like an old man of 80 years; and If he will listen to me, he will eat meat during Lent. I may have some disease Lurking in my system; but as I Am ill solely through good living, a Lenten diet will Do me good.

I forgot to ask you Whether the permission given by our father General to the missionaries of the Cap to accept what is given them for masses is not also permitted us in our missions. Father girard told me that he thought so; and On the faith of what he said to me, I said 30 masses -- for which He gave me 10 quarts of madeira wine. I also took, for one of my Indians, a shirt for 2 masses which a Frenchman asked me to say; and I may celebrate some masses that Sir de chateaugue asked me to say -- and the stipend of which I shall expend solely for the poor and for the altar. I ask you for instructions on this point, also to give me an answer Respecting the powers of vicar-general; For, If Sir Bergier says truly, He would like to be master in our missions, and make us ridiculous in the eyes of both our French and our Indians.

The chaplain of the renommee, after an interview at the Cape with the chaplain of the Indien, -- who had forcibly threatened to Interdict father Rene -- told me that he would no longer allow me to say mass. I accepted the compliment modestly; I received communion at His mass, and, after I had spoken to Sir de muy and to Sir de d'Echilais, He was ordered to allow me to say mass whenever I liked. I have done so every Day; and I showed no feeling against him in the matter. But I Know that he has stated that he will Never allow any Jesuit to say mass on board any ship where he Is chaplain. He has not said this of his own choice, for He is a good Temperate man, but he has acted because of what has been said to him at the Cape by the chaplain of the Indians, who is a Drinking man, a Gamester, and a Swearer. These good gentlemen who neither preach nor instruct Are so Jealous because the Jesuits do so, and Are Esteemed in a town on board ship.

Make arrangements with Reverend Father Goui so that missionaries may say mass and hear confessions when They like, and give a few words of Instruction when the chaplain does not, and when the officers of the Crew may request them to do so. Sir de la vante manifests a desire to go to France to impose upon people and not be compelled to see Himself recalled. The regret that he feels at not being able to Substantiate all the slanders before Sir Dartaguiet will persuade him to invent others Against Sir de Bienville, against myself, and against all who may be opposed to him.

The four silver coins that the pirates gave 2 years Ago to father marest, to thank God for having Saved them from shipwreck, weigh upon Sir de la vante's Mind. He did not get the answer he expected; this mortified him, and, to show you His bad faith, He calls upon me to Account for The anchor and heavy ship's Cable that he assured me father marest had received from him -- although he was well Aware of the contrary, and that they had been lost with the vessel.

It is impossible to Conceive how boldly He advances and Maintains deceits. His character, His age, and His devout and imposing air, give him authority, and shield him from everything; and when he is convicted of deceits and falsehoods, He denies them as boldly as he uttered them. As the commissary appointed by the Court is not a person to allow Himself to be Deceived, Sir de la vante says that he is not a Competent Judge, because he lodges with Sir de Bienville's brother; and that all the inhabitants whom he has Examined have favored Sir de Bienville solely out of human respect, etc. He has asked permission to go to France, because he says that he has no time to write. It is to be Desired that he may go there, and not return. It is Desirable that he should be known, and that people should not allow Themselves to be Beguiled.

A fort is to be built at Isle massacre.

Jacques Gravier.

YEAR 1710

LETTER OF REVEREND FATHER LOUIS DAVAUGOUR TO REVEREND FATHER JOSEPH GERMAIN, SUPERIOR GENERAL OF THE CANADIAN MISSIONS, CONCERNING THE MISSION OF LORETTE IN NEW FRANCE, 1710.

You will learn what kind of life our Hurons lead here. The whole merit is due to the care and ability of Reverend Father Decouvert, who was recently compelled by ill health to return to Quebec, so he could be more conveniently cared for in our college. Appointed in his place, I shall narrate what I have seen and discovered in this village of Lorette.

Drunkenness, -- a vice inborn in barbarians, and spread far and wide by the greed of European traders, -- and the corrupt morals and criminal examples of Europeans, deplorably oppose the Gospel. These obstacles are, however, surmounted, although not everywhere with the same promptness. They have been thoroughly abolished and destroyed in the village of Lorette, where the Indians enjoy the most ample liberty, and have made it a custom to practice piety openly and in security.

If you inquire what are these Hurons of Lorette's yearly occupations, these vary with the different seasons. After having gathered in the crops, they occupy themselves with hunting the beaver, whose richly-furred and highly-prized skins form the chief staple of Canadian commerce. This hunting lasts two or three months. When the feast of all Saints draws near, all the hunters return home to attend the divine mysteries. The feast-days over, they immediately return to the forest and to their hunt, laboring because of that until the beginning of December. Then, leaving the forest, they come home again to celebrate the feast-day of the Virgin.

The remainder of December and January they spend partly in fishing, partly in the easier hunting of partridges, hares, and other game of that kind, during which time they seldom spend the night out-of-doors. If bitter cold or rain keep them indoors they then busy themselves in netting their snow-shoes, which they use in fearlessly treading the snow when pursuing the larger animals, through the forest, or over plains covered with deep snow. When they have recognized the footprints or the haunts of those creatures, they migrate there with their whole families; and they do not revisit their village and their homes before the vernal breath of the zephyrs has begun to melt the snow. Having returned to this village and being restored by the Paschal food, they sow their fields with Indian corn; then they resort to the Rivers' banks in quest of fish, or strip the aged trees in the forest, with whose bark they build their light canoes. After framing their vessels, they gather, toward the end of August, quantities of a plant useful in pharmacy and of no mean value in Europe, which druggists call "Capillaire." Meanwhile the Indian corn ripens, and is cut toward the 13th of September.

After this follows the Beaver hunt, which continues to the 1st of November. Before leaving the village to work in the woods or in the fields, they never fail to pass by the chapel, and there to Salute Christ in the Most Holy Sacrament. On returning, they do the same before entering their huts. If they have to Spend the night out of the village, If they have to travel anywhere, if they depart in a band for hunting, they notify the priest of that and seek his advice; nor do they hesitate to give up their hunt or any other work, If they see that it does not quite please him or meet with his approval.

But this conduct is easy when they are at home, and stimulated by mutual example; the difficulty and trouble become far greater when they leave for Quebec, which is not distant. There, other Indians meet them and invite them to drink; there, grasping tavern-keepers urge them, and almost drag them into their wine-shops. Still, during the five years that I have spent here, I have seen no one, I will not say drunk, but even tainted with the least Suspicion of having tasted wine -- either among the traders with whom they deal, or the tavern-keepers, or the Indians of other Missions. Sometimes the French insist, and complain of their excessive scrupulosity: "For," say they, "what crime is there if on the way, or when weary from one's journey, or for a friend's sake, one drink a cup of wine?" These men of Lorette answer freely: "It is just as you say, brother; but we have promised Mary that we would never drink even a single cup." I saw some of them, in the house of the Governor and viceroy of Canada, utterly refuse a goblet of wine offered them, and not drink it until a Priest of our Jesuits ordered them to do so. Not long ago, a French merchant spoke to me as follows: "We cannot, my father, help admiring the temperance and constancy of the Lorette Hurons. Recently we happened to come upon their band, and we all spent the night in the same place, in the cabins that they usually construct. They never could be persuaded by us to taste a drop of wine, even to touch it with their lips, being satisfied with bread and a little tobacco, which we willingly gave them."

On the other hand, this piety of the Lorettans does not diminish the warlike Spirit which these Indians commonly possess; it merely imposes moderation upon their Martial enthusiasm. Accordingly, they never take up arms unless at the Governor's pleasure. When they have to fight, they often serve as an example to their other countrymen. When a certain village of the English was being assaulted, and a troop of cavalry sent to defend it was approaching, the French, with the Lorettans and Abenakis alone, sustained and repelled the onset, the other Indians having been shamefully put to flight. "And this is not surprising," said our Hurons, "For who can be strong Knowing that he is the enemy of God; and that, after losing this mortal life, he must enter into everlasting death?" The French captains enlist no soldiers more willingly than those from the village of Lorette. "For," they admit, "we know with certainty that in the fray they will never desert the standard, or yield before the enemy's attack." And as as the French esteem them, so highly do they esteem the French; and they revere above all King Louis of France.

Before they march to war, they attempt to strengthen God's friendship by laying their sins at the priest's feet; and they diligently preserve the grace received in the sacrament -- as I personally discovered in the war quite lately waged, during which I was in their midst. An Indian who had escaped from the English camp made his way to Quebec, and announced that the enemy was at hand with three thousand men. Sir de Vaudreuil, the commander of the war, judged it best not to wait for the English. He therefore hastily gathered two thousand men, partly French and partly Indians. The Lorettans, thinking that they had been overlooked because they had not been enlisted with their countrymen, sent to me one of their chiefs, who complained of the injustice, as they amicably stated it. I answered that a captain would soon come from the Governor; in fact, he came at the moment, and invited the inhabitants of Lorette to join in the war. Then great joy was felt in the whole village. No one of an age to fight was missing, not even two old men aged sixty years. Meanwhile, a sudden report came that the enemy was near. The call to arms was sounded. But our Hurons -- whom, as a mark of honor, our Governor had chosen for his body-guards and sentinels -- would not set out until they had all assisted at the divine rites, although it was in the dead of night.

They preserve the same serenity of a peaceful mind in accidents, however painful and unexpected. A young man named Paul, whom his imprudent Brother killed through a lamentable mistake, may serve as an example of this. They were paddling in a canoe, when they observed a flock of ducks. Both fired their guns; but Paul's brother, who was behind, discharged his into the head of his brother -- who, falling in his blood, asked to be carried to the shore and that a priest be called. But, as the priest lived far away, he said: "Summon to my aid Thaouvenhosen" (that warrior chief, not more remarkable and famous for his skill in battle than for his Christian piety). As soon as the dying Youth saw him, he said: "My uncle" (therefore are the captains of troops called by the younger men), "help me, so I can make good use of the few moments that are left me." It would be difficult to relate with what affection Thaouvenhosen breathed into the ears of the dying man an act of Contrition; with what words he incited him to faith, hope, charity, and conformity to the divine will.

Since I mentioned Thaovenhosen, I will add a few words to show the distinguished virtue of the man. There is nothing barbarous in him, save his origin. His mind is broad and elevated, conceiving nothing base, nothing unworthy of an honest and wise man. The fame of his virtue is so great that none hesitate to entrust themselves to his prayers. He is all covered with honorable wounds received in battle; and if the French had found ten such as he in the other nations of Canada, long ago no enemy of the French, no Iroquois would have been left. His remarkable kindness and gentleness has abated nothing of the bravery of the warrior, or of the boldness of the Huron. As soon as the news of war was heard, he was the first to take up arms, the last to lay them aside. Wherever he fought, the enemy was routed, defeated, and slaughtered; and great was his share in the victory won over the English when their great village was stormed; more than a hundred prisoners were taken in it, and distributed among the allied Indians who had taken part in the war. The great chief of the Lorette Hurons had fallen in battle.

It is the custom among the Indians to seek atonement and consolation for the death of Their chiefs by the slaughter of some captive. A relative of the dead man presents himself, and demands the prisoner; on the prisoner being handed over, his owner destines him to the flames, and prepares to satisfy his barbarous cruelty by torturing the wretched man. Meanwhile, the elders, although reluctantly, keep silence; the young men clamor for this right of arms, this reward of victory, this sole consolation for the chief and distressed family. Then, Thaovenhosen rising, although not yet honored with the title of chief, makes a speech in the assembly of the notables, and boldly pleads for the life of the Captive. He requests them to remember that they are Christians of the village of Lorette; that dire cruelty is unbecoming to the Christian name; that this injury cannot be branded upon the reputation of the Lorettans without the greatest disgrace. The nephew of the dead man insists; his relatives urge his claim; they allege the custom, stating that clemency shown toward a single head will bring ruin to all; that the enemies will grow more ferocious, and more audacious to harm them, through hope of impunity.

"I also," said he, raising his voice, "am related to that Chief whose fall in battle we mourn, and whose death you would avenge by an unworthy cruelty. TO me also is the captive due; I claim him as my own, and I contend that such is my right. If anyone lay hands on him against my will, let him look to me for chastisement." Astounded at this speech, the assembly were mute, and no one dared to decide upon any greater severity toward the captive.

Fruits would be more abundant still, if the triple cares were absent which have been totally uprooted from the field of Lorette -- I mean drunkenness, superstition, and lewdness. Such is the triple stain of our Missions, the first and chief one of which is drunkenness. It was drunkenness which destroyed that fairest Mission, which took its name from the Sault (Lachine Rapids). The same will ruin the others, unless the King's foresight puts a curb upon the greed of the traders, through whom liquor is forced upon the Indians. If a remedy be not applied to that evil, we shall soon have to deplore not only the loss of religion, but the total overthrow of the French Colony. For only religion retains the Indians in their fidelity to the French; that being lost, they will frock to the neighboring heretics, from whom they make a much greater profit than from the French, and much more easily dispose of their goods.

Louis Davaugour

From the village of Lorette, October 7, 1710.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF FATHER JOSEPH AUBERY, MISSIONARY OF THE GOSPEL IN NEW FRANCE, TO FATHER JOSEPH JOUVENCY, CONCERNING THE MISSION OF ST. FRANCOIS DE SALES, IN THE SAME NEW FRANCE. 1710.

In my Mission, I have only three or four souls not yet baptized; the others have to struggle assiduously against drunkenness, arrogance, and superstition. Once heavy with wine, they listen neither to reason nor to any of the laws of piety; they arrogantly denigrate the Priest, -- especially if he be a young man; and they insolently deride him as being deficient in wisdom, for with them age constitutes the better part of Wisdom and authority. They are pitifully attached to Their dreams, and other superstitious observances of that nature. You will say that such practices are unbecoming to Christians; I would admit that, if all were such. In our Europe, how many Christians sin more grievously? The Christian law does not make men free from sin, nor does it impose the obligation to act correctly.

Against that sinful nature, the priests must struggle day and night. Great was the peril that threatened me and my Mission from drinking and its companion, lewdness. There was a time when I saw my Mission almost ruined by that plague. Seeing that the evil increased day by day, and that I profited nothing by admonishing, chiding, and imploring, -- especially with the youths, whose age is more untameable, -- I resolved to soften the old men; I attacked them with all the arguments suggested by ingenuity; I persuaded them. However, nothing had yet been accomplished; for, among our Indians, nothing of great importance is decided except in a numerous Council. The elders and the captains of war-parties assemble. A speaker rises in their midst, and pronounces a speech. If he speaks aptly, eloquently, or cleverly, he wins his cause; if timidly, hesitatingly, inelegantly, his cause is lost.

Therefore, after I understood that the elders and the chiefs of greatest authority were of my sentiment, I demanded a council. It was granted; they assembled. I arose in this Indian court; I spoke in so loud a tone, with such vehemence, with such enthusiasm that I was myself astonished. You will laugh; for you knew me when I was your pupil, -- how diffident I was. But I am quite another person since I live among these Indians who are clever, eloquent, and trained by nature to speak. They are swayed by reason, and the eloquence of him who would convince them on any point depends upon one condition only, -- that he place his argument in a good light, and expose it without ornament or disguise. Once the point is known and proved, they surrender. This I strove to accomplish in this Senate of mine; and the result fulfilled my desire.

The Assembly enacted a decree of banishment against hopeless libertines, and vice was stripped of all influence. So that the whole work might be more lasting, I attempted to have the decree issued not in my name, but by public authority. The advantage of this policy was that the elders and chiefs of the people became the guardians of virtue, as being their own business, established by themselves. The principal libertines were forced to change either their morals or their Home.

One thing remains for me to combat. Just as these Indians are headstrong in undertaking any crime whatsoever, so are they cowardly in overcoming any difficulty that may occur in the performance of virtue. Accordingly, they At once lose courage, and despair of being able to attain whatever requires any effort. Being scolded for their fault, they deny that it was in their power to avoid it. This they retain from their former customs. Among barbarians, there is a conviction that a certain power, similar to Fate, exists which carries away human will, predestining various events before they happen. Although when they embrace the Christian law, they are taught the falseness of such a belief, a taint remains of their former opinion, as a vessel retains the odor with which it was lately impregnated for the first time.

Joseph Aubery

of the Jesuits.

From the Mission of St. Francois de Sales October 10, 1710.

YEAR 1711

LETTER BY FATHER JOSEPH GERMAIN, REGARDING THE CANADIAN MISSION IN 1711.

Reverend Father,

I do not know whether you have heard the rumor that has spread this year throughout France, that the English in Europe were Preparing a great naval expedition for the purpose of taking Canada. We have received information of this from France, from Spain, and from new England; and it was all well founded.

New England is situated to the south of New France or Canada, on the shores of the ocean. The Iroquois dwell between these two colonies, in 5 great villages called Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, and Mohawk. These villages are remote from one another, and almost in one line, covering nearly 200 miles. Some are near us: these are the Senecas and the Cayugas. The others are nearer the English; they are the Mohawk and Oneida. Between them lies Onondaga, the principal village of all; and each of these 5 great villages has other smaller ones dependent upon it. And they are all so united together that whoever declares war against one village declares it against all the others.

As this nation is numerous and warlike, each colony, in time of war, strives to secure its alliance. This year, they sided with the English against us. The English colony is more populous than the French. They have 3 chief towns, a number of smaller towns and villages, and settlements in the country districts. The chief of their 3 towns, named Boston, is situated on the seashore. The two others, called Albany and Manhattan, are on a river that falls into the sea, toward the south.

The French colony also has 3 towns, situated on the great River Saint Lawrence, which flows through the middle of Canada and falls into the sea to the east, more than 250 miles from Quebec -- to which place the largest ships ascend, and where they find good anchorage. At 75 miles above Quebec lies the town of Three Rivers, so called because at that place a river, Forming some Islands, falls by 3 mouths into the River Saint Lawrence. The town of Montreal is 75 miles above Three Rivers. Add to these the smaller towns and the villages, the settlements of the French Families who have established themselves in the country-places, and the villages of various Christian Indian tribes who dwell in the woods with their missionaries. This description was necessary for understanding the English expedition against Canada, and of the special protection of God, who has miraculously preserved this colony from those infidels. It happened like this:

This year there came from Europe -- that is, from England and Scotland -- a Fleet consisting of 12 ships of the line and a great number of other vessels, well loaded with munitions of all kinds and with troops accustomed to war. In July, they joined another Fleet from Boston, forming a combined fleet of about 80 ships -- without counting the bomb-ketches, the brigantines, and pinnaces for landing the troops. The number of these troops was said to be twelve thousand, besides the crews of the vessels, who were to remain on board and Fire the mortars and guns.

While this naval armament came from below and sailed up the River Saint Lawrence, an army marched by land from above, consisting of nearly three thousand men -- partly English and partly Iroquois, or other Indians. Their plan was to attack the colony at the same time on both sides, above and below, so as to divide our forces, which did not number one half of the Enemy's, to capture Quebec more Easily; for they were fully convinced that, after they had taken that town, they would be masters of the whole colony, and that otherwise they could not hold it.

Their measures had been so well taken that, about the 20th of September, the fleet -- which was coming from below, after crossing the gulf -- had sailed so Far up the Saint Lawrence River that it was only 150 or 175 miles from Quebec; and the army which was coming from above by land was at almost the same distance from Montreal. We heard of their approach from our Scouts. On receipt of the news, all the goods and movable effects were transported from the lower town, which was more exposed, to the upper town, which is more difficult to access. Nothing was left there but the empty houses and 3 Strong batteries, mounting about thirty cannon, capable of battering the enemy's ships that might attempt to approach the town.

Sir de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, had taken such effective measures to increase our Forces that he had gathered together more than twelve hundred Indians of various nations -- Ottawas, Hurons, Abenakis, and Algonquins -- for whom he had Caused cabins to be prepared in the vicinity of Quebec. He had so well prepared all the settlers who live with their Families in the country, outside the towns, that they Erected stockades in the depths of the forest, at places which the enemies would not venture to approach, in which to put the Women, children, cattle, furniture, and effects, with strong guards, -- leaving in their houses nothing that could be of use to their foes. All the settlers capable of bearing arms were to proceed to Quebec, where there was an abundant supply of provisions and of munitions of war; for all were convinced that by saving Quebec, the colony would be saved, and that by losing it, all would be lost.

At Montreal, more than twelve hundred men, both French and Indians, had been left under the command of a valiant captain, -- Sir de Longeuil, a member of one of the leading Families of Canada, -- to oppose the enemy's army coming from above, to set ambushes for them, and to harass them wherever they might pass. Finally, all the inhabitants of Canada were convinced that not only the preservation of their worldly goods, of their Wives, of their children, and of their lives was at stake; but also that of the catholic Roman religion, which would be utterly destroyed throughout this colony if the English became masters of it. They were sure that in all the churches they would witness nothing but sacrilege and profanation: altars overturned; images broken; priests and laymen ill-treated, murdered, or sent as slaves to other foreign heretical countries; and everywhere the utmost desolation. All the inhabitants of Canada were convinced that it was God's cause, and that they would be fighting for God, and that God would fight for them. Accordingly, they were resolved and determined to fight.

While affairs were in this state, we Had public prayers said every day in all the churches to obtain the aid of heaven. On the vigil of St. Michael's day, the 28th of September, a strong wind arose from the northeast, which is the Favorable wind for vessels ascending the River Saint Lawrence to Quebec. This Led everyone to think that in 2 or 3 days the enemy's Fleet would be in our harbor. We all expected this, and were in great anxiety on the 2nd day of October -- when 2 men, named Sir Dustisne and Sir Plassan, who came from France, suddenly made their appearance on horseback in broad daylight at Quebec. They were at once surrounded by a Crowd of people anxious to learn how they had come, and what news they brought from France. They reported that they had come in a king's ship, the Heros; that they had landed 30 miles below here, and had left it there awaiting a favorable wind; that they had made the whole voyage without any unfortunate accident, and without having seen any hostile ship -- either in the Gulf, or in any part of the whole River. We did not know at first whether this was a dream or reality, so surprising was the news; but it at once caused such universal joy and no one doubted that there was something miraculous in it.

We Were still more confirmed in this opinion when the Heros arrived at Quebec, some days afterward; and we learned from other Scouts that the enemy's entire Fleet had -- at a distance of about 150 or 175 miles from here, near the land of the Papinachois Innu Indians -- been suddenly tossed about by so dreadful a storm that 7 or 8 of the largest ships had been dashed to pieces on the rocks. The admiral's flag-ship, in particular, had split open at the Keel, and had remained aground, full of water; and all on board of her had been drowned, with the leader and the principal troops of that naval expedition. Afterward, when the storm abated, and the ships that had escaped being wrecked had Got away as best they could, to return to their own country, the inhabitants of that region, French and Indians, drew near to witness all the havoc. They saw a great number of dead bodies on the shore, and many in the flag-ship, which was full of water. Some of these seemed uninjured; of others only one half the body, or the arms, or the Legs, could be seen. As these ships, which were all ships of the line, were not all wrecked at the same spot, but at short distances from one another on the same shore, the beach was covered with dead bodies at various places. Those who have seen them, and who came to bring us the news, State that there are over three thousand dead. But the most lamentable thing in this shipwreck is that, as they have all died in heresy, these are so many souls that are damned.

The Governor sent barques and troops to collect the cannon and other effects that could be saved from the wrecks. Many articles have been found on the beach, which were on board the ships, and were cast up from the water by the storm, such as: large and small chests, boxes, and barrels of wine and brandy. They also found on the shore oxen, horses, pigs, dogs, and sheep, -- some dead and some alive which swam to land, -- many fowl, and other supplies that serve as provisions for a fleet. Almost at the same time, the army which was coming from above by land was scattered, because of dissensions that arose in its ranks, and through the desertion of the Indians, and even of the soldiers -- most of whom were but militia troops, who were marching against us solely through compulsion.

All are so thoroughly convinced that the defeat of our enemies is an extraordinary sign of God in our behalf that on the Sunday following the receipt of the news, -- which was the 4th Sunday of October, -- on returning to the cathedral, the Te Deum was solemnly chanted.

In the evening, all the troops were under arms; a large Bonfire was Lighted, and while it burned, the soldiers Fired several salvos; all the cannon Were discharged, not only on board the Heros and the Pontchartrain, the only 2 ships then in our port, but also those of the chateau, and all the other pieces. All these numbered about one hundred, which are excellently mounted around the town, at certain intervals, to prevent the enemy from approaching. Some are 18-pounders, some 24-pounders, and others 36-pounders. All these Were discharged several times, in the presence of 50 english prisoners who had been captured on various expeditions by our Indians. They Were surprised on seeing all this stir, and hearing all this noise; and still more so on learning of the rout of their fleet and army -- which, they imagined, were coming to deliver them, and to take possession of all of the country.

We were better pleased to Fire all these volleys in the air as a mark of rejoicing, than against our enemies. For if they Had come as they intended, even if we had gained the upper hand and obtained the victory, -- which was uncertain, although we had prepared ourselves in every possible way, -- a great deal of blood would still have been shed on both sides, and we would never have Done them as much injury as did the storm which prevented them from reaching us.

Let us now proceed to what concerns our Jesuits in particular. The English constitute one of the greatest obstacles that we encounter in connection with the conversion of the infidels -- especially since regards the Iroquois, who dwell between their Colony and ours. They strive by their slanders to make us appear vile to the Indians, and to attract them to their own side by presents and by promises and by offering them ministers to instruct them in their heresies. They frequently intoxicate them, to excite them against the missionaries -- who are then exposed to be assassinated by drunken men. There were, 3 years ago, 5 of our fathers in their villages, working for their conversion with incredible enthusiasm and Fatigue; but the heretics so completely upset their minds that the 5 missionaries Were compelled to leave the country, and to proceed to other missions, to find occupation for their fervor.

We have missions quite near the towns of Quebec, Montreal, and Three Rivers; but there are others Far away. Those in the neighborhood of the towns are:

1st, Laurete, 7 miles from Quebec, consisting of Hurons instructed by two of our fathers, named Father Davaugour and Father Decouvert. These Indians are all Fervent Christians.

2nd. One at St. Francois Xavier, 25 miles from Three Rivers. These are Abenakis, who likewise lead a Christian life, being instructed by Father Aubery and Father Lauverjat.

3rd, 7 miles from Montreal is one that we call the mission of Lachine Rapids, one of the oldest and largest that we have, consisting of 500 or 600 Iroquois. These Are Families who have left their own country, because they were not free to Form a church and to lead a Christian life there, on account of the insults Offered by their infidel countrymen and by the English, their neighbors, to those who become converted. But in the forest, where they have built a fine village near Montreal, they serve God with great constancy and live in an edifying manner; they are usually instructed by 2 or 3 of our fathers. The two now there are aged; and although they have grown old in this sort of work, which is of an exceedingly Fatiguing nature, and their Strength is enfeebled, they still continue to perform their duties with all the vigor that they possess. We await young missionaries from France to replace them; for, with regard to Father L'auverjat, -- who came out this year, and who is an excellent missionary, -- we have been obliged to send him to the St. Francois mission.

The distant missions cannot receive as much aid from us, in the way of provisions, as those of which I have just spoken, which are near the towns; consequently, the poor missionaries who labor there are compelled to accustom themselves to eat the same food and to lodge in the same manner as their Indians.

We have 3 missions of this kind in Acadia, -- nearly 250 miles from here, in the neighborhood of the English, -- in 3 Abenaki villages; these are distant about 35 or 50 miles from one another, and are under the charge of 3 of our fathers: Father Rale, Father Lachasse, and Father Loyar. They are careful to visit one another and to assemble from time to time -- for the purpose both of confessing one another, and of conferring together respecting doubts that may arise in their minds, and the means that must be adopted for their own spiritual advancement and for the guidance of their flocks.

We have one among the Ottawas at Mackinac, where are two of our fathers, -- Father joseph Marest and Father chardon, -- and an assistant-bishop Brother, named Haram. It is at a distance of over 500 miles from here.

There are also 3 large villages in the Illinois country, on the great River Mississippi, in which 3 of our fathers labor -- Father Gabriel Marest, Father mermet, and Father Deville; and all this at 1250 or 1500 miles from here. All these missionaries are at work in many villages, of various nations. We are also asked for missionaries in other places; but as we have not enough to be able to Supply them, we pray the lord.

As regards the Quebec college, everything exists or is Done there as in our colleges in Europe -- and perhaps with greater regularity, exactness, and Fruit than in many of our colleges in France. Classes are taught here in grammar, the humanities, rhetoric, mathematics, Philosophy, and Theology. The Pupils, although less numerous than in the large towns of Europe, still possess well-formed bodies and well-regulated minds; they are industrious, docile, and capable of Making great progress in the study of letters and of virtue. The Indian children, whom our fathers educate in our missions, are not lacking in cleverness, and serve God well in their own manner of speaking and of living, according to their custom. The French Children born in Canada, who speak the same language, who wear the same kind of clothes, and who follow the same studies as those in Paris, are intelligent, have excellent dispositions, and are capable of succeeding well in everything that we can teach them.

We usually number 20 persons in this college; and in the Montreal Residence there are generally three or 4 of our fathers, with an assistant-bishop Brother.

We have had this year in Canada a prevalent disease which has carried off many persons, of all ages, sexes, and conditions. It was a malignant Fever accompanied by a purple rash, of which one of our fathers died. This was Father Jaques Bigot, one of the most excellent missionaries whom we had in Canada.

Joseph Germain.

At Quebec, November 5, 1711.

YEAR 1712

LETTER FROM FATHER GABRIEL MAREST, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS, TO FATHER GERMON, OF THE JESUITS. AT KASKASKIA, AN ILLINOIS VILLAGE, OTHERWISE CALLED "THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN;" NOVEMBER 9, 1712.

Reverend Father,

In a great extent of this Country, scarcely three or four Villages are found. Our life is passed in threading dense forests, in climbing mountains, in crossing lakes and rivers in canoes, so we can overtake some poor Indian who is fleeing from us, and whom we do not know how to render less savage by either our words or our attentions.

Nothing is more difficult than the conversion of these Indians; we must first make men of them, and afterward work to make them Christians. As they are absolute masters of themselves, without being subjected to any Law, the independence in which they live enslaves them to the most brutish passions. It is true there are Chiefs among them, but the Chiefs have no authority; if they should use threats, far from making themselves feared, they would see themselves abandoned by the men who had chosen them for Chiefs. They gain consideration and respect only while they have, as is said here, that with which to fill the kettle, -- that is, with which to make feasts for those who are obedient to them.

From this independence springs every sort of vice that rules them. They are lazy, traitorous, fickle, and inconstant; deceitful, and naturally thievish, -- so much so as to boast of their skill in stealing; brutish, and without honor; taciturn; capable of doing everything when you are liberal toward them, but at the same time thankless and ungrateful. To do them any good gratuitously is only to uphold them in their natural pride; they become more insolent; they say, "I am feared; I am sought." And so, however desirous we may be to give them pleasure, we are compelled to make them value the little services that we render them.

Gluttony and the love of pleasure are the vices most dominant among our Indians; they are habituated to the most indecent acts before they are even old enough to know all the shame that is connected with them. If you add to this the wandering life that they lead in the forests in pursuit of wild beasts, you will easily admit that reason must be brutalized in these people; and that it is little inclined to submit itself to the yoke of the Gospel.

Our Illinois inhabit a pleasant country. Still, it is not so enchanting as it is represented to us by the Author of the new report of southern America which has appeared under the name of Sir de Tonti. I have heard it said that Sir de Tonti himself denied this work and that he recognized in it only his own name, which is at the beginning. It must, however, be admitted that the Country is fine; the great rivers which water it, the vast and dense forests, the delightful prairies, the hills covered with thick woods, -- all these features make a charming variety. Although this Country is farther South than Provence, France, the winter here is longer; the cold weather, however, is somewhat mitigated. During summer, the heat is less scorching: the air is cooled by the forests and by the number of rivers, lakes, and ponds with which the Country is intersected.

The Illinois river empties into the Mississippi near the 39th degree of latitude; it is about 375 miles long, and is seldom easily navigable until toward spring. It flows Southwest, and comes from the Northeast or East-Northeast. All the plains and prairies are overspread with bison, deer, hinds, stags, and other wild beasts. There is a still greater abundance of small game. We find here multitudes of swans, cranes, Canadian geese, and ducks; the wild rice, which grow freely on the plains, fatten them so much that they often die, their fat suffocating them. Turkeys are likewise found here in abundance, and they are as good as those of France.

This Region does not end with the Illinois river: it still stretches along the Mississippi, on both sides, and is about 500 miles in length, and more than 250 miles in breadth. The Mississippi is one of the most beautiful rivers in the world: in recent years a sailboat ascended it as far as 2000 miles, where waterfalls prevented its going farther.

17 miles below the mouth of the Illinois river is found a large river called the Missouri -- or more commonly Pekitanoui; that is, "muddy water," -- which empties into the Mississippi on the West side: it is extremely rapid, and it discolors the beautiful water of the Mississippi, which flows from this point to the Sea. The Missouri comes from the Northwest, not far from the mines which the Spaniards have in Mexico, and is serviceable to the French who travel in that country.

About 200 miles below, on the side of the Illinois river, -- that is, on the Eastern side (for the Mississippi generally flows from North to South), -- empties still another beautiful river called Wabash. It comes from East-Northeast. It has three branches, of which one goes to the Iroquois, the second stretches toward Virginia and Carolina, and the third to the Miamis. It is said that mines of silver are found here; what is certain is that there are in this Country mines of lead and tin; and if miners should come to dig the ground, they would perhaps find here mines of copper and other metals.

Besides these large rivers which water so extensive a Country, there are also a great many small streams. It is on the East bank of one of these rivers that our Village is situated, between the river Wabash and the Missouri. We are in the 38th degree. We see herds of bison and bears, which feed along the banks of the river Wabash. The flesh of young bears is a most delicious food.

The swamps are filled with roots, some of which are excellent, as are the potatoes and others, of which it is useless to note here the barbarous names. The trees are tall and fine: there is one to which has been given the name of cedar of Lebanon; it is a lofty, straight tree, which shoots out its branches only at the top, where they form a sort of crown. The Copal is another tree, from which issues a gum that diffuses an odor as agreeable as that of incense.

Fruit-trees are not numerous here; we find apple-trees and wild plum-trees that would perhaps produce good fruit, if they were grafted; there are many mulberry-trees, of which the fruit is not so large as of those in France and there are different kinds of nut-trees. The pecans (it is what the fruit of one of the Nut-trees is called) have a better flavor than our nuts in France. Peach-trees from the Mississippi have been brought to us; they come in good condition. But among the fruits of the Country, those which seem to me the best, and which would certainly be appreciated in France, are the persimmon and the pawpaw. The pawpaw are perhaps twice as long as the finger and about as large as an infant's arm: the persimmon resemble medlars somewhat, except that the crown is smaller. We also have grapes, but they are only indifferently good; they must be gathered from the tops of the trees. Sometimes we have been compelled to make wine of them, for lack of having any other in saying Mass. Our Indians are not accustomed to gather fruit from the trees; they think it better to cut down the trees themselves; for this reason, there are scarcely any fruit-trees in the vicinity of the Villages.

It seems that a Country as beautiful and as extensive as this ought to be overspread with well-populated Villages; still, counting our own, there are only three -- of which one is more than 250 miles from here, where there are eight or nine hundred Indians; and the other is on the Mississippi, 62 miles from our Village. The men are generally of tall stature, lithe, and good runners, being accustomed from their tenderest youth to hunt wild beasts in the forests. They wear only a belt, the rest of the body being wholly bare: as for the women, they, in addition, cover the bosom with a deerskin. But both are modestly clothed when they come to Church; they envelop the body in a large skin, or rather they are dressed in a robe made of several skins sewn together.

The Illinois are much less barbarous than other Indians; Christianity and communication with the French have by degrees civilized them. This is to be noticed in our Village, of which nearly all the inhabitants are Christians; it is this also which has brought many Frenchmen to settle here, and recently we married three of them to Illinois women.

These Indians do not lack intelligence; they are naturally inquisitive, and turn a joke in a fairly ingenious manner. Hunting and war form the whole occupation of the men; the rest of the work belongs to the women and the girls, -- it is they who prepare the ground which must be sowed, who do the cooking, who pound the corn, who set up the cabins, and who carry them on their shoulders in the journeys. These cabins are composed of mats made of flat rushes, which they have the skill of sewing together in such a way that the rain cannot penetrate them when they are new. Also, they are busied in working up the hair of the bison and in making it into leggings, girdles, and bags; for the bison here are different from the oxen of Europe; besides having a great hump upon the back, near the shoulders, they are also wholly covered with a fine wool, which takes the place of what our Indians would obtain from sheep, if there were any in the Country.

The women therefore occupied and humbled by work are more disposed to accept the truths of the Gospel. It is not the same toward the lower part of the Mississippi, where the idleness which prevails among the women gives opportunity for the most shocking irregularities.

It would be difficult to say what the religion of our Indians is; it consists solely of certain superstitions. As all their knowledge is limited to the knowledge of animals, and of the needs of life, so it is to these things that all their worship is limited. The charlatans, who have a little more intellect than the others, win their respect by deceiving them. They persuade them that they are honoring a sort of Spirit, to whom they give the name of Manitou; and to hear them speak, it is this Spirit who governs all things, and who is the master of life and of death. A bird, a bison, a bear, -- or, rather, the plumage of birds, and the skins of these beasts, -- such is their Manitou; they expose it to view in their cabins, and they offer to it sacrifices of dogs or other animals.

The warriors carry their Manitous in a mat and they invoke them incessantly, so they can obtain victory over their enemies. The charlatans likewise rely on their Manitous when they compose their medicine, or when they treat the sick. They accompany these invocations with chants, dances, and frightful contortions to make it believed that they are shaken by their Manitous; and they shake their patients, in such a way that they often cause their death. In these various agitations, the charlatan names sometimes one wild beast, and sometimes another; then he begins to suck the part of the body in which the patient feels pain; after having sucked it, he suddenly rises, and drops upon the sick man the tooth of a bear or of some other animal, which he had held concealed in his mouth. "Dear friend," he exclaims, "you will live, this is what was killing you;" after which he says, applauding himself: "Who can resist my Manitou? is it not he who is the master of life?"

If the sick man happens to die, he immediately has ready a trick for blaming this death on another cause, which occurred after he had left the patient. But if the sick man recover his health, then the charlatan is esteemed; that he himself is looked upon as a Manitou; and after having been well paid for his trouble, they also bring to him all that is best in the Village, to feed him.

The authority that charlatans of this sort assume is a great obstacle to the conversion of the Indians: to embrace Christianity is to be exposed to their insults and their violence. It is only a month since a Christian girl had experience of this: holding her rosary in her hand, she was passing before the cabin of one of these fraudsters; this person -- imagining that the sight of a similar rosary had caused the death of his father -- fell into a rage, took his gun, and was on the point of firing on this poor Neophyte, when he was held back by some Indians who happened to be present.

I do not tell you how many times I have received like insults at their hands, or how many times I would have expired under their blows but for the special protection of God. Once, one of them would have cleft my head with a blow from a hatchet, had I not turned away at the moment when his arm was raised to strike me. Our Village is now freed from all these fraudsters. The care that we have taken of the sick, and the remedies that we give them, which effect the cure of most sick persons, have ruined the credit and reputation of the charlatans and have forced them to go to settle elsewhere. However there are among them some who are not so completely brutish; sometimes we can talk with them, and try to persuade them of the senseless confidence that they have in their Manitous; but it is not usual to succeed in this.

The French had come to establish a fort on the river Wabash; they asked for a Missionary, and Father Mermet was sent to them. This Father believed that he ought also to labor for the conversion of the Mascoutens, who had set up a Village on the borders of the same river: this is a Tribe of Indians who understand the Illinois language, but who because of the extreme attachment which they have for the superstitions of their Charlatans, were not much inclined to listen to the instructions of the Missionary.

The course that Father Mermet took was to confuse one of these Charlatans, who worshiped the bison as his great Manitou. After having insensibly led him so far as to assert that it was not the bison which he worshiped, but a bison Manitou which was under the earth, which animated all bison, and which restored life to his sick people, he asked him if the other animals -- like the bear, for instance, which his comrades worshiped -- were not likewise animated by a Manitou which is under the earth: "Without doubt," answered the Charlatan.

"But if that be so," returned the Missionary, "men ought also to have a Manitou which animates them."

"Nothing is more certain," said the Charlatan.

"You are not reasonable," replied the Missionary; "for, if man who is on the earth be the master of all animals, if he kill them, if he eat them, it must be that the Manitou which animates men is also master of all the other Manitous; where then is your intelligence, that you do not invoke him who is master of all the others?"

This reasoning disconcerted the Charlatan, and that is all the effect that it produced, -- for they were not on that account less attached to their ridiculous superstitions than they were before.

At that time, a contagious disease desolated their Village, and carried off, every day, many Indians; the Charlatans were not spared and they died like other people. The Missionary believed that he could win their confidence by taking care of so many sick people; he applied himself to this without intermission, and many times, his fervor nearly cost him his life. The services that he rendered them were requited only with abuse; there were even some who went so far as to discharge arrows at him; these fell at his feet, -- either because they were shot by too feeble hands, or because God chose to screen him from their fury.

Meanwhile, the Charlatans withdrew to a short distance from the fort to make a great sacrifice to their Manitou: they killed as many as forty dogs, which they carried on the tops of poles while singing, dancing, and assuming a thousand absurd postures. The mortality did not cease on account of all these sacrifices. The chief of the Charlatans imagined that their Manitou, more helpless than the Manitou of the French, was compelled to yield to it. In this belief, he went around the fort many times, crying with all his might: "We are dead; gently, oh Manitou of the French, strike gently, do not kill us all." Then, addressing the Missionary: "Cease, good Manitou, let us live, you have life and death in your coffers: keep death, give life." The Missionary pacified him and promised to take still more care of the sick than he had done up to that time; but, despite all the care that he gave them, more than half of the Village perished.

To return to our Illinois: they are different from these Indians, and different from what they themselves were formerly. Christianity has softened their fierce habits, and they are now distinguished for certain gentle and polite manners that have led the Frenchmen to take their daughters in marriage. Besides, we find in them docility and enthusiasm in the practice of Christian virtues.

This Mission owes its establishment to the late Father Gravier. Father Marquet was the first who discovered the Mississippi, about thirty-nine years ago; but, not knowing the language of the country, he did not stop here. Some time afterward, he made a second journey, with the plan of fixing his dwelling here and of working for the conversion of these tribes; death which removed him from us while he was on the way, left to another the charge of executing this enterprise. It was Father Daloes who took it upon himself: he knew the language of the Miamis, which somewhat resembles that of the Illinois; however, he made only a short stay here, being of the opinion that he would accomplish greater results in another district, where he ended his apostolic life.

Thus it is properly Father Gravier who ought to be regarded as the founder of the Illinois Mission; it was he who first made clear the principles of their language, and who reduced them to the rules of Grammar; we have only perfected what he successfully began. At first, this Missionary had much to suffer from the Charlatans, and his life was exposed to continual dangers; but nothing discouraged him, and he surmounted all obstacles by his patience and his gentleness. As he had to depart for Mackinac, his Mission was entrusted to father Bineteau and to Father Pinet. I worked with these two Missionaries, and after their deaths, I alone remained, assigned all the labors of the Mission until the arrival of Father Mermet. Previously, I was in the large Village of the Peorias, where Father Gravier, who had returned there for the second time, received a wound which caused his death.

As our Indians seldom live upon anything but the smoked flesh of animals, which they kill in the hunt, there are times during the year when all the people leave the village and scatter through the forests, to pursue the wild beasts. This is a critical time, in which they need more than ever the presence of the Missionary, who must accompany them in all these journeys.

There are mainly two great hunts: that of summer, which seldom lasts longer than three weeks; and what takes place during winter, which lasts from four to five months. Although the summer hunt is shorter, it is still more fatiguing; it cost the life of the late Father Bineteau. He accompanied the Indians in the greatest heat of July; sometimes he was in danger of smothering amid the grass, which was extremely high; sometimes he suffered cruelly from thirst, not finding in the dried-up prairies a single drop of water to allay it. By day he was drenched with perspiration, and at night he was obliged to sleep on the ground, -- exposed to the dew, to the harmful effects of the air, and to many other inconveniences, concerning which I will not go into detail. These hardships brought upon him a violent sickness, from which he expired in my arms.

During the winter, the Indians separate into many bands, and try to find the places where they think the game will be most abundant. Then it is that we wish that we could multiply ourselves, to not lose sight of them. All that we can do is to go in succession through the various camps in which they are, to keep piety alive in them.

Our village is the only one in which a few Indians are permitted to remain during all these journeys; many of them raise chickens and pigs, in imitation of the Frenchmen who have settled here; and these Indians are exempt, mostly, from this sort of hunting. Father Mermet, with whom I have had the good fortune to be for several years, remains in the village, to instruct them; the delicacy of his constitution renders him totally unable to endure the fatigue of these long journeys. Still, in spite of his feeble health, he is the soul of this Mission. As for myself, who am fitted to travel over the snow, to work the paddle in a canoe, and who have the necessary strength to withstand like toils, I range the forests with the rest of our Indians, of whom the greater number spend part of the winter in hunting.

These journeys which we are compelled to take from time to time -- either to follow the Indians, or for other reasons important to the well-being of our Missions -- are extremely difficult.

About 62 miles from here is the village of the Tamaroa Illinois. This is a Mission which was at first entrusted to Father Pinet, whose fervor and whose labors were so blessed by God that I am witness that his Church could not contain the multitude of Indians who came to it in crowds. This Father had as his successor Sir Bergier, a Priest from the Seminary of the Paris Foreign Missions Society. Having learned that he was dangerously sick, I immediately went to assist him. I remained eight entire days with this worthy priest; the care that I took of him, and the remedies which I gave him, seemed gradually to restore him, so that, believing himself better, -- and knowing how necessary my presence was to my own Mission, on account of the departure of the Indians, -- he urged me to return to it. I assigned the Frenchman who took care of the patient to inform us at once if he were in danger; and I retraced the way to my Mission.

As it is only 62 miles from one village to the other, we sleep out-of-doors only once, provided we make good progress; the meals that we take on the way consist of some ears of corn and a small piece of smoked beef, which we carry with us. When we are hungry, we kindle a fire close by some brook, so that we may have something to drink; we roast the corn and the meat, and afterward we lie down near the fire, turning now on one side, now on the other, according as we need to warm ourselves.

When I arrived at our village, nearly all the Indians had gone: they were scattered along the Mississippi. I immediately set out to join them. Hardly had I gone 15 miles when I found three cabins, in one of which was a poor old man, sick. I heard his confession, gave him some remedies, and promised to come again to see him.

12 or 15 miles farther on, I found a great number of cabins, which formed a sort of village; I halted there a few days, to perform my accustomed functions. In the absence of the Missionary, they meet together every day in a large cabin; and there prayers are offered, the rosary is recited, and hymns are sung, sometimes far into the night, -- for it is chiefly in the winter, when the nights are long, that a great part of that time is spent in singing the praises of God.

I had already remained some time with these dear Neophytes when someone came to tell me that there were, 45 miles still farther down the Mississippi, sick people who needed prompt assistance, I immediately embarked in a canoe: this is a kind of boat made of a large tree, hollowed out to the length of forty feet, and which is heavy; this gives a great deal of trouble when it is necessary to ascend the river. Happily, we had only to descend; and as the rapidity in that place equals that of the Rhone, we made those 45 miles in a single day.

The sick people were not in such urgent danger as had been represented to me, and I soon relieved them by my remedies. As there was a Church there, and a great number of cabins, I remained some days. Our Indians have such confidence in the Missionary who directs them that they reveal to him with an admirable openness of heart everything that occurs during his absence; therefore, if any disturbance takes place, or if anyone gives cause for scandal, the Missionary, when informed of it, is in a position to remedy the evil.

I had to separate from my Neophytes sooner than I could have wished; the good old man whom I had left so sick, and the illness of Sir Bergier, continually disturbed me, and urged me to return to the village, so I could hear news of them. Accordingly, I ascended the Mississippi, but it was with great toil; I had only one Indian with me, and his lack of skill compelled me to paddle continually, or to use the pole.

As soon as I had reached our village, I wished to go to see Sir Bergier; but the people opposed this, alleging that, no one having brought news of him, -- as had been promised in case he Were worse, -- they could not doubt that his health was reestablished. I yielded to this reasoning; but, a few days afterward, I felt genuine regret for not having followed my first plan. A young slave came, about two o'clock in the afternoon, to inform us of his death, and ask us to go to perform the funeral rites. I set out immediately. I had already gone 15 miles when night overtook me; a heavy rain which had fallen did not permit my taking a few hours' rest. Therefore I walked until daybreak, when, the weather having cleared a little, I lighted a fire to dry myself, and then continued my way. I arrived at the village toward evening, having made these 37 miles in a day and a night. The next day at dawn, I said mass for the deceased, and buried him.

The death of Sir Bergier was somewhat sudden, according to what was told me by the Frenchman who was with him; he felt it coming all at once, and said that it would be useless to send for me, since he would be dead before my arrival. He merely took in his hands the crucifix, which he kissed lovingly, and expired. He was a Missionary of true merit and of an austere life. At the beginning of his Mission, he had to bear rude attacks from the Charlatans, -- who, taking advantage of his slight knowledge of the Indian language, every day took away from him some Christians; but eventually, he learned how to make himself feared by those fraudsters. His death was for them a cause of triumph. They gathered around the cross that he had erected, and there they invoked their Manitou, -- each one dancing, and attributing to himself the glory of having killed the Missionary, after which they broke the cross into a thousand pieces. I learned this with grief some time after.

I thought that such an outrage should not go unpunished; therefore I requested the French to no longer trade with them, unless they should make reparation for the insult which they had offered to Religion. This punishment had all the effect that I could desire; the chiefs of the village came twice in succession to declare their keen regret for their fault; and they persuaded me to visit them from time to time. But, it must be acknowledged, a Missionary does no great good to the Indians unless he lives with them, and continually watches their conduct; without this, they soon forget the instructions that he has given them, and, little by little, they return to their former lust.

This knowledge that we have of the fickleness of the Indians, afterward gave us great uneasiness about the condition of the Mission of the Peorias; our distance from this village, which is the largest one in these areas, prevented our making frequent journeys to it. Besides, the bad treatment that the late Father Gravier received from them had compelled the Governors of Canada and Mobile to forbid the French from trading with them.

Finally, at the time when we were considering means for reestablishing this Mission, we learned, from some Frenchmen who had secretly traded with them, that these Indians were humbled by the neglect in which they had been left; that in many encounters they had been beaten by their enemies, for lack of gunpowder, which was no longer furnished to them by the French. They seemed deeply impressed by the unworthy manner in which they had treated Father Gravier, and that they wished for a Missionary.

This news made Father Mermet, Father de Ville, and myself decide that we must take advantage of the favorable disposition in which the Peorias were, for putting the Mission again on its old footing. It was necessary that one of us should make a journey to Mackinac, -- more than 750 miles from here, -- to confer with Father Joseph Marest, my brother, about the affairs of our Missions, of which he is the Superior. In making this journey, we could not avoid passing through the Village of the Peorias, and we hoped that the presence of a Missionary might persuade them to renew the request which they had already made, and also the signs of repentance which they had given.

As I was thoroughly acquainted with those Indians, Father Mermet and Father de Ville entrusted me with the undertaking. Accordingly I set out, on Friday of Easter week in 1711. I had only one day to prepare myself for so long a journey, because I was hurried by two Peorias who wished to return home, and by whom I was glad to be accompanied. Some other Indians went with us as far as the Village of the Tamaroa Illinois, where I arrived on the second day after my departure. I left there the next day, carrying with me only my Crucifix and my prayer book, and being accompanied only by three Indians. Two of these Indians were not Christians and the third was still only a Christian trainee.

I was somewhat uncomfortable when I saw myself at the mercy of these three Indians, upon whom I could scarcely depend. I pictured to myself, on the one hand, the fickleness of this kind of people, -- whom the merest fancy might lead to abandon me, or whom the fear of hostile bands might put to flight at the least alarm. On the other hand, the horror of our forests, those vast uninhabited Regions in which I would certainly perish if I were abandoned, presented themselves to my mind and took away nearly all my courage.

The journeys that are made in this Country should not be compared with those that you make in Europe. In Europe you find, from time to time, Towns and Villages, houses to receive you, bridges or boats for crossing rivers, beaten paths which conduct you to your destination, and people who put you on the right way if you are going astray. Here there is nothing of that; we have traveled for twelve days without meeting a single soul. Sometimes we have been on prairies stretching farther than the eye could reach, intersected by brooks and rivers, without finding any path which could guide us; sometimes it has been necessary for us to open a passage through dense forests, amid thickets filled with briers and thorns; at other times we have had to go through marshes abounding in mire, in which we sometimes sank waist-deep.

After having been much fatigued during the day, we have to sleep at night on the grass or on some leaves, exposed to the wind, to the rain, and to the injurious effects of the air, -- happy even then if we are near some brook; as otherwise, however thirsty we may be, the night would pass without possibility of quenching our thirst. We kindle a fire; and when some wild beast has been killed on the way, we have pieces of it broiled, and eat them with a few ears of Indian corn, if we have any.

Besides these inconveniences, we had that of actual fasting during our whole journey. Not that we did not find abundance of roe, deer, and especially of bison; but our Indians could not kill any of them. What they had heard said the night before our departure -- that the Country was infested by hostile bands -- had prevented their taking guns, for fear of being discovered by the sound of the shots should they fire; or of being impeded by the guns, if it were necessary to take flight. Accordingly, they used only their arrows; and the bison that they shot escaped with the arrows by which they were pierced, and went away to die, far distant from us.

Still, these poor people took good care of me: they bore me on their shoulders, when it was necessary to pass over any brook; and whenever there were deep rivers to cross, they collected many pieces of dry wood which they bound together, and, making me sit upon this sort of boat, they began to swim, and pushed me before them to the other shore.

It is with reason that they feared a group of warriors; they would have had no quarter from them. Either their heads would have been split, or else they would have been taken prisoner, to be burned by a slow fire, or to be cast into the kettle. Nothing is more frightful than the wars of our Indians. Ordinarily, their parties consist only of twenty, thirty, or forty men; sometimes these parties are of only six or seven persons, and these are most to be feared. As their entire skill lies in surprising their enemy, the small number facilitates the pains that they take to conceal themselves, so they may more securely strike the blow which they are planning. Our warriors do not interest themselves in attacking their enemy in front, and when he is on his guard, -- for that they would need to be ten to one; and on those occasions, each one avoids being the first to advance. Their method is to follow on the trail of their enemy, and to kill one of them while he is asleep, -- or to lie in ambush in the vicinity of the Villages, and to split the head of the first one who comes forth, -- and, taking off his scalp, to display it as a trophy among their countrymen. This is the way in which they do it:

As soon as one of these warriors has killed his enemy, he draws his knife, makes a cut around the head, and tears from it the skin with the hair, which he carries in triumph to his Village. For several days, this scalp is hung from the top of his cabin, and then all the people of the Village come to congratulate him upon his valor, and bring presents to show him the interest that they take in his victory. Sometimes they are satisfied with making the enemy prisoners; but they immediately tie their hands and compel them to run ahead at full speed, fearing that they may be pursued, as sometimes happens, by the companions of those whom they are taking away. The fate of these prisoners is sad; often they are burned by a slow fire, and at other times they are put into the kettle, to make a feast for all the fighting men.

The first day after our departure, we found tracks of a group of the enemy. I marveled at the piercing sight of our Indians: they showed me on the grass the footprints of those warriors; they distinguished where those warriors had been seated, where they had walked, and how many they were; but I, however intently I looked, could not discover the slightest trace of them. It was a great good fortune for me that fear did not seize upon them at that moment; they would have left me entirely alone in the midst of the woods. But, shortly after, I gave them, unintentionally, a severe fright. Swellings that I had on my feet made me walk slowly, and the Indians had gone on somewhat in advance, without my paying any attention to them; suddenly I perceived that I was alone, and you may imagine my perplexity. I began immediately to call them, but they made me no answer; I cried louder, but they, not doubting that I was struggling with a group of warriors, freed themselves at once from their loads, to run more rapidly. I redoubled my cries and their fright increased more and more; the two idolatrous Indians were already beginning to flee, but the Christian trainee, ashamed of abandoning me, drew a trifle nearer so he could find out what was the matter. When he perceived that there was nothing to fear, he made a sign to his comrades; then, addressing me, he said in a trembling voice, "You have frightened us much; my companions were already fleeing, but as for me, I was resolved to die with you, rather than to abandon you." This incident taught me to follow my traveling companions more closely; and on their part, they were more attentive not to separate themselves from me.

Meanwhile, the pain that I had in my feet was becoming more severe. From the beginning of the journey, I had had some blisters, which I neglected, -- persuading myself that by force of walking, I would become hardened to the task. As the fear of meeting hostile parties obliged us to make long stages, -- that we might pass the night in the midst of brushwood and thickets, so that the enemy could not approach us without being heard, -- and as we dared not kindle a fire for fear that we might be discovered, these hardships brought me to a sad state. I walked only upon sores; this touched the Indians who accompanied me so much that they resolved upon carrying me in turn; they rendered me this service two days in succession. But, having reached the Illinois river, and being only 62 miles from the Peorias, I urged one of my Indians to go ahead and inform the Frenchmen of my arrival, and of the unfortunate state in which I was. However, I still went forward a little during two days, -- dragging myself along as well as I could; and being carried, now and then, by the two Indians who had remained with me.

The third day, about noon, I saw several Frenchmen coming, who brought me a canoe and some fresh provisions. They were astonished to see how feeble I was; this was the result of the long fast that I had made, and of the pain that I had suffered in walking. They put me into their canoe; and as I had no other ailment, the rest and the good care that they gave me soon restored me. Still, I was more than ten days without being able to stand upon my feet.

I was consoled by the proceedings of the Peorias; all the Chiefs of the Village came to greet me, expressing their joy at seeing me again, and asking me to forget their past faults, and to come to dwell with them. I responded to these marks of friendship by reciprocal expressions of affection; and I promised them to fix my dwelling among them, as soon as I should have finished the business that was calling me to Mackinac.

After I had remained two weeks in the Village of the Peorias, and had partially recovered through the care that was given me, I thought of continuing my journey. I had hoped that the Frenchmen, who were to go back at about that time, would take me with them as far as my destination; but as no rain had yet fallen, it was not possible for them to go by the river. Therefore, I decided to go by the river Saint Joseph to the Mission of the Potawatomis, which is under the direction of Father Chardon. In nine days' time I made this second journey, which was of 175 miles; and I made it partly on the river, which is full of rapids, and partly by going across the country. God preserved me in a special manner in this journey. A group of warriors, enemies of the Illinois, rushed upon some hunters, a gunshot distant from the road that I was taking; they killed one of them, and another, whom they carried away to their Village, they put into the kettle, and made of him a war-feast.

As I was drawing near the village of the Potawatomis, some Indians, who were sowing their fields, having perceived me far away, went to inform Father Chardon of my arrival. The Father immediately came to meet me, followed by another Jesuit. What an agreeable surprise when I saw my brother, who threw himself upon my neck to embrace me! It had been fifteen years since we had separated from each other, without hope of ever meeting again. I had set out to join him, but it was only at Mackinac that our interview was to take place and not at more than 250 miles this side of that place.

After having remained a week at the Mission of Saint Joseph, I embarked with my brother in his canoe, so we could go together to Mackinac. This voyage was agreeable to me, not only because I had the pleasure of being with a brother who is extremely dear to me, but also because it gave me the opportunity of profiting a longer time by his conversation and by his example. It is more than 250 miles from the Mission of Saint Joseph to Mackinac. We sailed the whole length of lake Michigan, which is named on the maps Lake Illinois, -- without any reason, since there are no Illinois who dwell in its vicinity. Bad weather detained us seventeen days on this voyage, which is sometimes made in less than a week.

Mackinac is situated between two large lakes, into which other lakes and many rivers empty. For this reason, this village is the general resort of the Frenchmen and of the Indians; and it is the center of nearly all the fur trade of the country. The soil here is far from being as good as in the land of our Illinois. During most of the year, fish is our only food. The water, which constitutes the charm of the place in summer, renders a stay here during the winter dreary and monotonous. The ground is covered with snow from All Saints' until May.

The character of these Indians bears the mark of the climate in which they live; it is harsh and intractable. Religion does not take so deep root in them as we could wish; and there are only a few souls who, from time to time, give themselves to God. As for me, I marveled at the patience with which my brother bore their faults; at his gentleness, unwearied by their caprices and their coarseness; at his diligence in visiting and instructing them, and inspiring their lazy natures to activity in the services of Religion; and at his fervor and charity, sufficient to enkindle their hearts if they had been less hard.

Having finished all our business in the period of about two months which I spent with my brother, we had to separate. I went to rejoin Father Chardon, with whom I remained two weeks. He is a Missionary full of fervor, who has a rare talent for learning Languages; he knows nearly all those of the Indians who are near these lakes. He has even learned enough Illinois to make himself understood, although he has seen some of these Indians only when they come to his village; for the Potawatomis and the Illinois live on good terms, and visit each other from time to time. Their manners, however, are different; the Potawatomis are brutish and coarse; the Illinois, on the contrary, are gentle and kind.

After having taken leave of the Missionary, we ascended the river Saint Joseph, to make a portage at 75 miles from its mouth. This is what we call making a portage: The canoes that are used for navigation in this Country, being only of bark, are light, although they carry as much as a sailboat. When the canoe has carried us a long time on the water, we, in our turn, carry it on the land, to reach another river; and that is what we did in this place. We first transported all that was in the canoe to the source of the Illinois river, which is called Huakiki; then we carried our canoe there, and, after having loaded it, we embarked to continue our way. We were only two days in making this portage, which was 4 miles long. The copious rains which fell at that season had swollen our little rivers, and freed us from the rapids that we dreaded. At last, we perceived our own welcome Country; the bison and the herds of deer were roving along the bank of the river, and from the canoe we shot some, now and then, which served for our meals.

Many of the Indians from the village of the Peorias came some miles to meet me, to escort me and to defend me from the parties of warriors who range the forests; and, when I drew near the Village, they sent one of their number there to give notice of my arrival. Most of the men ascended to the Fort, which is placed upon a rock on the bank of the river. When I entered the Village, they fired a volley from their muskets in a sign of rejoicing; joy was painted on their faces, and they vied in displaying it in my presence.

I was invited with the Frenchmen and the Illinois chiefs to a feast, which the most distinguished men of the Peorias gave us. It was then that one of their principal Chiefs, speaking in the name of the Tribe, expressed to me the keen grief that they felt for the unworthy manner in which they had treated Father Gravier; and he implored me to forget it, to have pity upon them and their children, and to open for them the door of Heaven.

I answered that I was touched by their repentance; that I always looked upon them as my children; and that, after having visited my own Mission, I would come to fix my dwelling among them. At these words, a great cry of joy arose, and each one eagerly expressed to me his gratitude. During the two days that I spent in this Village, I performed all the duties of a Missionary.

It was about the end of August when I embarked to return to my Mission at Kaskaskia, which is 375 miles away from the village of the Peorias. On the first day after our departure, we found a Sioux canoe which was broken in some places, and was drifting; and we saw a camp of warriors, in which we judged that there were possibly a hundred persons. We were justly frightened, and were upon the point of turning back to the Village that we had left, and from which we were only 25 miles away.

These Sioux are the most cruel of all the Indians; we were lost if we had fallen into their hands. They are great warriors, but it is principally upon the water that they are formidable. They have only small bark canoes, made in the form of a gondola; these are scarcely larger than the body of a man, and can hold only two or, at most, three persons. They paddle kneeling, using the paddle sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, -- that is, making three or four dips of the paddle on the right side, and then as many on the left side, -- but with so much dexterity and swiftness that their canoes fly over the water.

After having examined everything attentively, we judged that these Indians had struck their blow and were retreating; still, we kept on our guard, and traveled more slowly, so not to meet them. But, when we had once reached the Mississippi, we went on by hard paddling. At last, on the 10th of September I arrived at my dear mission in perfect health, after five months' absence.

I say nothing to you of the joy that we all had in meeting again. But when there was discussion about keeping the promise that I had made to the Peorias of going to live with them, the Frenchmen and the Indians opposed it, -- apparently because they were accustomed to my ways and do not like changes. Accordingly, Father de Ville was sent there in my place.

When I had returned to my Mission, I blessed God for the favors which he had heaped upon it during my absence. That year, there had been an abundant harvest of corn and of wild rice. Besides the beauty of the place, we also have salt-springs in the neighborhood, which are of great benefit to us. Cows have just been brought to us which will render us the same service in tillage that the oxen render in France. We have tried to tame the bison, but we have never succeeded. There are mines of lead and of tin not far from here; perhaps more valuable ones would be found if some intelligent person were employed to discover them. We are only 75 miles from the Missouri, or Pekitanoui. This is a large river which flows into the Mississippi and it comes from a still greater distance than does that river. The best mines of the Spaniards are at the head of this river. Finally, we are comparatively near the river Wabash, which also empties into the Mississippi, below us. We could easily, by means of this river, trade with the Miamis, and with a multitude of other Tribes more distant; for it extends as far as the Country of the Iroquois.

All these advantages are extremely favorable to the plan that some Frenchmen have of settling in our Village. Whether or not this sort of settlement would be likely to contribute to the welfare of Religion is a question which I cannot easily answer. Should the Frenchmen who come resemble those whom I have formerly seen here, who uplifted our Neophytes by their piety and by the strictness of their morals, nothing would be more comforting to us. But if some of them should come and openly practice immorality and perhaps irreligion, all would be over with our Mission.

Father Gabriel Marest,

Missionary.

YEAR 1716

DECREES OF THE COUNCIL OF MARINE RESPECTING THE CHRISTIAN INDIANS IN CANADA, APRIL 1, 1716.

PROPOSED CHANGE OF THE IROQUOIS INDIANS OF THE MISSION OF LACHINE RAPIDS.

THERE is an Iroquois mission on the other side of the river, 5 miles above Montreal, under the direction of the Jesuits; it may contain about 200 warriors.

On the 7th of November, 1715, Sir Begon wrote that Father Cholenec, the missionary of these Indians, represented in 1714 to Sir de Vaudreuil and to him that these Indians could no longer remain in their village, because the soil was exhausted and the woods too far away; and that it was necessary for them to settle elsewhere. As the Indians cultivate nothing but Indian corn, which impoverishes the soil, their lands cannot last them long. They are determined to transport their village 5 miles farther up on the Saint Lawrence River, on the same side as that on which they now are.

This missionary came down to Quebec to ascertain whether any funds had been ordered for the purpose, and informed Sir Begon that the english, with whom these Indians frequently go to trade, and the Iroquois of the five nations attached to the english, have done all they could this year, either by presents or by threats, to attract all the Indians of Lachine Rapids to them; and that the only way to retain them is to grant them the change they ask for, and the necessary funds for clearing a tract 130 yards square, and erecting a palisaded enclosure with a new fort and a church.

This expenditure has seemed to him so indispensable for the welfare of the Colony -- of which the Indians of that mission would constitute the chief defense, if we had a war with the English or with the Iroquois -- that he has already given 900 silver coins on account of this expenditure. This he will continue to do until the sum of 2,000 silver coins is reached, pending the receipt of orders, as it is necessary to begin work there, to persuade the Indians of that mission not to settle among the five Iroquois nations, -- who are becoming more and more formidable through their great numbers, and who seek occasions for a rupture. He says that the fort of the Nipissings cost over 8,000 silver coins, including the Missionary's house.

Sir de Vaudreuil considers this change indispensable. It would be necessary to order a fund of 4,000 silver coins this year on account of this expenditure; and when he shall be on the spot, he will do what he can to make this amount suffice by urging the Indians to contribute, by their labor, to the construction of the fort.

Done and ordered by the council of marine, held at the Louvre on the 1st of April, 1716.

L. A. De Bourbon,

the Marshall d'Estrees.

By the Council; LA CHAPELLE.

ABENAKI INDIANS. 1716.

THE letters from de Ramezay and Begon show that the english do everything in their power to win over the Abenaki Indians. Three villages of these Indians are situated in Acadia, near the English, who carry on the fur trade with them as far as they can.

The cheapness with which the english sell their goods is a powerful attraction for them. These Indians have Missionaries, who, as much as they can, maintain them in our interest; it is therefore important to keep the missionaries there, and it is those Indians who best know Canada and New England. Until now, they have been faithful, and have rendered good service. They are all baptized. There are also two missions of them established in the colony of Canada -- one at St. Francois, and the other at Becancour.

Sir Begon Writes on the 25th of September, 1715, that the mission of these Indians established at the river St. John, in the country of Acadia, ask that a church be built for them. He, like their missionary, is convinced that it would attach them to their village and, so long as they remain in it, they will not allow the english to establish themselves on that river -- or even at its mouth, where they had already attempted to do so. He says that the Indians have raised a fund for that church; but to carry out the plan, which has been sent him by their missionary, a sum of 600 gold coins would be required, payable in two years.

The mission of the Abenakis of Norankouan, a country of Acadia, also ask that a church be built for them, and the reasons alleged are similar to those for the river St. John mission.

Sir Begon proposes that toward the building of these two churches, a fund of 600 gold coins be granted. Sir de Vaudreuil considers it advisable to give these Indians what they ask in this matter.

de Ramezay and Begon write on November 7, 1715, that Father Aubry, the Jesuit missionary of the Abenakis, has informed them that Athurnando -- one of the principal chiefs of that nation, who has resided for eight years at St. Francois, where Sir de Vaudreuil and Sir de Beauharnois had persuaded him to settle with all his village, to the number of 60 warriors, so that he might remain there at least during the war -- came back to St. Francois in august from Pegouaki, where his former village was situated. He had gone there to hunt during the winter, and began last spring to sow corn there. Athurnando told Sir Begon that he intended to speak to Sir de Vaudreuil to ask him, in fulfillment of the promise that he had given, for permission to reestablish his former village, since peace was declared; and to take there with him the Indians of St. Francois and of Becancour, who might wish to follow him, hoping that some Mahican Indians from Albany would join him. The chief also intended to ask that Father Aubry might go with him. He desired to speak to Sir de Ramezay, in the absence of Sir de Vaudreuil; but, on learning that Sir de Ramezay was at Quebec, and being impatient to go back, he postponed the execution of his plan until Sir de Vaudreuil's return.

As it would be a great disadvantage if that village were reestablished, because this could not be done without diminishing the number of the Abenakis settled in the colony, they agreed with Father Aubry that Sir de Ramezay should at once send a collar to the chief of the Abenakis. This was to represent to him that, in the proposed reestablishment, he would be exposed to the mercy of the english at the first suspicion of war, as he would be only two or three days' journey from the english towns, the roads leading to which would be easy; while, on the other hand, the roads would be difficult for the French, should the French go to their assistance in the event of the english undertaking anything against them.

This chief's proposal has produced an impression on the minds of some Indians, who would follow him if he took that step; but it would be unfortunate, for those lands are considered english, regardless of how the boundaries may be determined. The experience of the Norridgewock Abenaki Indians -- who allow the english to establish forts in the lower part of their river, and some of whom have already been won over by the English -- gives reasonable cause to fear that the same may happen with those who would form the village of Pecouaki. Consequently, Sir de Ramezay and Sir Begon are beginning to stop the execution of that plan by the collar that is sent to the chief; and they hope to win him over when he comes to Quebec, by giving him some presents.

Father Aubry considers it advisable to unite the two villages of these Indians of St. Francois and Becancour at St. Francois, which is the most advantageous post in the colony as regards the Iroquois in war-time; and suitable for a permanent establishment, as there is a large extent of good land, suitable for the Indians. These same advantages are not to be found at Becancour, where the number of Indians is small and they are unable to support themselves there for any time without attracting the St. Francois Indians there.

Sir de Vaudreuil says that, when he shall be on the spot, he will see how the Indians are disposed; that he will do what he can to keep them, but that, if they persist in going to their former village, he will let them do so, because it is impossible to prevent them. But before they go, he will make them promise to return and dwell at their village in the colony, in the event of war breaking out again with the english.

The council accepts Sir de Vaudreuil's opinion.

Done and ordered by the council of marine held at the Louvre on the 1st of April, 1716.

L. A. De Bourbon,

The Marshall d'Estrees.

By the council; LA CHAPELLE.

YEAR 1718

PETITION BY FATHER LAFITAU: ON THE SALE OF LIQUOR TO THE INDIANS. 1718.

THE trade in brandy and other similar liquors is entirely opposed to the well-being of the Colony and of the State, chiefly for four reasons:

The first reason is that it concerns the tranquility and the interests of the Indians. When these people are intoxicated, they become so furious that they break and smash everything in their houses; they utter horrible yells, and, like madmen, seek their enemies to stab them. At such times, even their relatives and friends are not safe from their fury, and they bite off one another's noses and ears.

Father Bruyas, a former Missionary, has several times asserted that over one hundred persons had come to settle at Lachine Rapids in the hope of escaping the annoyances of this evil of drunkenness; but that many had returned from there when they saw liquor and drunkenness as common and as frequent as in their own country. Although the Indians like to drink, they are still sorry for having done so, because in their drunken fits they lose all they have, and they keenly regret this when they come to their senses.

Dissolution of their marriages invariably result from their drunkenness, owing to the sorrow of their wives when they see themselves robbed by their drunken husbands -- who take everything from them to obtain liquor; and who are deprived of the proceeds of the hunting, which belong to them, but are taken from their husbands before they reach the village, by their creditors. These Indians, loaded with debts and robbed by their creditors, who leave them not even their guns, are frequently obliged to leave the country and go among the English, because they cannot hope to pay what they owe. These people have been so fully aware of the injury done them by this trade that they have asked and still ask the governors, nearly every year, to prevent it by their authority.

The second reason is that it is contrary to the well-being of the French inhabitants, who, attracted by the hope held out by the profits of that trade, abandon their farms and their families to go, sometimes without permission, among the Indian nations. There many give themselves up to debauchery, living an immoral life, to the scandal of the Indians; then, after disposing of their goods, which they have frequently obtained on credit, and finding themselves unable to pay, they settle among the Indians and become bankrupt as regards their creditors.

The third reason is that it is entirely opposed to the interests of the merchants, who, since they are obliged to lend to the Indians what they need for their gear, and to the inhabitants what they require for loading their canoes to go among distant tribes, should receive the furs from both, but who receive nothing, owing to how their debtors are always upset by the brandy that they drink on arriving, or have drunk in the past, -- and for which they still owe, or for which they are made to pay with the Goods that they bring.

And the fourth reason is that it is calculated to alienate the Indians from us: 1st, as several nations have been almost destroyed by brandy, especially the Algonquins; and in the second place, because the fugitive French who no longer dare to return home, take the Indians with them among the English to help them in transporting the goods that they buy there, and therefore teach the Indians the road to the English.

I hope that these reasons will persuade the council to give orders for preventing this trade -- which is almost the sole obstacle to the labors of the missionaries -- and that the Governors will be compelled to execute those orders; and that no one will dare to evade them, as has been done in the past.

Note: There are several letters sent to the Council on this subject by de Vaudreuil, Begon, and Ramezay. All agree as to the evils of the trade in brandy, but also that it is necessary: and Sir de Vaudreuil wrote that it was necessary to give two or 3 quarts of brandy per man to the Indians from the upper country who came into the colony, and even to allow the trade to be carried on with moderation at Fort Frontenac.

Then the Council decided on the 31st of March, 1716, that the general prohibitions formerly enacted were to be allowed to remain; but that permission should be given to convey brandy in moderate quantities to the places proposed by Sir de Vaudreuil. Should he deem it beneficial to renew such prohibitions, this must be done without altering anything in the previous ones.

Remark: It would appear that the trade in brandy of which Father Lafitau complains is that which is carried on in the towns of the Colony, the prevention of which appears to be ever necessary. Done and ordered on the 30th of October, 1718.

L. A. De Bourbon,

The Marshall d'Estrees.

By the council; La chapelle.

YEAR 1721

TWO LETTERS TO FATHER SEBASTIEN RALE, 1721.

As Sir Devaudreuil Was at Montreal when the Indians whom you Sent here arrived, I Hired Four of Them to convey to Him The Letter that you had Written. I sent with It one that I had also Written, to communicate Reverend Father de la Chasse's ideas and mine respecting what seemed to us Most Advisable to do until The Council of Marine has Explained Whether The king's intention Is that the French should join the Indians, To Support Them Openly Against The english; or whether he will Content himself with supplying Them with Munitions of War, As the Council wrote that Sir De Vaudreuil might do, in the Event of The english sending any Expedition Against Them.

Sir De Vaudreuil Came down here with Those Indians, and stopped at St. Francois and at Becancour to Invite The Indians of Those Missions to Send Deputies from Their Villages to the conference That is to be Held. He had Intended to write to the english governor; but since his return, he has Changed his mind, and has Contented himself with Following the principal articles of the Petition That you Sent Him -- which are that they are to Remain on their Land, and in the religion which they have embraced; and to unite together in Speaking Firmly to The englishman.

He has also Considered that it would be more Advisable for Reverend Father de La Chasse to accompany The Indians of St. Francois and Of Becancour than Sir De Croisil, -- a Lieutenant in the Troops, whom he had brought with Him, intending to send Him with Those Indians, because the journey of Reverend Father De la Chasse is of No Consequence as Regards the English. The Treaty of peace does not prevent a Missionary from going to see another in his Mission; while, if a French officer were Sent, they might complain that we were Sending Frenchmen Into A country that they claim Belongs to Them, to Incite The Indians to War against them. So we Think it advisable To await orders from The Court regarding Them, so not to Commit ourselves.

As you cannot come yourself to inform us of all that you think on The Subject, We have Considered Reverend Father Delachasse's Journey most Advisable under present Circumstances. We send him, so he can thoroughly inform you as to The prudence with which we should act toward The English, so that we may not Commit ourselves; and that he may communicate to us All your ideas as to The Dispositions of your Indians, and of Those of the two other Missions. Sir de Vaudreuil Read to your Indians the petition that he sends you, so that they may no longer Say that They are the Words of Their Missionary. I have caused a Blanket, a Shirt, A pair of leggings, and some Tobacco, gunpowder, and Lead to be Given to Each of the Five Indians whom you Sent; and I Think that they return Satisfied, and with good intentions.

As you Are Always Too reserved with regard to What concerns yourself, I have asked Reverend Father DelaChasse to Ascertain from you, what I could Send you that would be Most agreeable to you. On this point, I ask you to make use of me, without any Compliments.

Nothing could be better than receiving The News that the english Governor, your Great Enemy, was removed. I Trust that He who shall replace him will be more reasonable, and will Leave you and your Indians in peace. This Is to be desired Until such time as we are fully Informed Whether It Be the king's intention that we should openly Join the Indians against Them, If they attack Them ill-advisedly, -- because meanwhile we could help them only by The Munitions that we would Give Them; and they may Rely upon our not Leaving Them lacking these. With Reference to Taxou, I Find that you have Great reason to act toward Him As you have done: and you cannot Be Less firm than you have Been, for it Is necessary that no Consideration be shown toward Those who Appear to be more attached to the english than to us.

Begon

At Quebec, June 14, 1721.

QUEBEC, SEPTEMBER 25, 1721.

I HAVE received Your Letters of august 4th, and of the 10th and 14th of This month. I feel great Satisfaction at your having Found means, with The Reverend Father Superior, to reunite All The Indians in One and the same Sentiment, and to Inspire Them with The firmness with which they spoke to The englishman in The interview which they Had with Him. I am also satisfied with the message that they Sent to the Governor of Boston. I am convinced that they cause Him embarrassment, and that he will Avoid, as well as he can, giving an answer to them. But It is for your Indians to see What they will have to do If, after The explanations that they have Given him, he does not Comply with Their Requests. I Am of opinion that, If they have taken A Sincere resolution not to allow The English On Their Land, they Must not hesitate to Drive Them as Soon as possible, by Every Kind of means, from the moment the English do not set about withdrawing Of their own accord.

Your People must not be Afraid of being Short of Ammunition, for I am Sending Them enough; and I shall Continue to supply Them with it, as well as with The other Assistance they may Need, -- as I Have orders not to Allow them to remain lacking aid, and Also to Support Them Should the English attack Them.

I Am Quite Charmed that Waourene has Distinguished Himself in That group, and that he Worked As he did so the Word of The Nation should be as It was told to The englishman. He will receive for his son tokens of The Satisfaction that I feel for his services, As I Send Him All that you have Asked for Him, who are Settling The island of St. Jean. This Island, and the Margdelein, and other Islands in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, Have Been Conceded by The King To the Count de St. Pierre, who is causing a Settlement to be made there for The Cod, Seal, and Walrus fishery. Thus your Abenakis can Expect nothing there. I shall Arrange with the Reverend Father Superior as to how I shall receive Those of your Villages, who, Being Attached to the English, have Set out to bring you to Quebec; but you may Rest Assured that I shall make the Degraded one Feel How much I Am Displeased at His Conduct.

Vaudreuil

LETTER OF FATHER JULIEN GARNIER TO REVEREND FATHER PIERRE DE LAUZON, AT MONTREAL. JULY 10, 1721. TO FATHER DE LAUZON, OF THE JESUITS, AT MONTREAL

Reverend Father,

As I learn that you go out to walk about the town, I take the liberty of asking you to reply for me to Sir de Ramezay, who has written to me twice by two couriers.

The 1st time was in connection with a package of beaver-skins stolen from an old Potawatomi, the bearer of our letters, by Sir Guay's men, -- one of whom, while in prison, accused our Michel from here of having a white blanket obtained with the stolen beaver-skins. Sir de Ramezay asked our elders to make Michel return it, and send back the furs. Their reply was that Michel was still at Montreal, from where he would probably return only after he had drunk the price of the blanket; that they could do nothing until his return; that he was sought for in Montreal, without giving him time to dispose of it. He returned only long afterward. He went, in spite of the elders, to St. Francois, where he still is.

The 2nd time, he sent me this letter. I replied that nearly all the Young men were either at st. Francois, or engaged in fishing, or in the woods procuring bark.

Ontarisonke told me that he had drunk at Parent's; and that he had formerly brought some liquor in the village, and had made others drink. Among these was a man who had left his shirt in pawn at Madame Lorimier's, and who saw him coming from Parent's with another man who was bringing some liquor. That is what guriouhiron says. Ponce pilate with the son of la ganniatarekon, Michel, also came back from there intoxicated. And whenever any have returned here drunk, all those whom I have questioned have Indicated a large stone house to me, and have told me that the only one there is Parent's. Ontarisonke says that every time he passes there, going and coming, they say to him: "Come here, I have good brandy." "I pass without paying attention to them, because I have nothing with which to pay for it."

There remained with Father Aubert 4 of our people: Michel, the son of Sir Lusanne, Konskrirat and the son of la ganniatarekon, all of the race of the Abenaki Mahicans, -- the 2 former of Abenakis Fathers, and the 2 others deprived of their Mothers. They are with their relatives.

Our people still go to the Sault-au-Recollet, and will pass by Onontio's. Let Sir de Ramezay ask them for their answer about the blanket, which he told them to obtain from Michel; let him Ask them whether he has justified himself in the matter.

We have exhausted our supply of salt and olive-oil. Had I not warned our brother to see to his marten-skins, the moths would have spoiled them. If you have any, they must be examined as well as the others.

Garnier.

July 10, 1721.

YEAR 1722

DECREE OF THE ROYAL COUNCIL: THE MISSIONARIES OF LACHINE RAPIDS, 1722.

THEY send a petition containing the words of the Iroquois of Lachine Rapids to Sir de Vaudreuil, to get back Father Lauzon who had been withdrawn from that Mission, and to ask that no garrison be stationed among them.

THE IROQUOIS' WORDS.

"The horrible discord that exists in our village is partly due to the frequent change of our best Missionaries, and partly to the French garrison that was posted there some years ago. As we are earnest in our intention of establishing ourselves in our same condition, we have come down expressly, our father Onontio, to ask you to give us back Gannenrontie" -- that is Father de Lauzon's name -- "and that the French garrison which was withdrawn from our village, three years ago, be not stationed there again. It is too prejudicial to us to allow us not to oppose its being again posted there. Our fields and our cabins, which are left open, and -- what is of more importance -- our wives and our daughters, are not safe with the French soldiers. Our Young men, who are numerous, follow but too willingly the bad examples before their eyes; and a thousand vices that were formerly unknown among us have unfortunately been introduced in our midst since we have had a garrison. Tranquility and good order have been banished; for the soldiers also frequently seek by false reports to embroil us with the officer, and the officer with the Governors, none of which things happened when we had no garrison. There are none in any of the other villages of our brothers, and we are not in a worse condition than they. Still, it is desired to place one among us again, because we are the most attached to the French, and have sustained the most cruel wars in their defense, -- both against our own brothers, and against the English, from whom we receive nothing but kindness.

"The first and only reason that made us leave our country and our families was religion; we sought a spot where it would be safe among us, and where we could imitate our Missionaries, and we found no place more suitable than among the French. Hardly was our village established when our own brothers declared war against the French. We could have remained neutral, as we were asked to do; but our gratitude and attachment led us pitilessly to shed the blood of our brothers. After so striking a proof of our attachment it is desired, contrary to the well-being of our Village, to show that we are distrusted, which is insulting to us.

"Let garrisons be stationed in all the other villages, and then we will say nothing; but we are treated as slaves. This is too shameful to endure without our asking you, Our Father Onontio, not to station another French garrison in our village. We have been at peace during the three years that have elapsed since we were delivered from one; refuse us not the favor that we ask, and which may avert many ills that might happen.

"We also desire that our word be borne to the King -- the Great Onontio, beyond the great lake, and our father. It is right that he be informed that the amount of so unnecessary an expenditure as that of maintaining a garrison here, and of erecting barracks for it, would be much better spent in supplying more pressing needs, -- such as those of poor widows and orphans, whose husbands and fathers have been killed in war for the good of the Colony.

"With reference to the complaint made against us, that we go to Albany to trade, we promise to go there no longer, provided the Rule be the same for all the other villages -- who go there like us, and to whom not a word is said."

Sir de Vaudreuil's answer was:

"I shall consider the matter, when the time comes to station a garrison among you. I shall write to the Court about it."

The missionaries write that it is easy to see, by this step taken by the Indians, that such a garrison is against the interests of God and of the King; and that that was the sole motive of the Missionaries when they had a petition presented by Father Lafiteau to His Most Serene Highness, asking that no garrison be again stationed at Lachine Rapids, owing to the grievous consequences that would result -- the principal one of which would be the ruin of the Village.

Great difficulty was experienced in collecting the Indians in this new Village, as two-thirds of them wished to go to settle farther away, and closer to England; and Father Lauson succeeded only when there was no longer any Garrison, as the Indians began to become more docile.

If a garrison be stationed there against the Indian's will, he will depart and give himself up to the English on the first occasion that he has for being dissatisfied; or he will go away to his own country, among the Iroquois.

The Indian is so sensitive about his wife's unfaithfulness that it generally compels him to abandon her, to leave the Mission, and to apostatize.

Whenever the Governor wishes to obtain anything from the Indians, and the officer does not succeed, as is nearly always the case, he casts the blame upon the Missionary, out of jealousy of the confidence that he sees the Indians repose in the Missionary.

Sir de Vaudreuil has admitted that since there is no longer a garrison at Lachine Rapids, he has never been so satisfied with the Missionaries. As no one disturbs them, they produce a surer effect on the mind of the Indian; and no one is more attentive to His Majesty's interests than are the Missionaries, who labor solely in God's sight, and for the welfare of his Colony.

Father Lauson -- whom his superior had withdrawn, owing to Ill health caused by the fatigues of the Mission -- returned there at the request of de Vaudreuil and Begon. They considered him better fitted than any other person for this, on account of the attachment that the Indians have for him, and of what he had made them do in connection with the rumors of war that had spread last winter.

The Bishop of Quebec writes that the Indians of Lachine Rapids have asked him to represent to the Council their reasons for having no garrison; and that he would not otherwise do so, as this matter does not concern the Church. The reasons are:

1st, that if soldiers be placed there, it is only for their own interest and not for the good of the Indians;

2nd, that they furnish to the Indians bad examples, and that since they have been stationed there, the mission has declined, as regards Religion;

3rd, as it is intended to place a garrison in that Mission alone, they think that they are distrusted, and they consider that the amount that would have to be spent in erecting barracks and a Guard-House of stone would be better employed, and would give them more pleasure, if spent on presents for them.

The Bishop says that the first two reasons are good and valid; that the 3rd concerns their own interests.

With reference to the Garrison, de Vaudreuil and Begon were written to on the 14th of June, 1721, in these terms:

"A petition has been presented respecting the uselessness of the Garrison that is to be stationed at Lachine Rapids. It seems to the Council to be quite unnecessary to station one there in time of peace, and the Council's Intention is that, in the event of one having been established there, Sir de Vaudreuil shall remove it, unless he deem it absolutely necessary; the Council leaves the matter to his discretion."

Done and ordered on the 12th of may, 1722.

L. A. De Bourbon.

By the Council,

De La Chapelle.

LETTER FROM FATHER SEBASTIEN RALE, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS IN NEW FRANCE, TO HIS NEPHEW. NORRIDGEWOCK, OCTOBER 15, 1722.

My Dear Nephew,

During the more than thirty years that I have spent in the midst of forests with the Indians, I have been so occupied in instructing them that I have scarcely had leisure to write frequent letters, even to the persons who are dearest to me. Still, I cannot refuse you the little account that you ask of my occupations.

I am in a district of this vast extent of territory which lies between Acadia and new England. Two other Missionaries are, like myself, busy among the Abenaki Indians; but we are far distant from one another. The Abenaki Indians, besides the two Villages which they have in the midst of the French Colony, have also three other important ones, each situated on the bank of a river. These Three Rivers empty into the sea to the South of Canada, between new England and Acadia.

The Village in which I dwell is called Norridgewock; it is situated on the bank of a river, which empties into the sea 75 miles below. I have built here a Church which is spacious and well adorned. I thought it my duty to spare nothing, either for its decoration or for the beauty of the vestments that are used in our holy Ceremonies; altar-cloths, chasubles, copes, sacred vessels, everything is suitable, and would be esteemed in the Churches of Europe. I have trained a minor Clergy of about forty young Indians, who, in cassocks and surplices, assist at divine Service; each one has his duty, not only in serving at the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, but in chanting the divine Office at the Benediction of the blessed Sacrament, and in the Processions -- which are made with a great crowd of Indians, who often come from a great distance to be present at them. You would be uplifted with the good order which they observe, and with the reverence which they show.

Two Chapels have been built, about 750 feet from the Village: one, which is dedicated to the most blessed Virgin, and in which her statue in relief is seen, stands at the head of the river; the other, which is dedicated to the Guardian Angel, is below, on the same river. As they both are on the path that leads either to the woods or to the fields, the Indians never pass them without offering prayers there. There is a holy rivalry among the women of the Village regarding the best decoration of the Chapel, of which they have care, when the Procession is to enter it; all that they have in the way of trinkets, pieces of silk or chintz, and other things of that sort -- all are used for adornment.

The many lights contribute to the decoration of the Church and Chapels; I have no need to economize in wax, for this country furnishes me with abundance. The islands of the sea are bordered with wild laurel, which in autumn bears berries closely resembling those of the juniper-tree. Large kettles are filled with them and they are boiled in water; as the water boils, the green wax rises, and remains on the surface of the water. From a bushel of these berries can be obtained nearly two gold coins of wax; it is pure and fine, but is neither soft nor pliable. After a few experiments, I have found that by mixing with it equal quantities of tallow, -- either beef, mutton, or elk, -- the mixture makes beautiful, solid, and serviceable candles. From 12 gold coins of wax, and as many of tallow, can be made two hundred tapers more than a royal foot in length. Abundance of these laurels are found on the Islands, and on the shore of the sea; one person alone could easily gather four bushels of berries daily. The berries hang in clusters from the branches of the shrub. I sent a branch of them to Quebec, with a cake of wax, and it was pronounced excellent.

When the Indians go to the sea to spend some months hunting ducks, Canadian geese, and other birds that are found there in great numbers, they build on some island a Church that they cover with bark, near which they set up a little cabin for my dwelling. I take care to transport there a part of the ornaments; and the service is performed with the same propriety and the same throng of people as in the Village.

As for what concerns me personally, I assure you that I see, that I hear, that I speak, only as an Indian. My food is simple and light; I never could relish the meat and smoked fish of the Indians; my only nourishment is pounded Indian corn, of which I make every day a sort of broth; that I cook in water. The only improvement that I can supply for it is to mix with it a little sugar, to relieve its blandness. There is no lack of sugar in these forests. In the spring the maple trees contain a fluid somewhat resembling what the canes of the islands contain. The women busy themselves in receiving it into vessels of bark, when it trickles from these trees; they boil it, and obtain from it a fairly good sugar. The first which is obtained is always the best.

The whole Abenakis Nation is Christian and is zealous in preserving its Religion. This attachment to the Catholic Faith has made it so far prefer an alliance with us to the advantages that it would have obtained from an alliance with its English neighbors. These advantages are attractive to our Indians; the readiness with which they can engage in trade with the English, from whom they are distant only two or three days' journey, the convenience of the route, the great bargains they find in the purchase of goods which suit them, -- nothing would be more likely to attract them. But in going to Quebec they must travel more than fifteen days to reach it; they must be supplied with provisions for the journey; there are several rivers to cross and frequent portages to make. They feel these inconveniences, and they are not indifferent to their own interests; but their faith is infinitely dearer to them, and they believe that if they were to break off their connection with us they would soon be without a Missionary, without Sacraments, without the Sacrifice, almost without any service of Religion, and in manifest danger of being plunged back into their former unbelief. This is the bond which unites them to the French.

There have been vain attempts to break this bond -- both by snares that have been laid for their simplicity, and by violence, which could irritate a Tribe so infinitely jealous as is this of its rights and its liberty. These beginnings of misunderstanding continue to alarm me. See the various tricks to which the English have resorted to detach them from the alliance with us.

Some years ago, the Governor-general of new England sent to the foot of our river the most able man among the Ministers of Boston, so he could open a School there, instruct the children of the Indians, and maintain them at the expense of the Government. As the salary of the Minister was to increase in proportion to the number of his pupils, he neglected nothing to attract them; he went to seek the children, he flattered them, he made them little presents, he urged them to come to see him; he worked for two months with much useless activity, without being able to win a single child. The disdain with which his attentions and his invitations were treated did not discourage him. He spoke to the Indians themselves; he put to them various questions touching their faith; and then, from the answers that were made to him, he turned into derision the Sacraments, Purgatory, the invocation of the Saints, the beads, the crosses, the images, the lights of our Churches, and all the pious customs that are so sacredly observed in the catholic Religion.

I thought it my duty to oppose these first attempts to mislead; I wrote a civil letter to the Minister, in which I told him that my Christians knew how to believe the truths which the catholic Faith teaches, but that they did not know how to discuss them; that as they were not sufficiently learned to solve the difficulties which he had proposed, he had evidently intended that they should be communicated to me; that I seized with pleasure this opportunity that he had offered me, to confer with him either by word of mouth, or by letter; that I then sent him a Memoir and implored him to read it with serious attention. In this Memoir, which was of about a hundred pages, I proved the truths which he had attacked by such stale jests. I added, in closing my letter, that if he were not satisfied with my proofs, I would expect from him a precise refutation, supported by theological proofs, and not by vague arguments which prove nothing.

Two days after receiving my letter, he set out to return to Boston; he sent me a short answer, which I had to read several times to comprehend its meaning, so obscure was its style and so extraordinary its Latin. However, by force of reflection, I understood that he complained that I had attacked him without reason; that fervor for the salvation of souls had led him to teach the Indians the way to Heaven; and that, for the rest, my proofs were absurd and childish. Having sent to him in Boston a second letter, in which I pointed out the defects of his own, he answered me at the end of two years, without even entering upon the subject; and said that I had a peevish and fault-finding spirit which was the sign of a temperament inclined to anger. Thus was finished our dispute, which drove away the Minister, and brought to nothing the scheme that he had formed to mislead my Neophytes.

This first attempt having had so little success, resort was had to another trick. An Englishman asked permission of the Indians to build by their river a sort of warehouse, for the purpose of trading with them; and he promised to sell his goods much cheaper than they could buy them even in Boston. The Indians, who found this to their advantage, and who would be saved the trouble of a journey to Boston, gladly consented. Shortly after, another Englishman asked the same permission, offering still more advantageous conditions than the first. To him likewise permission was granted. This accommodating spirit of the Indians emboldened the English to settle all along the river without asking consent; they built houses and built forts, three of which were of stone.

This proximity of the English at first somewhat pleased the Indians who did not see the trap that was set for them, and who were thinking only of the satisfaction they had in finding at the stores of the new settlers all that they could desire. But at last -- seeing themselves gradually surrounded by English settlements -- they began to open their eyes, and to become suspicious. They asked the English by what right they had therefore settled in their territory, and had even constructed forts there. The answer that was given them -- that the King of France had ceded their country to the King of England -- threw them into the greatest alarm; for there is not one Indian Tribe that will patiently endure to be regarded as under subjection to any Power whatsoever; it will perhaps call itself an ally, but nothing more.

Therefore the Indians immediately sent a few of their number to Sir de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of New France, to inquire if it were true that the King had therefore disposed of a country of which he was not master. It was not difficult to quiet their uneasiness; all that was done was to explain to them those articles in the treaty of Utrecht which concerned the Indians, and they appeared content.

At about that time, 20 Indians entered one of the English dwellings, either to trade, or to rest themselves. They had been there only a short time when they saw the house suddenly invested by a force of nearly 200 armed men. We are dead men, cried one of the Indians, let us sell our lives dearly. They were already preparing to rush upon this force when the English, perceiving their intention, and knowing also of what an Indian is capable in his first outbursts of fury, attempted to appease them. They assured them that they had no evil plan, and that they only came to invite a few of them to go to Boston, for the purpose of conferring with the Governor about methods of maintaining the peace, and the good understanding that ought to exist between the two Nations. The Indians, a little too credulous, appointed four of their tribesmen who went to Boston; but, when they arrived there, the conference with which they had been beguiled ended by their being made prisoners.

You will be surprised that such a little handful of Indians should have presumed to cope with so numerous a force as that of the English. But our Indians have performed numberless acts that are much more daring. I will relate to you only a single one, which will enable you to judge of the others.

During the late wars, a group of thirty Indians were returning from a military expedition against the English. As the Indians, and especially the Abenakis, do not know how to guard themselves against surprises, they had gone to sleep in their first resting-place without even a thought of posting a sentinel for the night. A body of 600 English, commanded by a Colonel, pursued them as far as their camp; and finding them plunged in sleep, he ordered his troops to surround them, fully expecting that not one of them would escape. One of the Indians, having awakened and perceiving the English troops, immediately informed his tribesmen -- crying out, according to their custom: "We are dead men, let us sell our lives dearly." Their decision was soon made; they instantly formed six platoons of five men each; then, with a hatchet in one hand, and a knife in the other, they rushed upon the English with so much fury that, after having killed more than sixty men, among which number was the Colonel, they put the remainder to flight.

The Abenakis had no sooner learned in what manner their tribesmen were treated in Boston, than they bitterly complained that, in the midst of the peace which was then reigning, the rights of men should be therefore violated. The English answered that they were holding the prisoners only as hostages for the injury that had been done them in killing some cattle that belonged to them; that, as soon as the Indians should have made reparation for this loss -- which amounted to one hundred gold coins of beaver -- the prisoners should be released. Although the Abenakis did not acknowledge this pretended injury, they still paid the one hundred gold coins of beaver -- being unwilling that for such a trifling thing anyone could reproach them with having abandoned their brothers. Despite the payment of the contested debt, liberty was, however, refused to the prisoners.

The Governor of Boston, fearing that this refusal might force the Indians to take violent measures, proposed to negotiate this affair amicably in a conference, and the day and place for holding it were agreed upon. The Indians went to the place with Father Rale, their Missionary; Father de la Chasse, Superior-general of these Missions, who was at that time making his visitation, was also there; but the Governor did not appear. The Indians foreboded evil from his absence. They decided to let him know their opinions by a letter written in the Indian tongue, in English, and in Latin; and Father de la Chasse, who was master of these three languages, was assigned with writing it. It seemed needless to use any other language than the English tongue; but the Father was glad that, on the one hand, the Indians should know for themselves that the letter contained only what they had dictated; and that, on the other, the Englishmen could not doubt that the English translation was faithful. The meaning of this letter was:

1st, that the Indians could not understand why their tribesmen had been retained in captivity, after the promise that had been made to surrender them as soon as the one hundred gold coins of beaver should be paid;

2nd, that they were just as surprised to see how their Country had been seized without their consent;

3rd, that the English were to leave the country as soon as possible, and set the prisoners at liberty; that they would expect an answer within two months, and that if satisfaction were refused them, they would know how to obtain justice.

It was in July, 1721 that this letter was carried to Boston, by some Englishmen who had been present at the conference. As two months passed by without receiving an answer from Boston, and as the English had ceased to sell the Abenakis gunpowder, lead, and provisions as they had been doing before this contention, our Indians were disposed to retaliate; all the influence which Sir de Vaudreuil had over their minds was needed to make them put off violent proceedings.

But their patience was exhausted by two acts of hostility committed by the English, about the end of December, 1721, and the beginning of 1722. The first was the abduction of Sir de Saint Casteins. This Officer is a Lieutenant in our army; his mother was an Abenaki, and he has always lived with our Indians, whose esteem and confidence he has deserved to such a degree that they have chosen him for their Commandant-General. In this capacity, he could not be exempt from attending the conference in which the question was to settle the interests of the Abenakis, his brothers. The English blamed him for this; they sent a little vessel to the place of his abode. The Captain took care to have his men concealed, with the exception of two or three whom he left upon the deck. He sent to invite Sir de Saint Casteins, with whom he was acquainted, to come on board and take some refreshment. Sir de Saint Casteins, who had no reason to be suspicious, went there alone and unattended; but hardly had he appeared before they set sail, and carried him to Boston. There he was placed in the prisoner's dock, and was questioned as if a criminal. He was asked in what capacity he had been present at the conference that was held with the Indians; what the regimental coat with which he was clothed signified; and if he had not been sent to that assembly by the Governor of Canada.

Sir de Saint Casteins answered that he was an Abenaki on the side of his mother, and had spent his life among the Indians; that, his tribesmen having established him as Chief of their Tribe, he had to participate in their meetings, to sustain their interests; that it was in this capacity alone that he had been present at the late conference; as for the rest, the coat that he wore was not a regimental coat, as they imagined; that it was handsome and very well decorated, but it was not above his condition -- even independently of the honor that he had in being an Officer in our army.

When our Governor learned of the detention of Sir de Saint Casteins, he immediately wrote to the Governor of Boston to make complaint. He received no answer to his letter. But about the time that the English Governor was expecting to receive a second one, he restored liberty to the prisoner, after having kept him confined for five months.

The attempt of the English against myself was the second act of hostility which brought to a climax the excessive irritation of the Abenaki tribe. A Missionary can scarcely fail to be an object of hate to these Gentlemen. Love for the Religion which he attempts to impress upon the hearts of these Indians holds these Neophytes firmly in union with us, and separates them from the English. The English therefore regard me as an invincible obstacle to their plan of spreading themselves over the territory of the Abenakis, and of gradually seizing this mainland which is between new England and Acadia. They have often attempted to remove me from my flock and more than once a price has been set on my head. It was about the end of January in 1722 when they made a new attempt, which had no other success than to show their ill will toward me.

I had remained alone in the village with a small number of old men and feeble folk, while the rest of the Indians were at the hunt. That time appeared favorable to the enemy for surprising me; and with this in view, they sent out a detachment of two hundred men. Two Young Abenakis, who were hunting on the Seashore, heard that the English had entered the river; they immediately turned their steps there, so as to observe the movements of the English.

Having perceived them about 25 miles from the Village, these Indians outran them by crossing the country, so they could inform me, and help the old men, women, and children to retire quickly. I had only time to consume the hosts, to enclose in a small box the sacred vessels, and to escape into the woods. Toward evening, the English reached the Village; and, not having found me there, they came the next day to look for me in the place of our retreat. They were within only a gunshot when we caught sight of them; all that I could do was to plunge with haste into the forest. But as I had no time to take my snowshoes, and as I still experienced great weakness caused by a fall, -- in which, some years ago, my thigh and my leg were broken, -- it was not possible for me to run far. The only resource that remained to me was to hide behind a tree. They immediately searched the various paths worn by the Indians when they go for wood, and came within eight steps of the tree that was sheltering me, where naturally they must have perceived me, for the trees had shed their leaves; still, as if they had been driven away by an invisible hand, they suddenly retraced their steps, and again took the way to the Village.

Thus it was that I escaped from their pursuit. They pillaged my Church and my little house, almost reducing me to a death from starvation in the midst of the woods. When my adventure was known in Quebec, provisions were sent to me immediately; but they could not arrive for some time, and during that period I was deprived of all aid, and in extreme need.

These reiterated insults made the Indians feel that there was no answer to be expected, and that it was time to let open force succeed pacific negotiations. On their return from hunting, after having planted their fields, they resolved to destroy the newly-constructed English houses, and drive from among them those restless and formidable settlers who were gradually encroaching on their territory, and were planning to conquer them.

They sent word to the several Villages of the Indians, to interest them in their plan, and to urge them to lend a hand in their necessity of righteous defense. The delegation was successful. War was sung among the Hurons of Lorette, and in all the Villages of the Abenaki tribe. Norridgewock was the place appointed for the meeting of the warriors, so they could there together deliberate upon their plan.

Meanwhile, the Norridgewock Abenakis descended the river; when they reached its mouth, they seized three or four little English vessels. Then ascending the same river, they pillaged and burned the new houses that the English had built. However, they abstained from all violence toward the inhabitants; they even permitted them to retire to their quarters, -- except five, whom they retained as hostages until their tribesmen, who were detained in the prisons of Boston, should be restored. This moderation of the Indians did not have the effect that they hoped; on the contrary, a group of English, having found sixteen Abenakis asleep on an island, fired a volley at them; and five Indians were killed and three wounded.

This is a further indication that war is about to break out between the English and the Indians. The Indians expect no aid from the French, on account of the peace which exists between the two Nations; but they have a resource in all the other Indian tribes, who will not fail to enter into their quarrel and to undertake their defense.

My Neophytes, moved by the danger to which I am exposed in their Village, often urge me to retire for a little time to Quebec. But what will become of the flock, if it be deprived of its Shepherd? Death alone can separate me from them. They tell me that if I fall into the power of their enemy, the least that can happen to me will be to linger out the rest of my days in wretched imprisonment. I say to them: "Do not be anxious about what concerns me. I do not fear the threats of those who hate me when I have not deserved their hatred."

PETITION OF FATHER LOYARD: UPON THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE ABENAKIS. 1722.

Of all the Indians of New France, those who have rendered the greatest services are the Abenakis. This nation is composed of five Villages, which in all make five hundred men bearing arms. Two of these Villages are situated along the Saint Lawrence River near Three Rivers, -- one below that Town, which is called the Village of Becancour; and the other above, which is called the Village of St. Francois.

The three other villages are in the region of Acadia, and are called: Nanrantzwak, upon the river Kennebec; Panawanske, upon the river Penobscot; and Medoktek, upon the River St. John. The village of Nanrantzwak is nearest to New England, that of Medoktek is nearest to Acadia, and that of Panawanske is almost in the middle.

These three Villages have their different routes by which to go to Quebec in a few days, each one by its own river. It is this which renders their location so important as regards Canada, of which they are the strongest defenses. And this is what ought to attract the attention of the Court, that it may prevent the English from profiting by the war which they are carrying on with the Indians, and from destroying these villages, -- or, what would amount to the same thing, obliging the Indians to abandon them and seek refuge elsewhere, -- which, it is easy to see, is the Sole object at which they are aiming.

For, far from making settlements in the Peninsula of Acadia, -- which was ceded to them by the treaty of Utrecht, and which no one disputes with them, -- there is no indication that the English have taken any land there, or that they are cultivating any; while since the treaty, and in violation of the agreement there made, they have settled many colonists along the Rivers of the Indians, and upon the lands that, as they know, can be rightfully disputed with them. Why is this, if not for the purpose of continually advancing toward Canada, to which these lands are much nearer than to Acadia; and to deprive the Indians of the aid that they derive from their nearness to the sea, and to be in possession of them, when they shall take a fancy to settle limits with France?

If then the Court do not consider it advisable to give help openly to the Indians in this war which the English are kindling among them, It seems at least necessary that it complain loudly of the English violations of the Treaty of Utrecht, and that it take measures to have them stopped; and that it may persuade the Congress of Cambray to decide that it will not permit the English to molest the Abenakis by seizing their lands, and by establishing themselves, against their will, contrary to the law of nations, in a country of which these Indians have from all time been in possession.

Without that, the certain result will be, either that the Abenakis, tired of the war, will leave their country; or, what is more probable, will agree to the best conditions that they can with the English. The English, by presents still more valuable than those that we could offer these Indians, will soon succeed in winning them -- above all, by making them understand, that France has not cared for them except when she has had need of them; and that now, since it is to her interest not to embroil herself with England, she refuses to enter into their quarrel with the English. This reasoning is within the range of the Indians, and the proof of it would be too plain for them not to yield to it. It must be added that the Indians derive greater profits from their commerce with the English, who give more for the pelts, and who sell their merchandise for less than do the French.

But If the Court act effectually to place Matters upon their former footing, and to stop the confiscations of the English, the Abenakis, coming to hear of this, will become more and more attached to France, and will not think of leaving their country; and in this way the safety of Canada will be thoroughly provided for. The Knowledge which fifteen whole years since I came has given me of their habits and of their character does not permit me to doubt that the best way in which to fix and even render perpetual this attachment, is to increase to the three villages which are near the English the annual gratuity that is the Court gives them; and to give to each one of the five villages a Royal medal, which will be a constant and indubitable promise, by which which will ever tell them that the King continues to honor them by his Royal Protection.

YEAR 1723

LETTER WRITTEN TO SIR DE VAUDREUIL BY SIR AUBRY, JESUIT MISSIONARY. AT ST. FRANCOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1723.

Sir,

The chief of our mission, Nanoudohout, has doubtless recently explained to you the message that Neskambeoui has brought from the Meskwakis [Foxes]; and how all the Indians, even the young men, of my mission have been horrified that the Meskwakis invited them to declare themselves for that tribe against the upper nations, -- because that would be, they say, to declare themselves Against your children and their brothers.

This will not prevent me, however, from giving myself the honor of writing to you something on this subject. "We have," they say, "another war to Sustain, a just and necessary one, against the english, without consenting to enter upon another, which is both unjust and harmful. We did very well to obey Sir de Vaudreuil, our father, 4 years ago, when Nenangousikou came to invite us on the part of those Meskwakis to go in great numbers to their country, to eat the beaver's tail there," -- that means, 'to pursue our Hunting, and make our abode there.' "Their fine message must amount to just this: we would there be engaged in their war, against all Nations."

That is what our young men, our old men, and I have understood. I can only testify to you again my gratitude that you did stop them then, and that you made them descend from Montreal and return to our mission; for, if they had Followed the invitations of this Nenangousikou, the mission would have been injured, and the greater part of our young men Would be now Like this Nenangousikou, -- both without Christianity and without affection for the French, in that country of the Meskwakis.

Joseph Aubry,

of the Jesuits, Missionary.

LETTER FROM FATHER SEBASTIEN RALE, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS IN NEW FRANCE, TO HIS BROTHER. NORRIDGEWOCK, THIS 12TH OF OCTOBER, 1723.

Sir And Dear Brother,

I inform you of my occupations, and of the character of the Indian Tribes in the midst of which Providence has placed me for so many years.

It was the 23rd of July, 1689, when I set sail from la Rochelle; and after a fairly prosperous voyage of three months, I arrived at Quebec on the 13th of October in the same year.

I devoted myself at first to learning the language of our Indians. This language is difficult; for it is not sufficient to study its terms and their meaning, and to acquire a supply of words and phrases, -- it is further necessary to know the turn and arrangement that the Indians give them, which can hardly ever be caught except by familiar and frequent communication with these tribes.

I then went to dwell in a Village of the Abenakis Tribe which is situated in a forest, and only 7 miles from Quebec. This village was inhabited by two hundred Indians, nearly all of whom were Christians. Their cabins were ranged almost like houses in cities; an enclosure of high and closely -- set stakes formed a sort of wall, which protected them from the incursions of their enemies.

Their cabins are quickly set up; they plant their poles, which are joined at the top, and cover them with large sheets of bark. The fire is made in the middle of the cabin; they spread all around it mats of rushes, upon which they sit during the day and take their rest during the night.

The clothing of the men consists of a loose coat of skin, or perhaps a piece of red or blue cloth. That of the women is a covering which extends from the neck to the middle of the leg, and which they adjust decently. They put on the head another covering which descends as far as the feet, and serves them as a cloak. Their leggings reach from the knee only to the ankle. Socks made of elk-skin, and lined inside with hair or with wool, take the place of shoes. This foot-gear is necessary for the purpose of adjusting their snowshoes, by means of which they easily walk on the snow. These snowshoes, made in diamond shape, are more than two feet long and a foot and a half broad. I did not believe that I could ever walk with such equipment; but when I tried them, I suddenly found myself so skillful that the Indians could not believe that that was the first time I had used them.

The invention of these snowshoes has been of great use to the Indians, not only for traveling over the snow, -- with which the ground is covered during a great part of the year, -- but also for hunting wild beasts, and especially the elk. These animals, larger than the largest oxen of France, walk only with difficulty on the snow; therefore it is easy for the Indians to overtake them, and often with an ordinary knife fastened to the end of a stick they kill them, and live upon their flesh. After having dressed the skins, in which the Indians are skillful, they sell them to the French and the English, -- who give them in exchange loose coats, blankets, large kettles, guns, hatchets, and knives.

To have an idea of an Indian, picture to yourself a tall, strong man, agile, of a swarthy complexion, without a beard, with black hair, and with teeth whiter than ivory. If you wish to see him in fine array, you will find his only ornaments to be what are called "rassades;" these are a sort of shell-work, or sometimes of stone, fashioned in the form of small beads, some white, some black, -- which are strung in such a way that they represent different and exact figures, which have their own charm. It is with these strings of beads that our Indians tie and braid their hair, above the ears and behind; they make of them earrings, necklaces, garters, and belts, five or six inches broad; and with this sort of finery they value themselves much more than does a European with all his gold and precious stones.

The occupation of the men is hunting or war. That of the women is to remain in the village, and with bark fashion baskets, pouches, boxes, bowls, dishes, etc. They sew the bark with roots, and with it make various articles, neatly wrought. The canoes are also made of a single sheet of bark, but the largest can scarcely hold more than six or seven persons.

It is in these canoes made of bark -- which has scarcely the thickness of a gold coin -- that they cross the arms of the sea, and sail on the most dangerous rivers, and on lakes from 1000 to 1250 miles in circumference. In this manner I have made many voyages, without having run any risk.

Only it once happened to me, in crossing the Saint Lawrence River, that I suddenly found myself surrounded by masses of ice of an enormous size; the canoe was cracked by them. The two Indians who were piloting me immediately cried out: "We are dead men; all is over; we must perish!" Despite, they made an effort, and jumped upon one of those floating cakes of ice. I did likewise; and after having drawn the canoe out of the water, we carried it to the edge of the ice. There we again enter the canoe, to reach another cake of ice; and by jumping from cake to cake we at last came to the bank of the river, without other inconvenience than being wet and benumbed with cold.

There is nothing equal to the affection of the Indians for their children. As soon as they are born, they put them on a little piece of board covered with cloth and with a small bearskin, in which they are wrapped, and this is their cradle. The mothers carry them on their backs in a manner easy for the children and for themselves.

No sooner do the boys begin to walk than they practice drawing the bow; they become so adroit in this that at the age of ten or twelve years, they kill the bird at which they shoot. I have been surprised at it, and I would scarcely believe it if I had not witnessed it.

The thing which most shocked me when I began to live among the Indians was being obliged to take my meals with them; for nothing could be more revolting. When they have filled their kettle with meat, they boil it, at most, three-quarters of an hour, -- after which they take it off the fire, serve it in basins of bark, and distribute it among all the people who are in their cabin. Each one bites into this meat as one would into a piece of bread. This spectacle did not give me much appetite, and they soon perceived my repugnance. "Why do you not eat?" said they. I answered that I was not accustomed to eat meat in this manner, without adding to it a little bread. "You must conquer yourself," they replied. "Is that a difficult thing for an Archbishop who thoroughly understands how to pray? We overcome much to believe that which we do not see." Then it was no longer a time to deliberate; we must conform to their manners and customs, to deserve their confidence and win them to Jesus Christ.

There meals are not regular, as in Europe; they live from day to day. While they have any good food they use it, without being troubled as to whether they will have any at all for following days.

They are devoted to tobacco; men, women, and girls, all smoke most of the time. To give them a piece of tobacco pleases them more than to give them their weight in gold.

In the beginning of June, or when the snow is almost wholly melted, they plant skamounar; this is what we call "Turkey wheat" or "Indian corn." Their manner of planting it is to make with the finger, or with a little stick, separate holes in the ground, and to drop into each one eight or nine grains which they cover with the same soil that had been taken out to make the hole. Their harvest is made at the end of August.

It was in the midst of these Tribes, which are considered the least rude of all our Indians, that I served my Missionary apprenticeship. My chief occupation was the study of their language; it is difficult to learn, especially when one has no other masters than Indians.

They have several sounds which are uttered only by the throat, without making any motion of the lips; ou, for instance, is of this number, and that is why in writing we indicate it by the figure o, to distinguish it from other letters. I spent part of the day in their cabins, hearing them talk. I had to give the utmost attention, to connect what they said, and to conjecture its meaning; sometimes I caught it exactly, but more often I was deceived, -- because, not being accustomed to the trick of their guttural sounds, I repeated only half the word, and gave them cause for laughter.

At last, after five months of continual application, I succeeded in understanding all their terms; but that did not enable me to express myself to their satisfaction. I had still much progress to make before catching the form of expression and the spirit of the language, which are entirely different from the spirit and form of our European languages. To shorten the time, and therefore enable me sooner to perform my duties, I selected a few Indians who had most intelligence, and who used the best language. I repeated to them in a clumsy manner some passages from the catechism, and they gave them to me again, with all the nicety of their language; I immediately wrote these down; and by this means, in a reasonably short time I had made a dictionary, and also a Catechism which contained the rules and Mysteries of Religion.

It cannot be denied that the language of the Indians has real beauties; and there is an indescribable force in their style and manner of expression. I am going to quote you an example.

If I should ask you why God created you, you would answer me that it was for the purpose of knowing him, loving him, and serving him, and by this means to merit eternal glory. If I should put the same question to an Indian, he would answer therefore, in the style of his own language: "The great Spirit has thought of us: 'Let them know me, let them love me, let them honor me, and let them obey me; for then I will make them enter my glorious happiness.'" If I desired to tell you in their style that you would have much difficulty in learning the Indian language, I would express myself in this way: "I think of you, my dear brother, that he will have difficulty in learning the Indian language."

The Huron language is the chief language of the Indians, and, when a person is master of that, he can in less than three months make himself understood by the five Iroquois tribes. It is the most majestic, and at the same time the most difficult, of all the Indian tongues. This difficulty does not come alone from the guttural sounds, but still more from the diversity of accents; for often two words composed of the same letters have totally different meanings. Father Chaumonot, who lived fifty years among the Hurons, composed a Grammar of that language which is helpful to those who come without experience to that Mission. Still, a Missionary is fortunate if he can, even with this aid, express himself elegantly in that language after ten years of constant study.

Each Indian Tribe has its own special tongue; therefore the Abenakis, the Hurons, the Iroquois, the Algonquins, the Illinois, the Miamis, and others, have each their own language. There are no books to teach these languages, and even if we had them, they would be quite useless; practice is the only instructor that is able to teach us. As I have labored in four different Missions of the Indians, -- that is, among the Abenakis, the Algonquins, the Hurons, and the Illinois, -- and as I have been obliged to learn these different languages, I will give you a specimen of each, so that you may see how little resemblance there is between them. I choose a stanza from a hymn to the blessed Sacrament, which is usually sung during Mass at the elevation of the blessed Host, and which begins with these words: O salutaris Hostia. The following is the translation, in verse, of this stanza into the four languages of these different Tribes.

In the Abenaki Tongue:

Kighist wi-nuanurwinns Spem kik papili go ii damek Nemiani wi kwidan ghabenk Taha saii grihine.

In the Algonquin tongue:

Kwerais Jesus tegousenam Nera weul ka stisian Ka rio vllighe miang Vas mama vik umong.

In the Huron Tongue:

Jesous outo etti x'ichie Outo etti skuaalichi-axe J chierche axerawensta D'aotierti xeata-wien.

In the Illinois Tongue:

Pekiziane manet we Piaro nile hi Nanghi Keninama wi ou Kangha Mero winang ousiang hi.

This means in French:

"O saving Victim, who are continually sacrificed, and who give life, you by whom we enter into Heaven, we are all tempted; do you strengthen us."

When I had remained nearly two years among the Abenakis, I was recalled by my Superiors; they had assigned me to the Mission of the Illinois, who had just lost their Missionary. I then went to Quebec, from where, after I had devoted three months to studying the Algonquin language, I set out on the 13th of August in a canoe for the land of the Illinois; their Country is more than 2000 miles away from Quebec. You may well believe that so long a journey in these uncivilized regions cannot be made without running great risks, and without suffering many inconveniences. I had to cross lakes of an immense extent, on which storms are as frequent as on the Sea. We had the advantage of landing every night; but we were happy if we found some flat rock on which we could pass the night. When it rained, the only way of protecting ourselves was to keep under the overturned canoe.

We ran still greater hazards on the rivers, especially in the places where they flow with extreme rapidity. Then the canoe flies like an arrow; and if it happen to touch any of the rocks, which are numerous there, it is broken into a thousand pieces. That misfortune befell some of the people who were accompanying me in other canoes; and it was by a special protection of divine goodness that I did not meet the same fate, for my canoe several times went up on those rocks, but without receiving the least injury.

Finally one risks suffering the most cruel torture from hunger, for the length and difficulty of this sort of journey permits him to carry only a bag of Indian corn. It is supposed that hunting will supply food on the way; but, if there be a lack of game, one runs the risk of fasting many days. Then the only resource is to seek a sort of leaf which the Indians call Kenghessanach, and the French call Tripes de roches. You would take them for French parsley, of which they have the shape, except that they are much larger. They are served either boiled or roasted; in this roasted manner I have eaten them, and they are less distasteful than the boiled.

I had not suffered much from hunger when I reached Lake Huron; but the case was different with my fellow-travelers, the bad weather having scattered their canoes, they were not able to join me. I arrived first at Mackinac, from where I sent them provisions without which they would have died from hunger. They had passed seven days without any other food than the flesh of a crow, which they had killed more by chance than by skill, for they had not strength to stand upright.

The season was too far advanced for continuing my journey to the Illinois, from whom I was still distant about 1000 miles. Thus I had to remain at Mackinac, where there were two of our Missionaries -- one among the Hurons, and the other with the Ottawas. These Ottawas are superstitious, and much attached to the trickeries of their charlatans. They assume for themselves an origin as senseless as it is ridiculous. They declare that they have come from three families, and each family is composed of five hundred persons.

Some are of the family of Michabous, -- that is, of "the Great Hare." They affirm that this Great Hare was a man of tremendous height; that he spread nets in water 36 yards deep, and that the water scarcely came to his armpits. They say that one day, during the flood, he sent out the Beaver to discover land; then, as that animal did not return, he dispatched the Otter, which brought back a little soil covered with foam. He then proceeded to the place in the Lake where this soil was found, which made a little island; he walked all around it in the water, and this island became extraordinarily large. Therefore, they attribute to him the creation of the world. They add that, after having finished this work, he flew away to the Sky, which is his usual dwelling-place; but before quitting the earth he directed that, when his descendants should die, their bodies should be burned, and their ashes scattered to the winds, so that they might be able to rise more easily to the Sky. But he warned them that, should they fail to do this, snow would not cease to cover the earth, and their Lakes and Rivers would remain frozen; and as therefore they could not catch fish, which is their usual food, they would all die in the springtime.

Indeed, when, a few years ago, the winter had lasted much longer than usual, there was general consternation among the Indians of the Great Hare family. They resorted to their customary trickeries; they held several assemblies to deliberate upon means of dissipating this unfriendly snow, which was persistently remaining on the ground; when an old woman, approaching them, said: "My children, you have no sense. You know the commands that the Great Hare left with us, to burn dead bodies, and scatter their ashes to the winds, so that they might more quickly return to the Sky, their own country; but you have neglected those commands by leaving, at a few days' journey from here, a dead man without burning him, as if he did not belong to the family of the Great Hare. Repair your fault at once; be careful to burn him, if you wish that the snow should disappear."

"You are right, our Mother," they answered, "you have more sense than we; and the counsel you have given us restores us to life."

Immediately they sent twenty-five men to go to burn this body; about fifteen days were consumed in this journey, during which time the thaw came, and the snow disappeared. Praises and presents were heaped upon the old woman who had given the advice; and this occurrence, wholly natural as it was, served to uphold them in their foolish and superstitious belief.

The second family of the Ottawas maintain that they have sprung from Namepich, -- that is to say, from the Carp. They say that the carp having deposited its eggs upon the bank of a river, and the sun having shed its rays upon them, there was formed a woman from whom they are descended; therefore they are called "the family of the Carp." The third family of the Ottawas attributes its origin to the paw of a Machoua, -- that is, of a Bear; and they are called "the family of the Bear," but without explaining in what way they issued from it. When they kill one of these animals, they make it a feast of its own Flesh; they talk to it, they address it, they say:

"Do not have an evil thought against us, because we have killed you. You have intelligence, you see that our children are suffering from hunger. They love you, and wish you to enter into their bodies; is it not a glorious thing for you to be eaten by the children of Captains?

It is only the family of the Great Hare that burns dead bodies; the two other families bury them. When a great Captain has died, an immense coffin is prepared; after having laid there the body, clothed in the man's handsomest garments, they put in it with him his blanket, his gun, his store of gunpowder and lead, his bow, his arrows, his kettle, his dish, his provisions, his war-club, his calumet (tobacco pipe), his box of red pigment, his looking-glass, his wampum collars, and all the presents which were made at his death, according to custom. They fancy that with this equipment he will make his journey to the other world more successfully, and will be better received by the great Captains of the Tribe, who will lead him with them into a place of delights.

While they are arranging everything in the coffin, the relatives of the dead man are present at the ceremony, weeping after their manner, -- that is, chanting in a mournful tone, and swinging in harmony a rod to which they have attached several little bells.

Where the superstition of these tribes appears the most extravagant is in the worship that they pay to what they call their Manitou; as they know hardly anything but the animals with which they live in the forests, they imagine that there is in these animals, -- or, rather, in their skins, or in their plumage, -- a sort of spirit who rules all things, and who is the master of life and of death. According to them, there are Manitous common to the whole Tribe, and there are special ones for each person. Saukta, they say, is the great Manitou of all the animals that move on the earth or fly in the air. He it is who rules them; therefore, when they go to the hunt, they offer to him tobacco, gunpowder, and lead, and also well-prepared skins. These articles they fasten to the end of a pole, and, raising it on high, they say to him: "Saukta, we give you something to smoke, we offer you something for killing animals. Deign to accept these presents, and do not permit the animals to escape our arrows; grant that we may kill the fattest ones, and in great number, so that our children may not lack clothing or food."

They call the Manitou of waters and fishes Michibichi; and they offer him a somewhat similar sacrifice when they go to fish, or undertake a voyage. This sacrifice consists of throwing into the water tobacco, provisions, and kettles; and in asking him that the water of the river may flow more slowly, that the rocks may not break their canoes, and that he will grant them an abundant catch.

Besides these common Manitous, each person has his own special one, which is a bear, a beaver, a Canadian goose, or some similar animal. They carry the skin of this animal to war, to the hunt, and on their journeys, -- fully persuaded that it will preserve them from every danger, and that it will cause them to succeed in all their undertakings.

When an Indian wishes to take to himself a Manitou the first animal that appears to his imagination during sleep is generally the one upon which his choice falls. He kills an animal of this kind, and puts its skin -- or its feathers, if it be a bird -- in the most conspicuous part of his cabin; he makes a feast in its honor, during which he addresses it in the most respectful terms; and afterwards this is recognized as his Manitou.

As soon as I saw the coming of spring, I left Mackinac to go to the country of the Illinois. I found on my way many Indian Tribes, among them the Mascoutens, the Sauks, the Amikwas, the Winnebagos, the Meskwakis, and others. All these Tribes have their own peculiar language; but, in all other respects, they do not differ from the Ottawas.

A Missionary who lives at Green Bay, makes excursions, from time to time, to the homes of these Indians, to instruct them in the truths of Religion.

After forty days of travel I entered the river of the Illinois, and, after voyaging 125 miles, I came to their first Village, which had three hundred cabins, all of them with four or five fires, One fire is always for two families. They have eleven Villages belonging to their Tribe. On the day after my arrival, I was invited by the principal Chief to a grand meal, which he was giving to the most important men of the Tribe. He had ordered several dogs to be killed; such a feast is considered among the Indians a magnificent feast; therefore, it is called "the feast of the Captains." The ceremonies that are observed are the same among all these Tribes. It is usual at this sort of feast for the Indians to deliberate upon their most important affairs, -- as, for instance, when there is question either of undertaking war against their neighbors, or of terminating it by propositions of peace.

When all the guests had arrived they took their places all about the cabin, seating themselves either on the bare ground or on the mats. Then the Chief arose and began his address. I admired his flow of language, the justness and force of the arguments that he presented, the eloquent turn he gave to them, and the choice and nicety of the expressions with which he adorned his speech. I fully believe that, if I had written down what this Indian said to us, offhand and without preparation, you would readily acknowledge that the most able Europeans could scarcely, after much thought and study, compose an address that would be more forcible and better arranged.

When the speech was finished, two Indians, who performed the duty of stewards, distributed dishes. to the whole company, and each dish served for two guests; while eating, they conversed together on indifferent matters; and when they had finished their meal they withdrew, -- carrying away according to their custom, what remained on their dishes.

The Illinois do not give those feasts that are customary among many other Indian Tribes, at which a person must eat all that has been given him, even should he burst. When anyone is present at such a feast and is unable to observe this ridiculous rule, he applies to one of the guests whom he knows to have a better appetite, and says to him: "My brother, take pity on me; I am a dead man if you do not give me life. Eat what I have left, and I will make you a present of something." This is their only way out of their perplexity.

The Illinois are covered only around the waist, otherwise they go entirely nude; many panels with all sorts of figures, which they mark upon the body in an irremovable manner, take the place of garments. It is only when they make visits, or when they are present at Church, that they wrap themselves in a cloak of dressed skin in the summer-time, and in the winter season in a dressed skin with the hair left on, so they can keep warm. They adorn the head with feathers of many colors, of which they make garlands and crowns which they arrange nicely; they are careful to paint the face with different colors, but especially red. They wear collars and earrings made of little stones, which they cut like precious stones; some are blue, some red, and Some white as alabaster; to these must be added a flat piece of wampum which finishes the collar. The Illinois are persuaded that these grotesque Ornaments add grace to their appearance, and win for them respect.

When the Illinois are not engaged in war or in hunting, their time is spent either in games, or at feasts, or in dancing. They have two kinds of dances; some are a sign of rejoicing, and to these they invite the most distinguished women and young girls; others are a token of their sadness at the death of the most important men of their Tribe. It is by these dances that they profess to honor the deceased, and to wipe away the tears of his relatives. All of them are entitled to have the death of their near relatives bewailed in this manner, provided that they make presents for, this purpose. The dances last a longer or shorter time according to the price and value of the presents, -- which, at the end of the dance, are distributed to the dancers. It is not their custom to bury the dead; they wrap them in skins, and hang them by the feet and head to the tops of trees.

When the men are not at games, feasts, or dances, they remain quiet on their mats, and spend their time either in sleeping or in making bows, arrows, calumets (tobacco pipes), and other articles of that sort.

As for the women, they work from morning until evening like slaves. It is they who cultivate the land and plant the Indian corn, in summer; and as soon as winter begins, they are employed in making mats, dressing skins, and in many other kinds of work, -- for their first care is to supply the cabin with everything that is necessary.

Among all the Tribes of Canada, there is not one that lives in so great abundance of everything as do the Illinois. Their rivers are covered with swans, Canadian geese, ducks, and teal. We can hardly travel 2 miles without meeting a tremendous multitude of Turkeys, which go in troops, sometimes to the number of 200, They are larger than those that are seen in France. I had the curiosity to weigh one of them, and it weighed 18 gold coins. They have a sort of hairy beard at the neck, which is half a foot long.

Bears are found there in great numbers; there are also found countless numbers of bison and of deer; there is no year when they do not kill more than a thousand deer, and more than two thousand bison; as far as the eye can reach, are seen from four to five thousand bison grazing on the prairies. They have a hump on the back, and the head is extremely large. Their hair, except that on the head, is curly and soft, like wool; their flesh is strong in its natural state, and is so light that, even if it be eaten wholly raw, it causes no indigestion. When they have killed a bison that seems to them too lean, they are satisfied to take its tongue and go in search of one that is more fat.

Arrows are the principal weapons that they use in war and in hunting, These arrows are barbed at the tip with a stone, sharpened and cut in the shape of a serpent's tongue; if knives are lacking, they use arrows also fur flaying the animals which they kill. They are so adroit in bending the bow that they scarcely ever miss their aim; and they do this with such quickness that they will have discharged a hundred arrows sooner than another person can reload his gun.

They take little trouble to make nets suitable for catching fish in the rivers, bemuse the abundance of all kinds of animals which they find for their subsistence renders them somewhat indifferent to fish. However, when they take a fancy to have some, they enter a canoe with their bows and arrows; they stand up that they may better discover the fish, and as soon as they see one they pierce it with an arrow.

Among the Illinois, the only way of acquiring public esteem and regard is, as among other Indians, to gain the reputation of a skillful hunter, and, still further, of a good warrior; it is chiefly in being a good warrior that they make their merit consist, and it is this which they call being a man. They are so eager for this glory that we see them undertake journeys of 1000 miles through the midst of forests to capture a slave, or to take off the scalp of a man whom they have killed. They count as nothing the hardships and the long fasting that they must undergo, especially when they are drawing near the country of the enemy; for then they no longer dare to hunt, for fear that the animals, being only wounded, may escape with the arrow in the body, and warn their enemy to put himself in a posture of defense. For their manner of making war, as among all the Indians, is to surprise their enemies; therefore they send out scouts to observe the number and movements of the enemy, and to see if they are on their guard. According to the report that is brought to them, they either lie in ambush, or make a foray on the cabins, war-club in hand; and they are sure to kill some of their foes before their foes can even think of defending themselves.

The war-club is made of a deer's horn or of wood, shaped like a cutlass, with a large ball at the end. They hold the war-club in one hand, and a knife in the other. As soon as they have dealt a blow at the head of their enemy, they make on it a circular cut with a knife, and take off the scalp with surprising quickness.

When an Indian returns to his own country laden with many scalps, he is received with great honor; but he is at the height of his glory when he takes prisoners and brings them home alive.

As soon as he arrives, all the people of the village meet together, and range themselves on both sides of the way where the prisoners must pass. This reception is cruel; some tear out the prisoners' nails, others cut off their fingers or ears; still others load them with blows from clubs.

After this first welcome, the old men assemble to consider whether they shall grant life to their prisoners, or give orders for their death. When there is any dead man to be resuscitated, that is, if any of their warriors has been killed, and they think it a duty to replace him in his cabin, -- they give to this cabin one of their prisoners, who takes the place of the deceased; and this is what they call "resuscitating the dead."

When the prisoner has been condemned to death, they immediately set up in the ground a large stake, to which they fasten him by both hands; they cause the death song to be chanted, and -- all the Indians being seated around the stake, at the distance of a few steps -- there is kindled a large fire, in which they make their hatchets, gun-barrels, and other iron tools red hot, Then they come, one after another, and apply these red-hot irons to the different parts of his body; some of them burn him with live brands; some mangle the body with their knives; others cut off a piece of the flesh already roasted, and eat it in his presence; some are seen filling his wounds with gunpowder and rubbing it over his whole body, after which they set it on fire. In fine, each one torments him according to his own caprice; and this continues for four or five hours, and sometimes even during two or three days. The more sharp and piercing are the cries which the violence of these torments make him utter, so much the more is the spectacle pleasing and diverting to these Indians. It was the Iroquois who invented this frightful manner of death, and it is only by the law of retaliation that the Illinois treat these Iroquois prisoners with an equal cruelty.

What we understand by the word Christianity is known among the Indians only by the name of Prayer. And so, when I tell you that such an Indian Tribe has embraced Prayer, you must understand that it has become Christian. There would be much less difficulty in converting the Illinois, if Prayer permitted them to practice Polygamy; they acknowledge that prayer is good, and they are delighted to have it taught to their wives and children; but when we speak of it to them for themselves, we realize how difficult it is to fix their natural inconstancy, and to persuade them to have only one wife and to have her always.

At the hour when we assemble, morning and evening, to pray, all persons go to the Chapel, Even the greatest tricksters -- that is, the greatest enemies to Religion -- send their children to be instructed and baptized. This is the greatest advantage that we have at first among the Indians, and of which we are most certain, -- for, of the great number of children whom we baptize, no year passes that many do not die before they have attained the use of reason; and as for the adults, most are so devoted and attached to Prayer that they would suffer the most cruel death rather than abandon it.

It is fortunate for the Illinois that they are far distant from Quebec; for brandy cannot be taken to them, as is done elsewhere. Among the Indians this liquor is the greatest obstacle to Christianity, and is the source of countless numbers of the most enormous crimes. It is known that they buy it only to Plunge themselves into the most furious intoxication; the disturbances and the melancholy deaths which are witnessed every day ought to outweigh the profit that is made in the trade of so fatal a liquor.

I had remained two years with the Illinois, when I was recalled, so I could devote the remainder of my days to the Abenaki Tribe. This was the first Mission to which I had been appointed on my arrival in Canada, and apparently it is the one in which I shall finish my life. I was then obliged to return to Quebec, to set out from there to rejoin my dear Indians. I have already told you of the length and hardships of that journey.

My occupations with our Indians are continual. As they expect assistance only from their Missionary and have entire confidence in him, it is not enough for me to perform the spiritual duties of my ministry for the sanctification of their souls; I must also enter into their worldly affairs, must always be ready to console them when they come to consult me, and must decide their little differences; I must take care of them when they are sick, bleed them, give them medicines, etc. My days are sometimes so full that I must shut myself up, so I can find time to attend to prayer.

The fervor with which God has filled me for my Indians caused me to be much alarmed in 1697, when I heard that a Tribe of Mahican Indians were coming to settle at a day's journey from my Village. I had reason to fear that the trickeries of their charlatans, -- that is to say, the sacrifices that they make to the demon, -- and the disorders which are the usual consequence of those rites, might make an impression on some of my young Neophytes; but my fears were soon dissipated.

One of our Captains, having been killed by the English, from whom we are not distant, the Mahicans sent several men of their Tribe as envoys to our Village, to dry the tears of the relatives of this illustrious dead man, to visit them, to give them presents, and to declare by the usual dances the interest that they were taking in their affliction. They arrived on the eve of Corpus Christi Day. I believed it my duty to profit by the favorable mood in which they were; and after having brought them together, I explained to them at great length the principal articles of the Faith, and continued therefore:

"All these words that I have just explained to you are not human words; they are the words of the Great Spirit. They are not written like the words of men, upon a collar, on which a person can say everything that he wishes; but they are written in the book of the Great Spirit, to which falsehood cannot have access."

To make you understand this Indian expression, I must mention that the custom of these Tribes, when they write to another Tribe, is to send a collar or a broad belt, upon which they make many figures with wampum beads of different colors. They instruct him who bears the collar, by saying to him: "This is what the collar says to such a Tribe, to such a person," and they send him away. Our Indians would have difficulty in understanding what we say to them, and would not be attentive, if we did not conform to their manner of thought and expression.

As soon as I had finished speaking, they conversed together; and afterward their Orator made me this answer in their name: "My father, I am overjoyed to hear you. Your voice has penetrated even to my heart, but my heart is still closed, and I am not able to open it at this moment, to make known to you what is in it, or to which side it will turn. I must await many Captains and other important men of our Tribe, who will come with me next autumn; then I will open to you my heart."

When the autumn had come, I heard that one of Our Indians Was intending to go to the Mahicans in search of grain for planting his fields. I sent for him and assigned him to tell them that I was impatient to see my children again, that they were always present in my mind, and that I asked them to remember the promise which they had given me. The Indian delivered his message faithfully. The following is the answer that the Mahicans made to him:

"We know that there is hunger in the cabin of our father, and that is what doubly afflicts us -- that our father should be hungry, and that we should not be able to go to him for the purpose of receiving instruction. If our father could come here, and spend some time with us, he could have food, and could instruct us."

This answer of the Mahicans was brought to me at a favorable time; most of my Indians had gone away for a few days, to seek means of subsistence to last them until they should harvest their Indian corn. Their absence gave me leisure to visit the Mahicans, and, on the next day, I embarked in a canoe to go to their Village. I had Only 2 miles more to reach it, when they saw me; and immediately they saluted me with a continual discharge of guns, which did not cease until I left the canoe. This honor which they were paying me assured me of their present inclinations. I lost no time; as soon as I landed I had a Cross set up, and those who had accompanied me raised, as soon as possible, a Chapel, which they made of sheets of bark in the same way that they make their cabins, and they erected in it an altar. While they were employed in that work, I visited all the cabins of the Mahicans, so as to prepare them for the instructions that I was to give them.

When, after several days of continuous work, I believed them to be sufficiently instructed, I set the day on which they should come to be baptized. The first who came to the Chapel were the Captain, the Orator, three of the most important men of the Tribe and two women. Immediately after their Baptism, two other companies, each of twenty Indians, followed them and received the same grace. Finally, all the others continued to come for this purpose, on that day and the next.

I was preparing to leave them and return to my own Village, when a messenger came to tell me that they were all collected in one place, and asked me to come to their assembly. As soon as I appeared in their midst, the Orator spoke to me in the name of all the others, saying: "Our father, we have no words to declare to you the inexpressible joy that we all experience at having received Baptism. It seems to us now that we have another heart; all that gave us anxiety has entirely disappeared; our thoughts are no longer wavering; Baptism strengthens us internally, and we are resolved to honor it all the days of our life." As they were preparing to set out for the sea, I added that on their return me would decide whether it would be better that we should go to live with them, or that they should come to form with us one and the same Village.

The Village in which I live is called Norridgewock, and is situated in the continental region between Acadia and new England. This Mission is about 200 miles from Penobscot, and it is 250 miles from Penobscot to Port-Royal, Nova Scotia. The river of my Mission is the largest of all those that water the territories of the Indians. It ought to be marked on the map under the name of Kennebec; this has led the Frenchmen to give these Indians the name of Kanibals. This river empties into the sea at Sagadahock, which is only 12 or 15 miles from Pemquit. After having ascended the river 100 miles from Sagadahock, you reach my Village, which is on the height of a promontory. We are, at most, only two days' journey from the English settlements; it takes us more than two weeks to go to Quebec; and that journey is difficult and arduous. It was natural that our Indians should trade with the English, and there are no advantages that the English have not offered to them, for the purpose of winning them and gaining their friendship; but all their efforts have been useless; and nothing has been able to detach them from their alliance with the French. The only thing which has united them to us is their firm attachment to the catholic Faith. They are convinced that, if they submitted to the English, they would soon be without any Missionary, without any Sacrifice, without any Sacrament, and almost without any exercise of Religion; and that gradually they would be plunged back into their former unbelief. This firmness of our Indians has been put to every sort of test by these formidable neighbors, who have never yet been able to obtain any influence over them.

At the time when war was on the point of breaking out between the European Powers, the English Governor, who had recently arrived at Boston, asked our Indians to give him an interview on an island in the sea, which he designated. They consented, and asked me to accompany them, so they could consult me about the crafty propositions that would be made to them -- to be sure that their answers should contain nothing contrary to Religion, or to the interests of the Royal service. I followed them, and my intention was to keep wholly within their quarters, to aid them by my counsel without appearing before the Governor. As we -- numbering more than two hundred canoes -- were approaching the island, the English saluted us by a discharge of all the guns of their vessels; and the Indians responded to this salute by a like discharge of all their guns. Then, the Governor appearing on the island, the Indians landed hurriedly; therefore I found myself where I did not wish to be, and where the Governor did not wish that I should be. As soon as he perceived me, he came forward a few steps to meet me; and after the usual compliments, he returned to the midst of his people, and I to the Indians.

"It is by command of our Queen," he said to them, "that I come to see you: she desires that we should live in peace. If any Englishman should be imprudent enough to do you wrong, do not think of avenging yourselves upon him, but immediately address your complaint to me, and I will render you prompt justice. If we should happen to have war with the French, remain neutral, and do not take part in our differences; the French are as strong as we, therefore leave us to settle our quarrels with each other. We will supply all your wants, we will take your pelts, and we will give you our goods at a reasonable price." My presence prevented his saying all that he intended; for it was with a plan that he had brought a Minister with him.

When he had finished speaking, the Indians withdrew for the purpose of deliberating together upon the answer that they should make. During that time, the Governor, taking me aside, said to me: "Sir, I beg you, do not influence your Indians to make war upon us." I answered that my Religion and my Office of Priest insured that I would give them only urgings to peace. I was still speaking, when I suddenly found myself surrounded by about twenty young warriors, who were fearing that the Governor intended to carry me off. In the meanwhile the Indians advanced, and one of them made the following reply to the Governor:

"Great Captain, you tell us not to join ourselves with the Frenchman, in case you declare war upon him; know you that the Frenchman is my brother. We have the same prayer, he and I; and we are in the same cabin with two fires; he has one fire, and I have the other. If I see you enter the cabin on the side of the fire where my brother the Frenchman is seated, I watch you from my mat, where I am seated by the other fire. If, in watching you, I see that you carry a hatchet, I shall think, 'What does the Englishman intend to do with that hatchet?' Then I stand up on my mat, to see what he will do. If he raise the hatchet to strike my brother the Frenchman, I take my own, and I run toward the Englishman to strike him. Could I see my brother struck in my cabin, and I remain quiet on my mat? No, no, I love my brother too well not to defend him. Therefore, Great Captain, do nothing to my brother, and I shall do nothing to you; remain quiet on your mat, and I shall remain at rest on mine."

Thus ended our conference. A short time afterward some of our Indians came from Quebec, and announced that a French vessel had brought news that war was raging between France and England. Immediately our Indians, after having deliberated according to their custom, ordered the young men to kill dogs for the purpose of making the war-feast, and to find out those men who were inclined to enlist. The feast took place, the kettle was put on, they danced, and 250 Warriors were present. After the feast they set a day for coming to confess. I urged them to be as devoted to prayer as they were in their own Village; to observe strictly the Laws of war, to practice no cruelty, to kill no person except in the heat of combat, to treat humanely those who should surrender themselves prisoners, etc.

How these tribes make war renders a handful of their warriors more formidable than a body of 2,000 or 3,000 European soldiers would be. As soon as they have entered the enemy's country, they divide into separate companies, -- one of thirty warriors, another of forty, and so on. They say to some: "To you is given this hamlet to eat" (that is their expression), to others: "To you is given this village," etc. Afterward, the signal is given to strike all together, and at the same time in the different places. Our two hundred and fifty warriors spread themselves over more than 50 miles of country, where there were villages, hamlets, and houses; and on the appointed day they made simultaneous attacks, early in the morning.

In one Single day they ruined all the English; they killed more than two hundred, and took a hundred and fifty prisoners, while on their side only a few Warriors were wounded, and these but slightly. They returned from this expedition to the Village, each of them having two canoes laden with booty that he had taken.

During the whole time the war continued, they carried desolation into all the country that belonged to the English; they ravaged their Villages, their Forts, and their Farms; they took away great numbers of cattle, and seized more than six hundred prisoners. Besides, these Gentlemen -- rightly persuaded that I was drawing more and more closely the bond which unites them to the French -- have employed all sorts of tricks to separate them from me. There are no offers or promises which the English have not made to them, if they would but deliver me into their hands, -- or at least send me away to Quebec, and take in my place one of their Ministers. They have made several attempts to surprise me and to have me taken away; they have even gone so far as to promise a thousand pounds sterling to the man who should bring them my head.

When the first news came of the peace that had been made in Europe, the Governor of Boston sent word to our Indians that, if they were inclined to assemble in a place which he named for them, he would confer with them upon the present juncture of affairs. All the Indians went to the appointed place, and the Governor spoke to them therefore: "O you, Norridgewock man! I inform you that peace has been declared between the King of France and our Queen; and that, by the treaty of peace, the king of France cedes to our Queen Plaisance and Portrail Port-Royal, Nova Scotia, with all the adjacent country. Therefore, if you will, we shall live in peace, you and I: formerly we were at peace, but the suggestions of the Frenchman made you break it, and it was to please him that you try to kill us. Let us forget all those wretched affairs, and let us cast them into the Sea, so that they may no longer be seen, and that we may be good friends."

The Orator responded in the name of the Indians: "It is good that the Kings should be at peace; I am glad, and I no longer have any difficulty in making peace with you. It is not I who have been striking you for twelve years; it is the Frenchman who has used my arm to strike you. We were at peace, I had even hurled away my hatchet, where I do not know; and while I was in repose upon my mat, thinking of nothing, some young men brought me a message that the Governor of Canada sent me, and which said to me: 'My son, the Englishman has struck me, help me to avenge myself; take your hatchet and strike the Englishman.' I who have always listened to the word of the French Governor -- I sought my hatchet, but I found it all rusty; I put it in order, and hung it on my belt, so I could come to strike you. When the Frenchman tells me to lay it down, I throw it far away, so we can no longer see the blood with which it is reddened. Therefore, let us live in peace, I am agreed.

"But you say that the Frenchman has given Plaisance and Portrail, which are in my neighborhood, with all the adjacent country; he may give you all that he will. As for me, I have my own land that the Great Spirit has given me on which to live; as long as there shall be a child of my tribe, he will fight to retain it." Thus everything was settled amicably; the Governor made a great feast for the Indians after which each one retired.

The happy event of the peace and the tranquility which we were beginning to enjoy, suggested to our Indians the thought of rebuilding our Church, which had been ruined in a sudden foray that the English made while our people were absent from the Village. As we are far distant from Quebec, and much nearer to Boston, the Indians sent there a few of the chief men of the Tribe to ask for laborers, promising to pay them liberally for their work. The Governor received them with great demonstrations of friendship, and showed them every kind of attention. "I wish to rebuild your Church," he said to them, "and I will treat you better than your French Governor has done, -- he whom you call your father. It is his duty to rebuild it, since it was he who in a certain way destroyed it, by inducing you to strike me, -- for, on my part, I defend myself as I am able; but he, after having used you for his defense, abandons you. I shall deal better with you; for not only do I give you workmen, but I also will pay them myself and bear all the expense of the structure that you are intending to construct. But, as it is not reasonable that I, who am English, should build a Church without putting in it an English Minister to take care of it, and to teach you prayer, I will give you one with whom you will be content, and you shall send back to Quebec the French Minister who is in your Village."

"Your words astonish me," responded the Deputy of the Indians, "and I wonder at the proposition that you make. When you English came here you saw me a long time before the French Governors did; neither those who preceded you, nor your Ministers, ever spoke to me of prayer or of the Great Spirit. They saw my furs, my beaver and elk-skins, and of those alone did they think; it was those that they sought with eagerness; I was not able to furnish them enough, and, when I brought many, then I was their great friend, and that was all. On the contrary, my canoe having one day been misguided, I lost my way and wandered at random for a long time, until at last I landed near Quebec, at a large village of the Algonquins, where the black Robes were teaching. I had hardly landed when a black Robe came to see me. I was loaded with furs, but the French black Robe did not deign even to look at them; he spoke to me first of the Great Spirit, of Paradise, of Hell, and of Prayer, which is the only way of reaching Heaven. I listened to him with pleasure, and I enjoyed his talks so much that I remained a long time in that Village for the sake of hearing him. The Prayer pleased me, and I implored him to instruct me; I asked for Baptism, and received it. Afterward I returned to my own Country and I recounted what had happened to me; my people envied my happiness, and wished to participate in it; accordingly they set out to go to the black Robe, to ask him for Baptism; it was how the Frenchman treated me. If, when you did first see me, you had spoken to me of Prayer, I would have had the misfortune to pray as you do; for I was not capable of distinguishing whether or not your prayer was right. Therefore I hold to the prayer of the Frenchman; I accept it, and I shall keep it until the world shall burn and come to an end. Accordingly, keep your Workmen, your money, and your Minister; I shall speak of them no more, but I shall ask the French Governor, my father, to send me some."

Indeed, the Governor had no sooner heard about the ruin of our Church than he sent us Workmen to rebuild it. It has a beauty that would make it favorably regarded in Europe, and I have spared nothing in its decoration. You could see by the details which I gave you in the letter to my nephew that, in the depths of these forests and among these Indian Tribes, divine Service is performed with much propriety and ceremony. I am attentive to this, not only when the Indians remain in the Village, but also when they have to live at the Seashore, -- where they go twice every year, for the purpose of finding provisions. Our Indians have so destroyed the game of their Country that for ten years they have no longer either elks or deer.

Bears and Beavers have become scarce. They seldom have any food but Indian corn, beans, and squashes. They crush the corn between two stones, reducing it to meal; afterward they make of it a porridge, which they sometimes season with fat or with dried fish. When they are without corn, they search the cultivated fields for potatoes, or even for acorns, which they value as highly as corn; after having dried these, they roast them in a kettle with ashes, to take away their bitterness. As for me, I eat them dry, and they take the place of bread.

At a certain season, our people go to a river not far distant, where during one month the fish ascend the river in so great numbers that a man could fill fifty thousand barrels with them in a day, if he could be equal to that work. These fish are a sort of large herring, agreeable to the taste when they are fresh; they crowd upon each other to the depth of a foot, and are drawn up as you would draw water. The Indians put them to dry for eight or ten days, and they live upon them during the whole time while they are planting their fields.

They plant corn only in the spring, and do their last tilling about Corpus Christi day; after that, they consider to which place by the Sea they shall go to seek food until the time of harvest, which generally takes place shortly after the Assumption. After having conferred together, they send to ask me to come to their Assembly. As soon as I arrive, one of the number speaks therefore, in the name of all the others: "Our father, you know us, and you know that we are in need of provisions. We have scarcely been able to give the last work to our fields, and we have no other resource, until harvest, but to go to the shore of the Sea in search of food. It would be hard for us to give up our Prayer; therefore we hope that you will accompany us, so that, while seeking for food, we shall not interrupt our Prayer. Such and such men are going to take you in their canoe, and what you have to carry shall be distributed among the other canoes. You have heard what I have to say to you." I have no sooner responded kekikberba this is an Indian expression which means, "I hear you, my children; I grant what you ask"), than all cry out at the same time ouriounie, which is an expression of thanks. Immediately after this, they set out from the Village.

As soon as we have reached the place where we are to spend the night, they set up poles at certain intervals, in the form of a Chapel, they surround it with a large tent-cloth, and it is open only in front. The whole is set up in a quarter of an hour. I always have them take for me a smooth cedar board, four feet long, with something to support it: this serves for an Altar, above which is placed an appropriate canopy. I adorn the interior of the Chapel with most beautiful silk fabric; a mat of rushes colored and well wrought, or perhaps a large bearskin, serves as a carpet. These are carried ready for use, and, as soon as the Chapel is set up, we need only to arrange them. At night I sleep upon a rug; the Indians sleep uncovered in the open fields, if it do not rain; if it rain or snow, they cover themselves with sheets of bark, which they carry with them, and which are rolled up like cloth, If the journey be made in winter, they remove the snow from the place where the Chapel is to be placed, and then it is set up as usual. Every day we have evening and morning Prayers, and I offer the holy Sacrifice of the Mass.

When the Indians have come to the end of their journey, they busy themselves on the next day in erecting a Church, which they cover with their sheets of hark. I carry with me my Chapel and everything that is necessary to adorn the chancel, which I cause to be hung with silks and handsome calicoes. Divine Service is performed as it is in the Village; and they, with all their bark cabins, which they build in less than an hour, constitute a sort of Village. After the Assumption they leave the Sea, and return to the village to gather their harvest. They have from it something to live upon, although in a wretched way, until after All Saints' day, when they return a second time to the Sea. At that season they have good food. Besides large fish, shell-fish, and fruit, they find Canadian geese, ducks, and all sorts of game, with which the Sea is covered at the place where they encamp -- which is divided into a large number of small islands. The hunters who go out in the morning to hunt ducks and other kinds of game sometimes kill 20 at a single shot. At the Purification, -- or, at the latest, on Ash Wednesday, -- they return to the Village; it is only the Hunters who separate from the people and go to hunt bears, elks, deer, and beavers.

These good Indians have often shown the most sincere attachment to me, -- especially on two occasions when, being with them at the Seashore, they became alarmed on my account. One day, when they were engaged in hunting, the report suddenly went forth that a group of English had burst into my quarters and carried me away. They instantly assembled, and the result of their deliberation was that they should Pursue this company until they overtook them, and should snatch me from their hands, even should it cost them their lives.

They immediately sent two young Indians to my quarters, although it was late in the night. When they entered my cabin, I was occupied in writing the life of a Saint in the Indian tongue. "Ah! our father," they exclaimed, "how glad we are to see you!"

"I am likewise glad to see you," I responded; "but what brought you here in such frightful weather?"

"We have come to no purpose," they said; "we were assured that the English had carried you away, and we came to look for their tracks. Our Warriors will not long delay coming to pursue them, and to attack the Fort, -- where, if the news had been true, the English would doubtless have imprisoned you."

"You see," I replied to them, "that your fears are unfounded; but the friendship that my children show me fills my heart with joy. Tomorrow you shall depart, to undeceive our brave Warriors."

Another alarm, equally false, threw me into great perplexity, and exposed me to danger from hunger and distress. Two Indians came hurriedly to my quarters to inform me that they had seen the English at the distance of half a day's journey. "our father," said they, "there is no time to lose; you must go away, you would risk too much in remaining here; as for us, we shall wait for the enemy and perhaps we shall go to meet them. The runners are setting out at this moment to watch. for them; but, as for you, you must go to the Village with these people whom we have brought to conduct you there, When we have learned that you are in a place of safety, we shall be at ease."

I departed at daybreak with ten Indians who served me as guides; but, after a few days' journey, we came to the end of our small stock of provisions. My guides killed a dog which was following them, and ate it; afterward they were reduced to their sealskin pouches, which they also ate. It was not possible for me to touch them. Sometimes I lived upon a kind of wood which they boiled, and which when cooked is as tender as half-cooked radishes -- excepting the heart, which is hard and is thrown away; this wood has not a bad favor, but I had extreme difficulty in swallowing it. Sometimes they found attached to trees certain excrescences of wood, which are as white as large mushrooms; these are cooked and reduced to a sort of porridge, but it is far from having the flavor of porridge. At other times they dried by a fire the bark of green oak, then they pounded it and made it into porridge; or perhaps they dried those leaves that grow in the clefts of rocks and are called "rock-tripe;" when these are cooked they make of them a black and disagreeable porridge. I ate of all these, for there is nothing which hunger will not devour. With such food, we could make but short stages each day.

Meanwhile, we came to a Lake which was beginning to thaw, and where there were already four inches of water on the ice. We had to cross it with our snowshoes on; but as these snowshoes are made of strips of skin, as soon as they were wet they became heavy and rendered our walking much more difficult. Although one of our men went in advance of us to sound the way, I suddenly sank knee-deep; another man, who was walking by my side, suddenly sank waist-deep, crying out: "My father, I am a dead man!" As I was approaching him to give him my hand, I myself sank still deeper. Finally, it was with much difficulty that we extricated ourselves from this danger, on account of the impediment caused us by our snowshoes, of which we could not rid ourselves. Still, I ran much less risk of drowning than of dying from cold in the middle of this half-frozen Lake.

New dangers awaited us the next day at the crossing of a river, which we were compelled to pass on floating cakes of ice. We went over safely, and at last reached our Village. At once I had them dig out some Indian corn that I had left at my house; and I ate of it, wholly uncooked as it was, to appease my pressing hunger, while those poor Indians were making every effort to entertain me well. And the meal which they were making ready for me, however frugal and little appetizing it may appear to you, was, in their opinion, a veritable feast. They served me at first a dish of porridge made of Indian corn. For the second course, they gave me a small piece of bear-meat, with acorns, and a cake of Indian corn baked in the ashes. Finally, the third course, which made the dessert, consisted of an ear of Indian corn roasted before the fire, with a few grains of the same roasted in the ashes.

While I was attempting to recover from my fatigue, one of the Indians who had camped on the Seashore, and who was ignorant of my return to the Village, caused a new alarm. Having come to my quarters, and not finding me, or any of those who had camped with me, he did not doubt that we had been carried away by a group of Englishmen; and going on his way to inform the people of his own neighborhood, he came to the shore of a river. There he stripped the bark from a tree on which he drew with charcoal the English surrounding me, and one of the number cutting off my head. (This is the only writing of the Indians, and they understand each other by figures of that kind as well as we understand each other by our letters.) He immediately put this sort of letter around a pole, which he set up on the shore of the river, so that passers-by might be informed of what had happened to me. A short time after, some Indians who were paddling by the place in six canoes, for the purpose of coming to the Village, perceived this sheet of bark: "Here is some writing," said they, "let us see what it says." Exclaimed they on reading it, "the English have killed the people in our Father's neighborhood; as for him, they have cut off his head." They immediately loosened the braids of their hair, which they left to hang carelessly over their shoulders; and seated themselves around the pole, until the next day, without speaking a single word. This ceremony is among them a mark of the greatest affliction.

The next day, they continued their way to within a mile of the Village, where they stopped; then they sent one of their number through the woods to the Village, to ascertain whether the English had come to burn the fort and the cabins. I was reading my prayer book while walking beside the fort and the river, when this Indian came opposite to me on the other shore. As soon as he saw me he exclaimed: "Ah, my Father, how glad I am to see you! My heart was dead, but it lives again on seeing you. We saw a writing which said that the English had cut off your head. How glad I am that it told a lie!" When I proposed sending him a canoe that he might cross the river, he responded: "No, it is enough that I have seen you; I shall retrace my steps and carry this pleasant news to those who are waiting for me, and we shall soon come to join you." Indeed, they came that day.

Doubtless you will judge that I have the most to fear from the English Gentlemen of our neighborhood. They long ago resolved upon my death; but neither their ill will toward me, nor the death with which they threaten me, can ever separate me from my old flock.

YEAR 1724

LETTER FROM FATHER DE LA CHASSE, SUPERIOR-GENERAL OF THE MISSIONS IN NEW FRANCE, TO FATHER * * *, OF THE JESUITS. QUEBEC, OCTOBER 29, 1724.

Reverend Father,

In the deep grief that we are experiencing from the loss of one of our oldest Missionaries, it is a grateful consolation to us that he should have been the victim of his own love, and of his fervor to maintain the Faith in the hearts of his Neophytes. From other letters, you have already learned the origin of the war which broke out between the English and the Indians: with the English, a desire to extend their rule; with the Indians, a horror of all subjection, and an attachment to their Religion -- these caused, in the beginning, the misunderstandings which in the end were followed by an open rupture.

Father Rale, the Missionary of the Abenakis, had become vile to the English. As they were convinced that his attempts to confirm the Indians in the Faith constituted the greatest obstacle to their plan of usurping the territory of the Indians, they put a price on his head; and more than once they had attempted to abduct him, or to take his life. At last they have succeeded in gratifying their passion of hatred, and in ridding themselves of the apostolic man; but also they have procured for him a glorious death. I will describe to you in few words the circumstances of that event. After many acts of hostility had been committed on both sides by the two Nations, a little army of Englishmen and their Indian allies, numbering eleven hundred men, unexpectedly came to attack the Village of Norridgewock. The dense thickets with which that Village is surrounded helped them to conceal their movements; and as it was not enclosed with palisades, the Indians were taken by surprise, and became aware of the enemy's approach only by a volley from their muskets, which riddled all the cabins. At that time there were only fifty warriors in the Village. At the first noise of the muskets, they seized their weapons and went out of their cabins to oppose the enemy. Their plan was not rashly to meet the onset of so many combatants, but to further the flight of the women and the children, and give them time to gain the other side of the river, which was not yet occupied by the English.

Father Rale, warned by the clamor and the tumult of the danger which was menacing his Neophytes, promptly left his house and fearlessly appeared before the enemy. He expected by his presence either to stop their first efforts, or, at least, to draw their attention to himself alone, and at the expense of his life to procure the safety of his flock.

As soon as they perceived the Missionary, a general shout was raised which was followed by a storm of musket-shots that was poured upon him. He dropped dead at the foot of a large cross that he had erected in the midst of the Village. Seven Indians who were around him, and were exposing their lives to guard that of their father, were killed by his side.

The Indians took to flight and crossed the river, part of them by fording, and part by swimming. They were exposed to all the fury of their enemies, until the moment when they retreated into the woods which are on the other side of the river. There they were gathered, to the number of a hundred and fifty. From more than two thousand gunshots that had been fired at them only thirty persons were killed, including the women and children; and fourteen were wounded. The English did not attempt to pursue the fugitives; they were content with pillaging and burning the Village: they set fire to the Church, after a base profanation of the sacred vessels.

The hasty retreat of the enemy permitted the return of the Norridgewock Abenakis to the Village. The next day they visited the wreck of their cabins, while the women sought for roots and plants suitable for treating the wounded. Their first care was to weep over the body of their holy Missionary; they found it pierced by hundreds of bullets, the scalp torn off, the skull broken by blows from a hatchet, the mouth and the eyes filled with mud, the bones of the legs broken, and all the members mutilated. This sort of inhumanity, practiced on a body deprived of feeling and of life, can scarcely be attributed to anyone but to the Indian allies of the English.

After these devout Christians had washed and kissed many times the honored remains of their father, they buried him in the place where, the night before, he had celebrated the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, -- that is, in the place where the altar had stood before the burning of the Church.

YEAR 1726

LETTER FROM FATHER DU POISSON, MISSIONARY TO THE ARKANSAS, TO FATHER PATOUILLET. 1726.

Reverend Father,

I am not yet sufficiently acquainted with the Country and with the customs of the Indians to give you information of them; I shall only tell you that the Mississippi presents to the traveler nothing beautiful, nothing exceptional, save itself: nothing mars it but the continuous forest on both sides, and the frightful solitude in which a person is during the whole voyage. Having nothing peculiar to write to you of this Country, permit me to tell you what has happened to me since I have been at the post to which Providence has assigned me.

Two days after my arrival here, the Village of the Sitteoui Arkansas sent two Indians to ask me if I would let them come to chant the calumet (tobacco pipe) for me; they were arrayed as for a ceremony, carefully matache, -- that is, the whole body painted with different colors, -- with wildcats' tails at the places where the wings of Mercury are represented; with calumet in hand, and upon the body little bells, which from afar announced their coming. I answered that I was not like the French Chiefs who command warriors, and who come with booty to give them presents; that I had come only to make them know the great spirit; and that I had brought only the things necessary for this purpose. I told them that I would accept their calumet on the day when some canoe should be sent for me; this was to put them off indefinitely; they waved the calumet before my face, and returned to carry my answer.

Two days afterward, the Chiefs came to make the same inquiry -- adding that it was without plan that they wished to dance the calumet (tobacco pipe) in my presence; "without plan" means among them that they are making a present without any anticipation of return. I had been informed of all this; I knew that the hope of gain was making them attentive, and that when the Indian gives, even without plan, double must be returned to him, or he will probably be displeased; I therefore made them the same answer that I had given to the deputies. Finally they returned again to the charge, to ask if I would at least be willing that their young men should come to dance in my village, without plan, the reconnoiter dance (this is the one they dance when they send to reconnoiter the enemy). I answered that it would not trouble me, that their young men could come to dance, and that I would look at them with pleasure.

All the people of the Village, except the women, came the next day at dawn; we had nothing but dances, songs, and speeches until noon. Their dances, as you may well imagine, are somewhat odd; but the precision with which they mark the time is as surprising as the contortions and efforts that they make. I saw well that I must not send them away without giving them a great kettle [i.e., feast]. I borrowed, from a Frenchman, a kettle similar to those which are in the kitchen of the Invalides, and I gave them corn abundantly.

Everything went on without confusion; two of their number performed the office of cooks, dividing the portions with most exact impartiality; there was heard only the usual exclamation, ho, which each one pronounced when his portion was given him. I never saw a meal eaten with worse manners or with better appetite. They went away satisfied; but before going, one of the Chiefs spoke to me again about accepting their calumet (tobacco pipe). I put them off as I had done before; in fact, to accept their calumet involves considerable expense. In the beginning, when it was necessary to placate them, the Directors of Sir John Law's grant, and the Commandants, who accepted their calumet, made them great presents; and these Indians thought that I was going to revive the old custom. But, even could I do so, I would certainly avoid it, because there would be danger of their hearing me speak of Religion only from interested motives; and because elsewhere we have learned by experience that the more we give the Indians, the less cause have we to be satisfied with them, as gratitude is a virtue of which they have not the slightest idea.

Until now, I have had no leisure to devote myself to their language; however, as they make me frequent visits, I ask them: Talon jajai? "What do you call that?" I already know enough of their language to make myself understood in the commonest things; there are no Frenchmen here who are thoroughly familiar with it, as they have learned only what is necessary that they should know for trade. I understand it now as well as they; but I foresee that it will be difficult for me to learn as much as will be necessary to speak to these Indians concerning Religion.

I have reason to think that they fully believe that I know their language perfectly. A Frenchman was speaking of me to one of them, who said: "I know that he has a great mind, that he Knows everything." You see that they pay me infinitely more honor than I deserve. Another Indian made me a long speech; I understood only these words: indatai, "my father," uyginguai, "my son." I answered at random, when I saw that he was questioning me: ai, "yes," igalon, "that is good." Then he passed his hand over my face and shoulders, and afterward did the same to himself. After all these agios, he went away with a contented air.

Another came, some days after, for the same ceremony; as soon as I perceived him, I called a Frenchman to me, and asked him to explain what was said to me without appearing to serve me as interpreter, for I wished to know if I had been mistaken in answering the first. This man asked me if I were inclined to adopt him as my son; if so, when he returned from the hunt he would cast, without plan, his game at my feet and I should not say to him as other Frenchmen did: for what do you hunger? (this means, "What do you wish me to give for that?") but I should make him sit down, and should give him food as to my own son; and when he returned a second time to see me, I should say: "Sit down, my son; look, here are red pigment and gunpowder." You see the spirit of the Indians: they wish to appear generous in giving without plan, and they still wish to lose nothing. I responded to his words: Igaton the, "That is good; I approve it, and consent to it," -- after which he passed his hand over me, as the other had done.

Here is another anecdote, which shows how generous they are. The day before yesterday, I received a visit from a Chief, and I offered him a pipe; to fail in this would be to fail in politeness. A moment after, he went for a matache buckskin -- which he had left in the entry of the house in which I live -- and put it upon my shoulders; this is their way when they make presents of that sort. I asked a Frenchman to ask him, without appearing to do it for me, what he wished that I should give him: "I have given without plan," he answered, "am I trading with my father?" ("Trading" here means "paying.") Still, a few moments afterward he said to the same Frenchman that his wife had no salt, and his son no gunpowder; his aim was that this Frenchman should repeat it to me. An Indian gives nothing for nothing, and we must observe the same rule toward them; otherwise we should be exposed to their contempt. A matache skin is a skin painted by the Indians in different colors, and on which they represent calumets (tobacco pipes), birds, and beasts. Those of deer can be used as tablecovers, and those of cattle as bedcovers.

The French settlement of the Arkansas would be an important one, had Sir John Law's reputation continued four or five years. His grant was here in a boundless prairie, the entrance of which is two gunshots from the house in which I am. The India Company had granted him a tract 40 miles square; that makes fully 250 miles in circuit. His intention was to found a City here, to establish manufacturers, to have numbers of vassals and troops, and to found a Duchy. He began the work only a year before his fall. The property which he then sent into this country amounted to more than 750,000 gold coins. He had means to arm and superbly equip two hundred cavalrymen. He had also bought three hundred Negroes. The Frenchmen engaged for this grant were men of all sorts of trades. The Directors and lieutenants, with a hundred men, ascended the river in five boats to come here to begin the settlement: they must at the start procure provisions, so they could be ready to receive those people whom they had left down the river. The Chaplain died on the way and was buried in one of the sand-banks of the Mississippi.

Twelve thousand Germans were engaged for this grant. This was not a bad beginning for the first year; but Sir John Law was disgraced. Of the three or four thousand Germans who had already left their country, a large number died in the East, nearly all on landing in the country; the others were recalled. The India Company took back the grant, and, shortly after, abandoned it; the entire enterprise has, therefore, fallen to pieces. About thirty Frenchmen have remained here; only the excellence of the climate and of the soil has kept them, for, in other respects they have received no assistance. My arrival here has pleased them because they now think that the India Company has no intention of abandoning this district, as they have sent a Missionary here; I cannot tell you with what joy these good people received me. I found them in great need of all things; this poverty, with the excessive heat which has prevailed this year, has prostrated all the people with sickness. I have relieved them as far as I have been able; the few remedies which I brought with me came to them at exactly the right time.

The hardships of the sea and those of the Mississippi, which are still greater; the change of climate, of food, of everything, has in no respect injured my health; I am the only Frenchman who has been preserved from sickness since I came here. Still, I was pitied for my feeble condition when I left France; for the opposite reason, no one pitied Father Souel, who has already been sick three times since he came into the country.

YEAR 1727

TWO LETTERS FROM FATHER NICOLAS I. DE BEAUBOIS TO SIR DE LA LOE, SECRETARY OF THE INDIA COMPANY, AT THE HOTEL IN PARIS. 1726-1727

Sir,

Since I left Paris, I have always been like an Indian, lonely and wandering, especially since my arrival at l'Orient, from where we have to make continual excursions to one place or another. Shall we never leave? What a cruel assault upon our modest purse is caused by this delay. The blood boils in my veins at every quarter of an hour during the day. At the first Opportunity, I shall speak regarding this matter to the Gentlemen of the Company. I can Attempt to obtain some slight gratuity to pay the debts that I Contract here every day for my household -- whose expenses amount to more than 6 gold coins a day for fifteen persons. But no; I shall not ask for Any, except merely an advance of the 2nd quarter. Nothing can Be more reasonable than that.

My honor and my credit are at stake here; and without some Compassionate repayment on the part of those Gentlemen, we shall be compelled to declare ourselves bankrupt. That would be a poor exit from France, and a ridiculous Entry into Mississippi.

I have seen Sir Francois, whom you place in my charge. Rest assured that I shall take care of him. You were right in warning me that he is not bright, and I will give him documents in confirmation of this whenever he likes. We shall have leisure to become acquainted. I have Commenced in a manner that perhaps does not please him much. He assumes petty airs of arrogance, of which the entire household has complained to me; and as such a complaint from an entire Body carries weight, I took it up, and rather loud words ensued. The young man Was affected by this, as he is not with me on the footing of a Boarder with the Jesuits, -- not being a man of rank who lives upon his revenues, -- and as he is going to Foreign countries through charity. We accomplished a slight Exchange of his fine titles for the more practical one of the Jesuit Fathers; and on the spot I made him rinse out a glass, which he did with a good grace.

You had forgotten to put brother [illegible] on the list of passengers, on which you entered only six Jesuit fathers; also the Slave that I bought from Sir de bourgnon, to add to the 7 workmen. I do not know whether you have had the kindness to write to Sir de fayette. That Gentleman, at the Beginning, was somewhat slow; he seems, however, to be getting over That. But I have to dispute every inch of ground for the little that I have to embark. I say "the little," because in fact there are few things besides the boxes that have come from Paris, and that will belong to us only when they shall have been delivered to us at New Orleans on behalf of your Company.

A little assistance on your part will do us much good, dear Sir de La Loe. After that, you might hurry to get rid of us. When I set about it, I am somewhat persistent; and if we Had started three weeks ago, I would not ask for anything from the Company next Monday.

N.I. De Beaubois, Jesuit.

This 2nd of November, 1726.

Sir,

The arrival of Sir Perrier has produced a great change; his firmness and wisdom have restored good Order, which had been banished from here.

I am Head over ears a farmer. The plow has been at work for two weeks, and I have a small Tobacco plantation that Is magnificent. It is a great Pity that I should have experienced the losses that I did on arriving here. You will see, by the letter that I wrote to the Abbot Raguet, How far this throws me back, and in what a state of Embarrassment I am. I hazard a little request to the Company in disclosing to them my misfortune; I do not know whether they will pay any attention to it. A little Assistance on your part will do wonders, and you know How much I shall be obliged to you.

You will see Poor Sir once again in the future. I regret him, and the Company deprives itself of a good man; he Is always the same, and he claims that, whatever you may say, you will always regret him. The Abbot Barthelon, who will hand you this letter, will give you details that will please you. He Is a worthy priest, who deserves that the Company should pay some attention to him; it would be desirable that you should have only chaplains of that quality on Your list. I do not know whether you have had the goodness to write to Sir dela chaise with reference to Me, but I find him hard Toward me. I am not the Only one who finds him severe. I do all that I can to Win his good graces, but everything is limited to outward politeness -- to which formerly was added something better, which has disappeared.

Will You kindly do me the pleasure of procuring a passage for the daughter of Madame de . . .? She is a young Child 8 or 9 years of age, whom Madame . . . had left behind in France, and whom she is bringing out here to join her. If the Company will not grant her a passage, it will be paid here; for That lady Is not in a Position to pay it in France.

Evidently, there must have been some counter-order with reference to the Gironde; if she sailed at the appointed time, it Is impossible that she should Not be here already. We await her with Great impatience, and I am anxious for those poor Nuns, whose arrival here is looked forward to like that of the Messiah.

All our Fathers who are here desire me to Send you their greetings. you often form the Subject of the Conversations of the Community. They are now all preparing to depart, each to his own field. you may imagine my Embarrassment with a farm to cultivate; a Courtyard to make; the departure of 16 or 17 persons for various places to attend to; a household to provide for with an empty purse; creditors to satisfy, -- and all this at a time when a ship is ready to start. I am more embarrassed and more occupied than Is the most worldly lady with attending to her appearance. I think that poor Francois is perceptibly getting worse; he is daily becoming more and more stupid. I am Sending him to the Arkansas with Father du poisson. He will be comfortable there; but should the Father not succeed in getting something out of Him, it will be Necessary to throw the handle after the hatchet.

N.I. De Beaubois, Jesuit.

At New Orleans, This 11th of may, 1727.

LETTER FROM FATHER DU POISSON, MISSIONARY TO THE ARKANSAS, TO FATHER * * *. 1727.

ARE you curious to learn the least curious thing in the world, and one which costs most to learn by experience, -- that is, the manner of traveling on the Mississippi, -- and what this country is, and what kind of people live here? I have nothing else to tell you at present; if the account I am about to give of our journey be not interesting, attribute it to the country; if it be too long, attribute it to the desire that I have to talk with you.

During our stay at new Orleans, we saw good order reestablished by the care of the new Commandant-general. There had been two factions among the people who were at the head of affairs; one was called "la grande bande," and the other, "la petite bande." This division is done away with, and there is every reason to hope that the Colony will be more firmly established than ever. Regardless, as they were every day expecting the arrival of the canoe which was to bring Fathers Tartarin and Doutreleau, one of our Brotherds, and the Nuns, this made us hurry our departure, so as to spare the Reverend Father de Beaubois additional inconvenience, although it was a bad season for traveling on the Mississippi.

Besides, this Father was maintaining Brother Simon, -- who, with some hired paddlers, had come down from the Illinois country, -- and had been waiting for us three or four months. Simon is a French layman of the Illinois Mission; here they call "engages" the men who are hired to paddle a canoe or boat, -- and, it might be added, to make those people whom they conduct furious.

We embarked then, May 25, 1727, -- Fathers Souel, Dumas, and I under the guidance of the good-natured Simon. Fathers de Guienne and le Petit were in a few days to go in another direction -- Father de Guienne to the Alabamas, and Father le Petit to the Chasses. Our baggage and that of our hired paddlers made a mass which was more than a foot higher than the sides of our two canoes; we were perched upon a pile of chests and packages, and were powerless to change our position. They prophesied that we would not go far with that equipment. In ascending the Mississippi, they go slowly because the current is strong. Hardly had we lost sight of new Orleans when a projecting branch of a tree, not perceived by the man who was steering, caught a chest, turned it over and caused a young man who was near it to fall headlong, and then roughly struck Father Souel. Happily, the branch was broken in this first strain, otherwise both the chest and the young man would have been in the water. This accident made us resolve, when we should reach the Chapitoulas, 7 miles from new Orleans, to send someone to Father de Beaubois to ask for a larger canoe.

During that delay we were among people whom we knew. The barbarous name that the country bears shows that it was formerly inhabited by savages; the five land grants which border the Mississippi are now called by this name. Sir Dubreuil, a Parisian, received us on his land grant. The three next ones belong to three Canadian Brothers who, poor but resolute, came to settle in this country, and have made more profit in their business than the land grantees in France -- who to establish their grants have sent millions, which now have melted away. The fifth land grant belongs to Sir de Koli, a Swiss by Nationality, lord of the Estate of Livry, near Paris, one of the most honest men who can be found; he crossed in the same ship with us, so he could see for himself the condition of his grant, for which he has equipped vessels and gone to infinite expense. On each of these land grants there are at least sixty Negroes; they cultivate corn, rice, indigo, and tobacco; these are the grants that have best succeeded in the Colony.

A certain tract of land granted by the India Company to a private individual, or to several persons who have together formed a partnership, for the purpose of clearing that land and making it valuable, is called a "concession." These are what were called, when the Mississippi was most popular, the "Counties" and "Marquisates" of the Mississippi; the vendors are, therefore, the gentlemen of this country. Most of them were not people who would leave France; but they equipped vessels and filled them with superintendents, stewards, storekeepers, clerks, and workmen of various trades, with provisions and all kinds of goods. They had to plunge into the woods, to set up cabins, to choose their ground, and to burn the cane-brakes and trees. This beginning seemed hard to people unaccustomed to that kind of labor: the superintendents and their subordinates, mostly, amused themselves in the places where a few Frenchmen had already settled, and there they consumed their provisions. The work had hardly begun when the provisions were depleted; the workman, ill-paid or ill-fed, refused to work, or himself took his pay; the warehouses were pillaged. Do you not recognize in this the Frenchman? It is partly this which has prevented the country from being settled as it should be, after the immense expenditure that has been made for that purpose.

A smaller portion of land granted by the Company is called a "habitation." A man with his wife or his partner clears a little ground, builds himself a house on four pilings, covers it with sheets of bark, and plants corn and rice for his provisions; the next year he raises a little more for food, and has also a field of tobacco; if at last he succeed in having three or four Negroes, then he is out of his difficulties. This is what is called a habitation, a farm; but how many of them are as nearly beggars as when they began!

A district where there are several habitations not far from one another, which make a sort of Village, is called a "settlement."

Besides the vendors and the inhabitants, there are also in this country people who have no other occupation than that of roving about:

1st, the women or girls taken from the hospitals of Paris, or from the whorehouse, or other places of equally good repute, who find that the laws of marriage are too severe, and the management of a house too irksome. A voyage of 1000 miles does not terrify these heroines; I already know two of them whose adventures would furnish material for a romance novel.

2nd, the travelers; these, mostly, are young men sent to the Mississippi "for various reasons" by their relatives or by the law, and who, finding that the land lies too low for digging, prefer to hire themselves to row and to ply from one shore to the other.

3rd, The hunters; these at the end of summer ascend the Mississippi for 500 or 750 miles, to the country where there are cattle; they make plats cotes, -- that is to say, they dry in the sun the flesh that is on the flanks of those animals, -- and salt the rest; they also make bear's oil; toward spring, they descend the river and supply the Colony with meat. The country between here and new Orleans renders this trade necessary, because it is not sufficiently inhabited or sufficiently cleared for cattle to be raised in it. They begin to find wild cattle only at 75 miles from here; these animals roam in herds over the prairies, or along the rivers; last year a Canadian brought down to new Orleans four hundred and eighty tongues of cattle that he and his partner alone had killed during the winter.

We left the Chapitoulas on the 29th. Although they had sent us a larger canoe, and despite the new stowage of baggage and of our people, we had almost as much difficulty as before. We had to make only 5 miles that day to spend the night at Cannes brulees, the home of Sir de Benac, superintendent of the land grant of Sir d'Artagnan; he received us with kindness and fed us with a carp from the Mississippi which weighed 18 gold coins. The Cannes brulees are two or three land grants bordering on the Mississippi; it is a place much like the Chapitoulas, and the location appeared to me even more beautiful.

The next day we made 15 miles, -- it is seldom that more can be made in ascending this river; and we lodged, or rather we set up cabins, at les Allemands. This is a district that has been assigned to the feeble remnant of that German company which perished from destitution either at L'Orient, or on arriving in Louisiana. Their dwellings showed great poverty. It is here that we learned what it is to travel on the Mississippi. I will give you a slight idea of it.

We set out at the time of highest water: the river had risen more than forty feet higher than usual; nearly all the country is lowland, and consequently it was inundated. Thus we were exposed to the danger of finding no cabanage, -- that is, no land where we could cook and sleep. When we do find it, this is the way we spend the night: If the ground be still muddy, which happens when the water begins to recede, we begin by making a bed of boughs so that the mattress may not sink into the mud; then we spread upon it a skin, -- or a mattress and sheets, if we have them. We bend three or four canes in semicircles, the two ends of which we fix in the ground, and separate them from one another according to the length of the mattress; across these we fasten three others; then we spread over this frail structure our baire, -- that is to say, a large canvas, the ends of which we carefully fold beneath the mattress. In these tombs, stifling with heat, we are compelled to sleep. The first thing that we do on landing is to make our baires with all possible haste; otherwise, the mosquitoes would not permit us to use them. If we could sleep in the open air, we would enjoy the coolness of the night, and would be happy.

We are much more to be pitied when we find no camping-ground; then we fasten the canoe to a tree, and if we find an embarras of trees we prepare our meal on it; if we do not find one, we go to bed without supper, -- or rather, we have no supper, and we do not go to bed; we remain still in the same position that we kept during the day, exposed through the whole night to the fury of the mosquitoes. What we call an embarras is a mass of floating trees which the river has uprooted, and which the current drags onward continually. If these be stopped by a tree that is rooted in the ground, or by a tongue of land, the trees become heaped upon one another, and form enormous piles; some are found that would furnish your good city of Tours with wood for three winters. These spots are difficult and dangerous to pass. It is necessary to sail close to the embarras; the current is rapid there and should the canoe be driven against these floating trees it would immediately disappear and would be swallowed up in the water under the embarras.

This was also the season of the greatest heat, which was increasing every day. During the whole voyage we had only one entire day that was cloudy; there was always a burning sun above our heads, and we were not able to arrange over our canoes a little screen which might give us a slight shade. Besides, the height of the trees and the denseness of the woods -- which extend along the entire route, on both sides of the river -- did not permit us to enjoy the least breath of air, although the river is half a mile wide; we felt the air only in the middle of the river, when we had to cross it so as to take the shortest way. We were constantly drawing the water of the Mississippi with reeds, to quench our thirst; although the water is muddy, it did us no harm. Another refreshment that we had was the grapes which hang from the trees almost everywhere, and which we snatched in passing, or went to gather when we landed. In this country, or at least among the Arkansas, there are two sorts of grapes, one of which ripens in summer and the other in the autumn; they are of the same kind; the berries are small, and yield a thick juice. There is also another kind: the cluster has only three berries, which are as large as damson plums: our Indians call them asi, contai: grape, plum.

Our provisions consisted of biscuit, salt, and rancid bacon, rice, corn, and peas; the biscuit failed us a little above the Natchez country. At 25 or 30 miles from New Orleans, we no longer had any bacon; we lived on peas, then on rice, which failed us only on our arrival here; the seasoning consisted of salt, bear's oil, and a keen appetite. The most usual food of this country -- almost the only one for many people, and especially for travelers -- is gru. Corn is pounded, to remove the outer skin, and then is boiled a long time in water, but the Frenchmen sometimes season it with oil; and this is gru. The Indians, pounding the corn fine, sometime cook it with tallow, and more often only with water; this is sagamite. However, the gru answers for bread; a spoonful of gru and a mouthful of meat go together.

But the greatest torture -- without which every thing else would have been only a recreation, but which Passes all belief, and could never be imagined in France unless it had been experienced -- is the mosquitoes, the cruel persecution of the mosquitoes. I believe the Egyptian plague was not more cruel. There are here the frappe-d'abord, and the brulots; these are small flies whose sting is so sharp -- or, rather, so burning -- that it seems as if a little spark had fallen on the part that they have stung. There are gnats, which are brulots, except that they are still smaller; we hardly see them, and they especially attack the eyes.

There are wasps, there are gad-flies, -- but we would not speak of the others, were it not for the mosquitoes. This little creature has caused more swearing since the French came to Mississippi, than had been done before that time in all the rest of the world. In any case, a swarm of mosquitoes sets out with the traveler in the morning; when we go through the willows or near the cane-brakes, another swarm flies furiously to the canoe, and does not leave it. We have to wave our handkerchiefs continually, which seldom frightens them; they make a little flight and return immediately to the attack; our arms become weary sooner than they do. When we are on land from ten o'clock until two or three, for the purpose of taking our dinner, we have a whole army to fight. We then make a smudge, -- that is to say, a large fire that is afterward smothered with green leaves, and we must stay in the thickest of the smoke, if we wish to avoid the persecution. I do not know which is worse, the remedy or the evil.

After having dined, we might be inclined to take a little nap at the foot of a tree, but that is absolutely impossible; the time of rest is spent in fighting mosquitoes. We reembark with the mosquitoes; at sunset we land again; we must immediately hurry to cut canes, wood, and green leaves so as to make our baires (mosquito canvas) and the smudge fire, and to prepare our meal; each one does his share of the work. Then it is not one army, but many armies, that we must fight; that is the mosquitoes' hour! we are eaten, devoured; they enter our mouths, our nostrils, our ears; our faces, hands, and bodies are covered with them; their sting penetrates the clothing, and leaves a red mark on the flesh, which swells on those persons who are not yet proof against their stings. Chikagou, to make the people of his Tribe comprehend the multitude of Frenchmen that he had seen, told them that there were as many in the great village (in Paris) as there were leaves on the trees or mosquitoes in the woods. After having hastily eaten our supper, we are impatient to bury ourselves under our baires, although we know that we shall stifle with the heat; and with whatever skill, whatever adroitness, we slip under this baire, we always find that some mosquitoes have entered, and only one or two are needed to make us spend a wretched night.

Such are the inconveniences of a Mississippi voyage. How many travelers endure them for a gain that is often small! In one of the canoes that was ascending the river with us, there was one of those heroines of whom I told you, who was going to join her hero; she did nothing but chatter, laugh, and sing. If for a slight worldly good, if even for crime, such a voyage is made, should it be dreaded by men set to work for the salvation of souls?

I return to my journal. On the 31st, we made 17 miles; no camping-ground at night; a meal of water and biscuit; slept in the canoe; eaten by mosquitoes during the night.

June 1st, we arrived at Oumas, a French habitation, where we found for camping enough land that was not inundated. We remained there the next day, so that our crew might rest. In the evening, Father Dumas and I embarked in a canoe, which was to make during the night the same distance that we were to make the next day; we avoided the great heat.

On the 3rd, we arrived early at Bayagoulas (a ruined Tribe), the home of Sir du Buisson, Superintendent of the land grant of the Paris Gentlemen. We found beds, to which we had already been long unaccustomed; during the morning, we took the rest that the mosquitoes had not permitted us to take during the night. Sir du Buisson neglected nothing for our comfort; he fed us with wild turkey (these are like domestic turkeys, but they have a better flavor). The land grant appeared to us well managed, and in good condition: it would be worth still more if it had always had such a Superintendent. Our people arrived in the evening, and we left the Bayagoulas the next day charmed with the good manners and courtesy of Sir du Buisson.

Framboise, the chief of the Chitimachas, who had been Sir de Bienville's slave, had come there to see us, and invited us to dine at his home, which we were to pass about noon; he had given us the same invitation before, when he came down to New Orleans with his tribe to chant the calumet (tobacco pipe) to the new Commandant. This gave rise to an adventure with which we would gladly have dispensed, and with reading the account of which you would also dispense; but never mind.

The inundation had compelled the Chitimachas to plunge deeper into the woods; we fired a gunshot to announce our arrival. Immediately a little Indian appeared. We had with us a young man who knew the language; he spoke to the boy, and then told us that the little Indian had been sent to guide us, as the village was not far away. I must observe that this young man had a good appetite, and that he was well aware that we could not prepare our meal on account of the high water. Trusting his word, we entered an Indian canoe which was there, and the child guided us. We had advanced but a little distance when there was lack of water for the canoe, and there seemed scarcely anything but mud; our people, who assured us that it was only a step farther, pushed the canoe by main strength, for the hope of feasting with Framboise encouraged them; but, finally, we found only overthrown trees, mud, and some low ground where the water was stagnant. The little Indian left us there, and disappeared in a moment. What were we to do in these woods without a guide? Father Souel jumped into the water, and we did the same; it was somewhat amusing to see us splashing among the thorns and briars knee-deep in water; our greatest trouble was to draw our shoes out of the mud.

At last, muddy and weary, we arrived at the village which was more than a mile away from the river. Framboise was surprised at our arrival, and coolly told us that he had nothing. Our Interpreter had deceived us, for Framboise had not sent for us; he did not expect us, and, had believed that he risked nothing in inviting us, being sure that the inundation would certainly prevent our coming to him. In any event, we went away quickly, and without a guide; we strayed somewhat, but again found the Indian canoe, reentered it, and regained our own as best we could. Those men who had remained behind were amused at our plight and at our adventure; we had never laughed so much, -- or, rather, it was the only time when we had laughed. There was no ground so that we could prepare food and we had to content ourselves with a morsel of biscuit. In the evening we stopped above the Manchat; this is a branch of the Mississippi which empties into lake Maurepas. No land, no preparation of food, no camping-ground; millions of mosquitoes during the night; The waters were beginning to recede, which made us hope that we would no longer sleep in the canoe.

The Chitimachas dwelt at the lower end of the river when the Colony was founded; at that time, they killed a Missionary, Sir de Saint Come. Sir de Bienville, who was commanding in the name of the King, avenged his death. The Map of Mississippi misplaces the tribe of the Chitimachas; this is not the only mistake that is to be found on it. After these slight bits of Mississippi erudition, I return to our voyage.

On the 4th, we slept at Baton Rouge; this place is named therefore because a tree painted red by the Indians is there, which serves the Tribes that are above and below it as a boundary in hunting. Here we found the remains of a French farm, abandoned on account of the wild animals -- deer, rabbits, wild cats, and bears -- that had laid waste everything. Four of our people went to hunt, and returned the next day without any other game than an owl.

On the 7th, we dined at the grant of Sir Mezieres: this has the appearance of a farm that is only beginning. We found there cabins, Negroes, and an honest rustic who did us neither good nor harm. At evening we encamped at Pointe Coupee, in front of the house of a farmer who received us kindly. The rain delayed us the next day, and permitted us to make during the day but 2 miles, to the dwelling of another farmer; his house, placed upon four piles, sheltered us indifferently well from a frightful storm.

On the 9th, we had scarcely embarked when there came from the woods an execrable odor; we were told that there was on the land an animal called bete puante (skunk), which spread abroad this offensive odor wherever it might be. In the evening we camped at the little Tonicas in the cane-brake; in the winter, these are set on fire; in the summer, we must cut them down to encamp. The Indian Village is in the interior; from there to the great Tonicas it is 25 or 30 miles by the Mississippi. By land there is only one point or tongue of land which separates the two Villages; formerly a portage was made by crossing the land. This passage is still called the portage of the Cross. The river had reached this point, and wholly covered it with high water; this is what we were to do the next day, -- that is, make the 5 miles to avoid the 25 miles that we must have made if we had continued our way by the Mississippi. We took an Indian from the little Tonicas to act as our guide.

On the 10th, we entered these woods, this sea, this torrent -- for it was all these at once. Our guide, whose language no one understood, spoke to us by signs; some interpreted these in one way, some in another, therefore we were going at random. Besides, when anyone has entered these woods, he must continue his way or perish; for, if a person should let himself go with the current to retreat, this rapid current would infallibly dash the canoe against a tree and break it into a thousand pieces. But for that, we would have withdrawn from such an unfortunate course, as soon as we had entered upon it. We had to constantly turn the canoe zigzag so that its point should not strike the trees; sometimes it would be crowded between two trees which did not leave sufficient space for it to pass, contrary to the expectation of him who was steering. Sometimes there was a torrent, the entrance of which was nearly closed by two trees of enormous length and size lying across from one side of the current to the other and making it more perilous. Sometimes the entrance would be entirely barred by a tree; we had to change our course, with the chance of finding the same obstacle a moment afterward. Or we would find little water, and, instead, mud and brambles; then we had to push the canoe through by main strength. Often one of our men was obliged to plunge into the water up to his neck, to fasten the canoe to an overhanging tree -- so that, if the current overbore the force of the paddles and made the canoe recede, it would not crash against a tree. Our canoe ran the most risk; it began to fill in a current which had made it recede, and the moment had come when it was about to sink; by force of paddling we were saved, and fortunately there was at that point neither an embarrass nor over-thrown trees.

Afterward we went through another of these places, which had a passage only the width of the canoe; it remained a moment motionless between the force of the current and the force of the paddles; we did not know whether it would recede or advance. In that moment, we were hanging between life and death; for, if the paddle had yielded to the force of the current we would have crashed against a large tree which almost entirely barred the current. Our people in the other canoe, who had gone on ahead of us, were waiting for us in a mournful and sad silence; and they uttered a great shout of joy when they saw us out of danger. I would never end, if I attempted to relate to you all the hardships of this journey. This passage is well named "the passage of the Cross." We shortened our journey only little by this cross-cut, The Lord saved our lives, and we succeeded at last in escaping from those two fatal places.

At four or five o'clock in the evening, we reached the great Tonicas. The Chief of this Tribe came to the edge of the water to receive us; he shook hands with us, embraced us, had a mat and skins spread down in front of his cabin, and invited us to sleep there. Afterward he ordered a large dish of blackberries to be given to us, and a manne (that is, a basket) of fresh beans; this was a feast for us. The passage of the Cross had not allowed us to halt for dinner.

This Chief, as well as several of his Tribe, had been baptized by Sir Davion; but since the return of that Missionary to France -- where he went shortly after the arrival of the Capuchin Fathers in this Country -- he bears no mark of being a Christian but the name, a medal, and a rosary. He speaks a little French; he made inquiries for Sir Davion, and we told him of his death; he expressed regret at this, and seemed to wish for a Missionary. He also showed us a Royal medal that the Commandant-general had sent him in the name of His Majesty, with a writing which announced that this present had been made to him in consideration of the attachment which he had always shown for the French. There are a few Frenchmen at the Tonicas; they made great lamentations at not having any Missionary. Father Dumas said Mass the next day, early in the morning, in the cabin of the Chief; and we were uplifted by the eagerness of some Frenchmen in improving this opportunity to approach the Sacraments.

On the 11th, we spent the night for the last time in the canoe. On the 12th, we encamped at Ecors blancs, and on the 13th, at Natchez. We immediately paid our visit to the Reverend Father Philibert, a Capuchin who is pastor there; he is a man of good sense and did not take offense at seeing us, as his brothers had done at New Orleans; besides, he is a good man, and zealous. Afterward, we went down to the edge of the water to make our baires (mosquito canvases).

The French settlement at Natchez is becoming important. Much tobacco is grown there which is considered the best in the Country. The location of the town is high; from it the Mississippi can be seen winding as if in an abyss; there are continuous hills and valleys. The land of the land grants is more level and of better quality; the excessive heat prevented us from going to them, or to the Indian Village.

The Village is distant only 2 miles from the French; this is the only, or almost the only, Tribe among whom is found any kind of Government and Religion. They maintain a perpetual fire, and they know by tradition that, if it happen to be extinguished, they must go to the Tonicas to relight it. The Chief has great authority over the people of his Tribe, and he makes them obey him. It is not so with most of the other Tribes -- they have Chiefs who are Chiefs only in name; everyone is master, and yet no seditions are ever found among them.

When the Chief of the Natchez dies, a certain number of men and women must be put to death, so they can wait upon him in the other world: many have already offered themselves for the time when this chief shall die: on these occasions, they are strangled. The Frenchmen do everything in their power to prevent this barbarity, but they have much trouble in saving anyone.

The Indians say that their ancestors crossed the seas to come into this Country; some persons who know their manners and customs better than I, assert that they came from China. Regardless, the Tonicas and the Natchez are two important Tribes, each of whom ought to have a Missionary. The Chief of the Tonicas is already a Christian; he has great authority over his people. A Missionary would find the same advantage among the Natchez, if he had the good fortune to convert the Chief; but these two Tribes are in the district of the Reverend Capuchin Fathers -- who have not learned any Indian tongue.

We left the Natchez on the 17th, and we embarked, Father Pumas and I, in a canoe which was starting for the hunt. Our own people had not yet made ready their provisions, -- that is, they had not bought the corn and had it pounded.

We began to see the sand-banks; we found on them turtles' eggs, a new luxury for us; these eggs are a little larger than those of pigeons and are found in the sand of the shallows, where the sun hatches them The tracks that the turtles leave reveal the places where they have concealed their eggs; we found quantities of them, and made of them omelets which were relished by people who were living only on gru.

From New Orleans to the Natchez is estimated nearly 250 miles; and from the Natchez to the Yazoos, 100 miles; we made this second voyage without any adventure -- except that we were surprised during one night by a violent storm of thunder and lightning; imagine if we were well protected from the rain under a canvass. The next day, an Indian who was going up the river with us landed for the purpose of hunting; we continued our way, but we had not gone more than a mile before he appeared on the bank with a deer on his shoulders. We then encamped on the first sand-bank to dry our clothing and to prepare a great Kettle. These meals after a good hunt are made wholly in the Indian fashion, but nothing is more agreeable.

The animal is cut to pieces in a moment, and nothing is wasted; our travelers take their portions from the fire or from the pot, each one according to inclination; their fingers and some small sticks serve for every sort of kitchen and table implement. To see these men, clad with but one garment, more sun-burnt and more swarthy than the Indians, -- stretched upon the sand or squatting like monkeys, devouring what they hold in their hand! -- one does not know whether they are a company of Gypsies, or of people holding a witches' revel.

On the 23rd, we arrived at the Yazoo; this is a French post 5 miles from the mouth of the river bearing this name, which flows into the Mississippi; there is an Officer with the title of Commandant, a dozen soldiers, and three or four planters. Here was Sir le Blanc's land grant, which has come to ruin like many others. The ground is rolling; it has been slightly explored, and the air is said to be unhealthy. The Commandant ordered all the artillery of the fort to be fired; this consisted of two small guns. This fort in which the Commandant lives, is a shed surrounded by a palisade, but well defended by the location of the place. The Commandant received us in a most friendly manner, and we encamped in his courtyard; our two canoes -- one of which brought Father Souel, the Missionary of the Yazoos -- arrived two days after us, and the fort paid him the same honor that it had paid us. This dear Father had been dangerously sick during the passage from Natchez to Yazoos, but was beginning to recover. Since my arrival here, he has written to me that he again fell sick, but that he was convalescing when he wrote. During our stay at Yazoos, he bought a house -- or, rather, 3 cabin built in the French fashion -- while waiting until he could make his arrangements to settle among the Indians, who are 2 miles from the French post. There are three Villages, in which three different languages are spoken; their inhabitants compose a small Tribe; I know nothing more of them.

On the 26th, we reembarked, Father Dumas and I. It is estimated 150 miles from the Yazoos to the Arkansas; we arrived there the 7th of July, without other adventure than having once made a great kettle of a bear, which one of our men had killed in hunting.

The villages of the Arkansas are wrong on the map. The river at its mouth makes a fork; into the upper branch flows a river that the Indians call Niska, "white water," -- which is not marked on the maps although it is a large stream. We entered by the lower branch; from the mouth of this branch to the place where the river divides; it is 17 miles. From there, it is 5 miles to the first Village, which contains two Tribes, the Tourima Arkansas and the Tonginga Arkansas; from this first Village to the second it is 5 miles by water, and 2 miles by land; this is called the Sitteoui Arkansas village. The third Village is a little higher up on the same side of the river, and the inhabitants are called the Kappa Arkansas; on the other bank, and opposite this last Village, are the French habitations. The three Indian Villages -- which contain four Tribes that bear different names -- make only one Tribe, under the common name of Arkansas -- which the French have also given to the river, although the Indians call it ni gitai, "red water." They speak the same language, and number in all about twelve hundred people.

We were not far distant from these Villages when a group of little Indians, having perceived us, gave a great shout and ran toward the Village; a French canoe which had preceded us by a day had given notice of our coming. We found all the people of the Village assembled at the landing; as Soon as we had stepped ashore an Indian asked one of our men -- whom he knew, and who understood the language -- how many moons the black Chief would remain among them. "Always," answered this Frenchman; "You lie," replied the Indian. The Frenchman replied that he did not lie; that there would be always one of the black robes among them, so they could be taught to know the Great Spirit, as was the case among the Illinois. The Indian believed him, and said: "My heart laughs when you say that." I had this same Frenchman guide me to the village of the Sitteoui Arkansas by land. Before reaching it, we found the Chief under his antichon (this is the name that the French give to a sort of cabin, open on all sides, that the Indians have at their desert -- their clearing -- and where they go to take the air).

He invited me to rest upon his mat, and offered me sagamite; he spoke a word to his little child who was there; the child immediately uttered the Indian cry, and screamed with all his might, panianga sa, panianga sa, "The black chief, the black chief!" In an instant, all the Villagers surrounded the antichon, and I had them told why I had come. I heard from all sides only this word, igaton; my interpreter told me that it signified "That is good." This whole company, uttering loud shouts, led me to the water's edge, an Indian made us cross the river in his canoe, and, after having walked a quarter mile, we came to the French habitations. I was lodged in the house of the India Company, -- which is the house of the Commandant, whenever there is one here, -- and I experienced great joy at having accomplished the 500 miles that I had to make. I would rather make twice the voyage which we made over the sea at the same season than begin again this one. Father Dumas was only midway on his journey to the Illinois; he reembarked on the day after his arrival here. Not the smallest settlement is found between here and the Illinois; but they usually kill some bison, which are much relished by people who have only gruel for food.

At the Arkansas, this 3rd of October, 1727.

YEAR 1730

THE SAGUENAY, 1720 TO 1730, BY REVEREND FATHER PIERRE LAURE. CHICOUTIMI, MARCH 13, 1730.

Reverend Father,

You asked of me -- while yourself accompanying me to the beach where I was to embark on leaving the town last autumn for my mission -- to write to you what I had found most edifying among our Innu.

The King's Domain -- which here comprises the whole depth of the north shore, and extends from the lower end of Ile aux Coudres to the Seven Islands -- contains but 4 posts solidly established: Tadoussac, Chicoutimi, the Jeremie Islets or Papinachois, and the Moisy River. At these various points, The farming Company, or Company of the West, maintains warehouses, clerks, and other French employees, for the purpose of hunting and trading with the Indians belonging to each district. For 20 years, no missionary had been seen there; at last, one was asked for. As I was the only unemployed one at the college, the lot fell upon me, Reverend Father de la Chasse, then Superior of our missions, made me leave on the 1st of June, 1720, for Chicoutimi.

This post -- which lies to the north, and at least 150 miles from Quebec -- is not remarkable in any way, except for a certain number of Indians who, from time to time, for the purpose of purchasing what they need, come here with their rich furs from various places, by the little rivers that flow into this famous Saguenay river -- of which no attempt has yet been made, to my knowledge, to draw an accurate and complete chart.

This river, which takes its rise in Lake Piekwagami, -- which Father de Crespieuil, whose apostolic sweat for 30 years watered the surrounding forests, called Lac Saint-Jean -- this river is only 62 miles in length as far as Tadoussac, from a deep basin formed by a chain of mountains, intersected by streams and rivers. Among these streams, to the north-northeast, is that of Chicoutimi, which falls in two cascades -- which, issuing from the same river and separating, form the Island on which we dwell, -- and then flows to add, at 22 miles from these falls, its fresh water to the Salt Saguenay river.

At The mouth of that river is the alleged capital of the Province of Saguenay -- I mean Tadoussac, which consists of merely a wooden dwelling and a storehouse. However, its location is fine, and well suited for a town. The harbor is spacious, healthful, safe, and sheltered from every wind; medium-sized vessels anchor, at high water, at the foot of the hill. This was the place where the english formerly came to trade with the Indians. A hole in a rock, in which they had placed a mooring-post for their ships, is still to be seen there; and only two years ago there was found, in the sand disturbed by a high wave, their iron chain about 60 yards in length, and thick in proportion. Here also the Saguenay river falls impetuously into the Saint Lawrence River; and with the rising tides the Saint Lawrence fills it so rapidly that, after many observations, it has been remarked that during flood-tide it is high water at Tadoussac and Chicoutimi within about a quarter of an hour of the same time, although the distance is nearly 75 miles. It is not surprising that this should happen, in spite of the distance.

The Saguenay river being nearly 2 miles wide at certain parts of its mouth, and so deep that it cannot be sounded, the flood-tide, entering with excessive rapidity, -- as if into a chasm with a wider entrance, -- pushes back the descending waters with great force. Accordingly, as these are forced back in succession, it is high tide at Chicoutimi -- where the bottom is shallower, and the bed of the river narrower -- almost at the same time as at Tadoussac, where the water rises more slowly, and where a greater volume is needed to fill the deep bays there, and the full breadth of the river, which is more than 20 or 25 miles wide at that place.

The mountains between which the Saguenay river runs are so high and so steep that the largest trees on their summits do not appear from below to be thicker than one's leg; and about 7 o'clock in the evening in summer, if one be at all near the shore on the south side, or unless one be far out, it is difficult to read in a canoe. In some of the clefts of the rocks, where the sun never shines, are many veins of fine and white saltpeter. Hardly a spring passes without some landslides happening through natural causes; and the noise they make is louder than the report of a cannon, while they diffuse in the neighborhood an odor exactly like that of gunpowder. The heat between these two chains of mountains, most of which are bare and inaccessible, is so great that the gum on the canoes often melts at the surface of the water.

Nature seems to have contrived favorable and convenient stopping-places for travelers. With the exception of a single stretch of 10 or 12 miles, to which it would be dangerous to confide oneself too recklessly, and from where in the event of a sudden storm it would be almost impossible to escape in a bark canoe, nature provides here and there small sandy ports, where one can conveniently put in. These landings are more accessible on the north side, Anchorage for vessels can be found almost everywhere; the largest ships, in case of need, would be fortunate to find refuge there -- as, during the war, when the English unsuccessfully besieged Quebec, did the French ships that arrived too late to be of use. The remains of their barracks and their batteries can still be seen, 5 miles this side of Tadoussac. At low tide, it is more difficult to disembark; it is sometimes necessary to carry one's baggage a long distance, over slippery stones covered with those slimy plants that we call "sea-wrack." But on the other hand, as a compensation, providence has at nearly all these spots placed fire-wood; and little brooks, -- which, flowing from the swamps where the beaver dwell, fall from the tops of the cliffs, to refresh and rejoice tired travelers.

The northwest and northeast winds are the only ones that blow on the Saguenay river; the others are either but slightly felt or at least are never violent. During the many journeys that I have made, I have seen only the 2 former winds exceedingly treacherous, stormy, and lasting. As soon as either of these winds begins to blow, caution is necessary, however favorable it may be especially if the sky be overcast, and there be any appearance of a storm. For then, as at sea, the waters roar, rise and foam; and by the conflicts of a thousand waves, pursuing and following one another, or breaking successively one after another, they warn the canoemen to paddle vigorously, and reach land quickly.

During the first year of my mission, between the trips that I made to Tadoussac, I was called one day to go to a sick man in urgent need. As I had no experience of the danger to be encountered on this capricious river, I wished to hurry my journey. I had only an old canoe for 4 paddlers. I had to travel at night. The weather was fine, and the moon at its full showed no sign of a squall. My 2 Indian canoemen were falling asleep. Tired of awakening them at every moment, I at last allowed them to give way to slumber. I took a paddle, and paddled and steered, allowing the current of the tide, which helped me, to drift me along.

Some time afterward, one of my men awoke, and took his paddle; and as it is the custom of the Indians, who are exceedingly independent among themselves, never to say anything to one another about work, for fear of giving offense, he asked me to rouse the other. I did so, and being overcome by drowsiness, and seeing only an easy navigation, I rested my head and arms on one of the thwarts of the canoe. I had barely fallen asleep when -- as I understood only a few words of the Innu language respecting the management of canoes -- I thought that my people were quarreling. I arose, and spoke; but I saw no longer either sky, or water, or rocks, -- nothing but profound darkness, caused by a storm which arose suddenly from the northwest, "We are lost, my father," they called out to me. "Let us land quickly, my children," I replied. We could see no landing-place, owing to the darkness of the night; and besides we were at the deepest part of the Saguenay river.

The storm-cloud grew denser, and seemed about to touch us while it rumbled behind us. We fortunately were near the rocks; but, when I tried to land on the first one we touched, my foot slipped and I fell into the water. The canoeman, who had but one arm, hastily shoved the stump, which was as good as a hand, under my armpit, drew me out, and threw me on a point of rocks on which we placed our canoe. I was astonished to see my 2 Indians sleeping peacefully during the remainder of the night, while I felt the blood flow from a leg which had been injured by striking too hard against a rock; and I could not dress the wound, because there was no fire. My sole fear was that the storm would carry away our canoe; for, in that case, what would have become of us? But the storm passed, and when day came I was surprised to see ourselves in a kind of niche, and could not help laughing at our fortunate misfortune. Although the falling tide had left us from 10 to twelve feet above the water, we carried down our canoe, the Chapel, and the remainder of the baggage, by means of a small gully down which we slid gently, and reembarked.

From there we proceeded to Tadoussac. I then returned to Chicoutimi, in the middle of the same river. The northeast wind, accompanied by rain, assailed us so violently that two thwarts of the canoe were broken before We could land. As we were almost submerged, I was about to give absolution to my two men -- who, knowing the danger better than I did, were also more frightened. I quickly tightened the canoe with my belt and my garters; I handled the sail, and we drove through the waves that, at times, broke over us. Finally, we reached an Indian cabin, where our canoe was emptied and repaired, while we dried ourselves near a great fire -- which those dear neophytes made for us.

Being therefore well informed of what was to be dreaded on that river, I reached my Church, wrongly resolved to be wiser in future. I say "wrongly," because in certain cases it is prudent not to be too prudent.

The Saguenay river took its rise in Lac Saint-Jean. Lac Saint-Jean -- which is distant about 75 miles from Chicoutimi in a westerly direction, and situated in the depths of the high mountains that you see to the north of Quebec -- is no more than 75 miles in circumference. It is not deep, and in summer its waters, which are low, lay bare a beautiful beach of fine sand. It is well stocked with fish; its environs are beautiful; the scenery agreeable; the soil good. But most kinds of grain, especially Indian corn, cannot ripen, owing to the prevalence of the northwest wind -- which blows strongly early in the season, and sometimes brings snow at the end of august. A portion of the old establishment of the missionaries is still in existence; one can see that there had been a large garden, and a chapel, in which our brother Malherbe was buried. I had a cross erected over his grave.

At the upper end of the Lake is a river, which is curious on account of the variously-shaped small stones that it rolls down its bed. Nature would seem to have applied itself there to giving models for all the arts: birds, animals, vases, tools for all trades are easily recognizable; all these are visible in the water. The difficulty lies in collecting them. A journey would have to be made expressly for the purpose, and one would have to take time to select the pieces oneself, as the Indians are not capable of doing so. For that purpose, the curiosity-seeker would have only to pay and feed two canoemen to take him there. I have one of these rarities here. If you place it upright, this grayish and hard stone resembles a sort of monkey, or an earless cat, sitting on its tail and haunches, holding a little ball in its mouth. If you lay it down at its length, it seems like a bird carrying something in its beak; on one side of the head is an oblong stain which looks a good deal like an eye. This figure is only an inch wide by one and a half in length. Besides, this industrious river pays no tribute of its treasures to Lac Saint-Jean, into which it falls, -- as do many others that flow from the watershed and are fed by Lake Kawitchiwit.

This, from lake to lake, reaches as far as father Albanel's lake, -- so called because it was first discovered by that missionary, -- about 200 miles East-northeast from Hudson Bay, and quite near the great Lake of the Mistassini Innu; that the great Lake, on receiving the waters of Lake Albanel, discharges into the Northern sea. There dwell Mistassini Innu. They derive this name -- which comes from michta, "great," and assini, "stone" -- from a great rock in their river. It is the same as what yields the curiosities I have just mentioned. They have a veneration for that rock; it would be a sin for them to pass near it without leaving some token of their superstitious reverence for Tchigigoutcheou, the god of fine and of bad weather, -- who, according to their myths, has by preference chosen his residence there. As a rule, their incense consists of a little black tobacco, a piece of sea-biscuit, or some beaver or fish bones, which they place upon the rock. But other Indians, less devout, and hungry for smoking, often while passing take the tobacco from the good or evil Spirit, who has not taken care to benefit by the devotion of his worshipers.

They also claim that near this spot, after the Flood (for, according to their account, they have about the same idea of it as we have), the great Canoe grounded on a high mountain which they point out. Some even assert that they have often seen there an old man of enormous height, armed with bow and arrows, who stalks about in the neighborhood and seems to guard the venerable relics of that canoe, -- some timbers of which, they claim, still remain undecayed. These idle fancies are so common among these peoples that there is not a child who does not know the story of the great Canoe and of the tall Indian, the venerable ancestor Mechou.

This tribe, reduced to a small number of people, -- a portion of whom come here in the spring, while the others go to the English for what they require, -- are of a gentleness and simplicity beyond any idea of goodness. It would not be difficult to make good Christians of them, if they could only see living in closer and longer intimacy with them a missionary who was less hampered, -- in a word, one who would be given greater facility to teach them and their countrymen. Unlike the others, these Indians do not like brandy; and if the Frenchman, in spite of the repeated prohibitions of our kings, overcomes their natural repugnance for that intoxicating liquor, they drink it only with ridiculous grimaces, and never return to it. Their reason is, -- to use their own language, -- that the mind is shamefully lost when once it has been killed by fire-water.

The Mistassini Innu live on fish, with which their lakes are well stocked. There are only a few beaver among them, but herds of caribou compensate for that.

Nearly all their superstitions are reduced to not allowing their dogs to eat certain bones which they respect, -- for fear of profanation, and in case they might be unable to kill any other animal afterward. They are careful to throw these bones into the fire or into the river. This religious act is due to the fear that they formerly had, like our French hunters, that their dogs might break their teeth. Sensible people among them admit it. Among themselves, they seldom drink or eat until they have offered to their dead a small quantity of their food or beverage, which they throw into the fire. This is the blessing that they teach their children.

The most remarkable of all the curiosities to be seen in these woods, in the direction of Nemiscau, is a cave of white marble, which looks as if a workman had carved and polished it. The aperture is easy to access, and lights up the interior. The vault corresponds, by its brilliancy, to its supports. In one corner is a slab of the same substance, but somewhat rough, which projects, forming a kind of table as if to serve as an altar. Consequently, the Indians think that it is a house of prayer and council, in which the Spirits assemble. Therefore, all do not take the liberty of entering it; but the tricksters, who are their Priests, go there briefly to consult their oracles.

Not that I would venture to say that there are clever sorcerers among the Mistassini Innu, or among the other Innu; for, at best, they are but clumsy charlatans. At least, as far as I have been able to study them, it is by their imaginary spells that they desire to make themselves respected and dreaded. Even with the aid of their 30 different kinds of trickery, all these sorcerers seldom succeed in making good their pretensions. Unfortunately, it is sufficient that they should tell the truth once, by accident, to be always believed in the future -- often without believing themselves. For I have seen some who passed among them for masters, who candidly admitted to me that their art was but a falsehood; and that it was not true that they had ever seen either the devil or Atcheze, -- that is, any of those headless and handless phantoms, etc. They said that it was solely with the object of deluding the most credulous that their ancestors had formerly told these fables, to give themselves importance and to be looked upon as privileged men, inspired by heaven, and superior to the vulgar.

Others have assured me that they had seen extraordinary fires and supernatural monsters; but that, since they had embraced Christianity, they no longer saw anything, although they frequently traveled at night. When one who was more obstinate affirmed that he had seen the evil spirit; he was at once asked how that spirit was made, whether he was black or white. He became quite confused, began to laugh, and was unable to answer.

But after having given you a summary of this country interspersed with Mountains, Rocks, lakes, rivers, drunkards, and tricksters, I return to the condition in which, on my first arrival, I found this long-abandoned mission; for although Father Andre, in his old age, had, after Father de Crespieuil's death, made some short expeditions to it, still hardly an Indian had retained any other idea of our Holy Religion than a great desire to learn its principles. The young people had never heard of it. The older ones merely mumbled some indistinguishable fragments of the Lord's Prayer and of the Hail Mary of their forefathers.

Lust, which prevailed to the utmost degree among them, polygamy, and, still more, drunkenness, were the sole idols worshiped by these poor blind people. They alleged, as a justification for their misconduct, the melancholy scandals formerly set before them by the French, who stayed temporarily or who remained among them as employees. Thus I arrived here after leaving our dear and peaceful college. The Indians showed their joy by several discharges from their guns. At first, these rejoicings seemed to me an omen of good. But, after I had taken possession of an old dilapidated chapel, the first spectacle my eyes witnessed was that of some Indians who were excessively intoxicated, and of others who were tipsy, and who with a maudlin air came to embrace me, and to ask me to confess them.

The Innu who is mild, affable, and peaceful is easily led to do what is desired, provided he be looked after. Being credulous and not addicted to retorting, he wishes all that we wish; being timid, he obeys; being poor, through ignorance of the value of his furs elsewhere, he hopes to be assisted; and this I began to make them fairly understand, in Algonquin, to win them to Jesus Christ.

It is surprising that among so many different tribespeople from Chicoutimi, Piekwagami, Nekoubau, and Chomoukchwan; Mistassini Innu, the Tadoussac Innu, and the Papinachois Innu -- there was but a single drunkard who ill-treated me. My sole regret during these first troubles was that I could not easily make myself understood in this strange land. The pure Algonquin tongue was of hardly any use to me here. Without a house, without assistance, without consolation, I pined away. Absorbed merely in looking at so fine a field, without being able to sow in it, I relied on Father DeCrespieuil; I went to the Church several times, and asked the venerable deceased to send me from Heaven his Innu tongue, which was no longer of use to him. But the saints desire us to take the same trouble that they themselves have taken. The means that I selected, therefore, was to secure a good Indian woman, who had formerly been a Christian, to instruct me. This Marie, after having successfully finished helping me to complete my Innu books as she desired, ended her days last year by a precious death. She directed my studies in a masterly manner; and at the first word that she heard me pronounce, she said to the others: "That will do; our father has spoken our language; I will no longer speak French to him." Despite my requests, she kept her word; and by force of making her pupil divine her words, she enabled him to preach on the mystery of Christmas without having the paper before him.

Nearly all the Indians had come here to assist at the divine mysteries, and to confess themselves at midnight mass. In the autumn, they generally scatter for their hunting to a great distance, -- some 250 or 500 miles, the others more or less; and they reappear destitute of everything, exceedingly thin, and always with the invariable greeting: ni-paskabagwanan, "We are dying of hunger." To supply them with more spiritual food, the celebrant gave them a short sermon, about 3 quarters of an hour long.

Afterward, when the chiefs with their bands had dispersed in the woods, the missionary devoted the rest of the winter to composing an elementary catechism and some hymns in his new language. Being taken sick, he had himself conveyed early in the spring to Quebec, where he intended to spend some time. But hardly had he arrived there, and breathed its air, than he felt compelled to return to his mission, contrary to the advice of all in the college -- who urged him kindly, but in vain, to wait for the vessel which was shortly to convey supplies to the posts.

During my absence, the principal chief had come to Chicoutimi. On learning that -- disgusted, and despairing of converting them, as I had made a good Indian believe -- I had turned my regards elsewhere, and had abandoned them, he replied that he would himself go to get me; and that meanwhile word was to be sent me that he would know how to suppress debauchery, and to use his authority to check those who should dare to deviate from duty. Some days after he had gone to join his young men, I reappeared. I was consoled on learning that a few words that I had said at my departure had happily been repeated to the alarmed Indians, and had produced a beneficial fear that could only have a good effect.

A few days after his return from Quebec, the father observed these poor people arriving -- some laden with their packages of beaver, martin, and lynx-skins; the others with their canoes. The women carried their children, the bark for their cabins, the kitchen utensils, firewood, fir branches for their beds, etc. All the men, on laying down their burdens at the camping-place, formed in line, according to their custom, and fired 3 or 4 volleys from their guns as a salute to the chapel; the French, on their side, replied to it. I received them, before the Church, vested with a surplice; I recited for them a short prayer and then gave a brief urging. After that, they went to the French house for refreshments, and from there to make their cabins, or rather -- to prepare you for what is to follow -- their death-beds.

All, with the exception of a young child attacked by scrofula, were in wonderful health. This led me to expect that I should see them assiduously attend the various exercises of the mission, which I was preparing for them; but I soon saw the chief -- who, according to the custom of the nation, was the first to cut and set up the poles of his cabin -- finish his work with the others, and find himself ill.

I imagined that God would be content with this victim, but 24 others were also needed. For 3 weeks, the missionary had barely a single day or night to look about him; he was nearly always vested with his surplice, having the crucifix and the holy oils in his hands, his prayer book under his arm, -- and finding no difficulty in getting the usual acts recited in the Innu language. The French, being without relief, thought only of their own fright.

Every day had its funeral and saw many dying persons almost despaired of; so that, while tolling the knell of one in the morning, -- for I had to act as assistant, as well as man of all trades, -- I would be summoned to attend either someone about to expire, or another who desired to be helped to pray. The most frightful trouble was to see, among the sick, adults who had not yet been baptized.

Among these, a certain man from Nekoubau -- one of those hardened people -- caused me most perplexity. An attack of pneumonia, complicated with indigestion, reduced him to the last extremity. I hurried to instruct him in the principal mysteries, when, concealing his indigestion from me, he urged me to bleed him. I did so, and thought that he would expire during the operation. A cold sweat pouring from his forehead seemed to me one of the last symptoms. Not knowing what to do, I went for a dose of theriac to revive him, so that I might afterward baptize him. All his family went out of the cabin, and I saw that they were going to treat him by trickery. When forbidden to do so, they obeyed; they reentered, and were themselves witnesses of the prompt effect of the medicine, which enabled the sick man to get up the next day. Early the following morning, I entered his cabin while they were still asleep. The chief of the band rose, in a state of almost complete nudity, and called out: "Here enters he who has done what we admire." All squatted like monkeys on the fir branches, without much shame; they took their pipes, filled one for the sick man who was cured, and thanked me. At the first compliment, I seized the opportunity to make them understand that the master of life and death was the sole and great God. These arguments did not strike them with sufficient force; all, even to the sick man, made only barren promises, the effect of which has yet to be seen.

Some Indians caused themselves to be sweated (without their usual superstitions), They heat stones red-hot in the fire, and place them in a small, well-closed bark hut. Then the person who is to be sweated shuts himself up in it entirely naked, and sits down, on fir-branches; and from time to time, to increase the heat, he throws cold water on the stones, and also drinks some. This causes him to break out into a profuse perspiration; but; as he breathes no fresh air, I would think that he drinks his own sweat over and over again, and does himself more harm than good. Indeed, this method of sweating themselves with stones has a withering effect upon them, and parches their lungs.

They have been taught another way of using that remedy, which, by ejecting the noxious bodily fluids, allows them to escape outside and can but do much good. It consists in boiling, in a large kettle, spruce-twigs with aromatic herbs, among which are placed some of those oily shrubs that are here called the "pepper-plant," because their fruit, from which green wax is obtained, has, if not the consistency and hardness, at least the appearance, of pepper. A tub is prepared, across which a board is laid to serve as a seat; then, on the outside, to the hoops of the tub are nailed 4 or 5 small sticks, and their pliant tops are tied to a medium-sized hoop. This hoop is placed as high as the neck of him who is to sit in the tub, so that his head is outside, and the remainder of the body is well covered by means of the sticks that hold up the blankets and prevent their resting on the shoulders. When everything is therefore prepared, the boiling kettle is put in the tub under the seat. A piece of board is put upon the kettle, to support the patient's feet and prevent their being burned. The patient, wrapped up only in a sheet, slips gently into the sweating-bath, with a small stick which he uses to stir up the medicine as the heat abates. He remains therefore until he feels the perspiration diminish; then quickly putting on a warm shirt, he goes to sweat once more in good robes of beaver-skin, or in a good and well-warmed bed, when he has one. This method of producing perspiration is a powerful remedy for languor, rheumatism, inflammation, pains in the side, and minor aches; it is worth many baths. I should consider these the legal purifications of our Indians. At all events, several of them who were dying made use of it to advantage; and the French of the posts hardly ever rely on any other remedy.

The barque on which it was intended that I should return to Quebec arrived at Chicoutimi only after the funerals. Either I no longer understood myself, through despondency or grief, or God had permitted his minister to make himself understood in the Innu language only for that time; but immediately after the mortality, and in the interval of rest, I was as if unable to speak four consecutive words of that language correctly; and I seemed even to have forgotten the little that I previously knew.

To conclude this somber narration, the Indians attributed this species of contagion to the goods; and although we tried to undeceive them, there is still some probability that they were slightly contaminated by the plague of Marseilles, for, merely on opening the bales, the clerk and some of his servants were quickly attacked by fever; and there were hardly any Indians ill, except those who came to buy the clothes. Besides, some were so furious that they had to be tied. A woman, in her delirium, struck me a blow that made me "see a hundred candles," as the saying is. Then, according to the custom of the Indians, they were tied on their beds, with their feet and hands bound to 4 stakes driven into the ground. As I had only a few emetics, and could not attend to all, I gave a portion of them to some persons who are still living. The fear of death, alone, evidently killed one. He was a robust and strong man, about 50 years of age. The fever attacked him only an hour before his death.

Only one man and one woman fled from their true happiness, by withdrawing, in spite of my requests, into the woods, where they died without any assistance. The other Idolaters, through a ridiculous superstition, fired their guns backward while retiring, as if to intimidate death, and prevent it from pursuing them.

Being no longer busy with these people, it was necessary to go to visit the Tadoussac Innu, who had long awaited their father, and who were happy to see him again. This mission -- which formerly consisted of nearly three thousand men, and was directed by 3 Jesuits, but which has been reduced by various fatal diseases to 25 families at most -- has nothing savage about it, situated as it is on the seashore, and with an agreeable prospect. It stands on a fine plateau (slope) clothed with turf, and covered with flowers and small wild fruits; it is in full sight of those who pass by, and of the ships.

The inhabitants, dressed in the French fashion, but rather grotesquely, and without taste, -- are slightly more refined than the other Indians from the interior. Old ruined stone buildings, of which the foundations, cellar, bake-house, and a gable still exist, show that a neat Church and a comfortable house once existed there. This chapel was dedicated under the name of St. Croix, on account of the reverence that all the Indians of the seacoast had for that symbol -- as was told me by an aged woman nearly a hundred years old, instructed by fathers Briet [Bruyas?] and Albanel. The grant of land conceded to the Jesuits by the Queen mother in the year [blank in manuscript] is still to be seen on parchment in the archives of the Quebec College.

I hope my successor will persuade the company of the Domain to raise again this building, -- which was about 60 feet long, -- as the stone and an old lime-kiln are still on the spot. It would be in the interest of the French farmers to do this. Can his Majesty's principal post dispense with a chapel and a house, which together would not cost 750 gold coins? And would they not attract there an infinite number of Innu Indians from the North and from the South? -- who, while filling the granaries of the father of the family, would swell the profits of the farming, which is on the verge of ruin.

After the fathers' house, which was also used by the clerks, was destroyed by fire during their absence, the French traders built a house for themselves: it is on another site, on the same plateau, but to the Northeast of a deep brook which divides the Jesuits' land from that of the farm. Here -- sometimes on the green turf, in fine weather; sometimes in the cabins -- the missionary instructed the children. The misfortune was that in this pretended capital of the Saguenay river there was no other chapel than a bark cabin, open on all sides; in such a place it would be impossible, for lack of ornaments, to inspire these nascent Christians -- who see nothing except through the eyes of the body.

I found those good people so well disposed to Christianity that I could not help passing the winter with them. We wintered 20 miles below Tadoussac, near the Eskimo; The place was named Notre Dame de bon desir. There, until spring, religious exercises were performed during 5 months. This small church consisted of 120 adults who had been gathered together. Mass was said before daylight in an old ruined French house; and the Indians attended it regularly.

From there they went to the hunting grounds -- that is, to hunt Seals on the Saint Lawrence River, widening as it descends to the gulf, and is there over 37 miles in width. You are aware that this trade supplies the oil used for light in this country, and for dressing hides in Europe. Until now, as far as I am aware, this fish has been spoken of only incidentally.

Some confuse it with the dogfish or Shark, which is different. It is true that the head of the shark somewhat resembles that of the seal: a flat and black nose; large, round, and projecting eyes; thick and grayish lips; an oblong muzzle, a mouth open to the ears, which are almost imperceptible; and whiskers like those of a cat. But, in addition to the fact that the shark is fiercer and to be dreaded, it has a rough skin which, when dried, can be used only for polishing carvings, articles turned in a lathe, and joiner-work. The flesh of the shark consists solely of a sort of tendon, or cartilage, similar to the flesh of the breast, which has obtained for it the Innu name Toutouchoumegou, "the fish that is only breast." While writing this, it occurs to me that glue might be made from it, as from sturgeon. I have never seen the Indians eat it.

On the other hand, the seal -- less stunted, and with a longer neck; timid, always on the watch, and diving at the least alarm -- does not attack sailors, avoids them as much as possible, and is content with smelt and other small fish, and even with certain worms that are found in the seaweed clinging to the rocks. Its skin, when dressed, is like morocco but has not so fine a grain, and is used for making Indian shoes and clothes, or for covering boxes. Its skin is coated with hair, thick and spotted. That coat with which they are born, and which they retain while suckling, is of a silvery white, without any spots. As the little seal grows, it assumes the mother's color; it changes, becoming browner, grayer, and blacker; and with a thousand different variegations of velvety shades, it presents a grayish background covered with an admirable variety of figures. There are seals of various kinds, all with the same features. I think you have already had an ample description of them with the picture that I once sent to Sir Begon, who, during the twelve years he was Intendant in Canada, did as much honor to the king by his munificence, as he did good to the missionaries.

The female seals carry their young 10 months. The names of the moons of September and June, among the people of the coast, prove this; for all our Indian astrologers, who count entirely by moons, have derived the various names of the months solely from the various actions of the land or aquatic animals to which they are accustomed. These mothers, like ewes, possess admirable instinct for finding and distinguishing their young, when these are carried far out on ice-floes by the winds or by the tide. They seldom have more than one at a birth, but they never have more than two.

The Seal's meat is exceedingly black, coarse, and heavy. It is probably the animal best supplied with blood; but the seal is black, thick, and so warm that it smokes even in extremely cold weather; and it can be smelled 15 or 16 hours after the death of the animal when it is cut open. The Indian women and children rush down to the beach, as soon as a laden canoe touches it, and peacefully divide the loins, ribs, feet, flippers, and head. The heart is the least objectionable part.

The whole is boiled in a kettle, or is broiled on small wooden spits planted in front of the fire; and is afterward eaten without salt or other condiment. The skin of the seal is removed, and all the blubber is taken off in one piece. The fat, from which the oil is procured, is from 3 to 4 inches thick -- sometimes more, sometimes less. This blubber, being all collected in certain places, is thrown into a tub, that is, into a kind of press, -- where it gradually liquefies and furnishes the most fatty oils, which seem the best for tanning. It is natural that, when liquefied and decomposed in the sun, they should smell bad. Such is not the case with those rendered in large kettles placed on the fire. These are not so thick, are clearer, and used in lamps and for frying, do not smell so bad, and are not so good for tanning; and the Tanners in France are said to prefer the coarser oils, obtained from the white porpoise, or white whale. The former oils, when placed in phials, resemble in color a fine whitish liquor. They are the ones least boiled, and are least suitable for lamps; but are the best for burns, whose stinging pains they soothe. Others are darker and ruddier; these have been longer on the fire, and the persons who rendered them cooked there cakes or crullers -- which, it seems, collect all the scum. These oils are rendered like hog's lard, -- except that, as the oil ferments in the cask, it needs good barreling; for otherwise it exudes, evaporates, leaks, and forces its way out, more than any other liquid.

What figure of speech shall I make use of to prove that this oil is excellent for frying? I do not know. One would have to become a poet to make it believed. What I do know is that I have seen Frenchmen, who were rather squeamish, fry their fish in pure seal oil. They take the precaution, however, first to boil the oil in the frying-pan and to throw into it, from time to time, -- from afar, and outside of the house, for fear of fire, -- about a pint of cold water. This certainly purifies the oil, and so completely removes its natural odor that the fried fish no more smells of it than if cooked in ordinary oil. Pardon my making this flattering remark, which can only facilitate the sale of the oils of the Domain; and enrich some poor traders.

To season their sagamite (a word which is not understood, and never had the meaning given to it: for it means nothing but "the water" -- or "the broth is hot," tchi sagamiteou), the Indians carefully keep this oil, when it has settled, in wikwes -- this is the name of the Seal's bladder. These bladders are rather pleasing in shape. When blown out they have a long neck, the middle of which is considerably enlarged, oval, and terminating in a curved end, bent back somewhat like a thermometer or an alembic. Some hold from 5 to 6 quarts, others from 10 to 12, without exaggeration; for I have never seen those monstrous seals that never leave the gulf of Saint Lawrence. The blubber of one of these yields a barrelful of oil; but here, 3 or 4, and sometimes 6 or 7, are required to fill one.

You probably imagine the horrible appearance of those who render these oils amid the grease and the dense clouds of suffocating smoke. In nearly every instance the women prepare, with as much skill as patience, and cut into small pieces, the blubber, which their husbands afterward try out in the kettles placed on furnaces; for the Innu alone -- different from the other nations, who look upon their women as slaves -- imitate in their households the French and more rational custom of mutually helping one another. To such an extent is this done that the man always reserves the more arduous task for himself, and leaves the less fatiguing to his wife and children, and even, in times of scarcity, deprives himself of what he needs -- with this distinction, however, that he is always helped, and eats first. Although the Innu women, as compared with the women of other Indian nations, may be looked upon as queens and sovereigns, they have true deference for their husbands; and consequently the husbands seldom deny them. The choice of plans, of undertakings, of journeys, of winterings, lies in nearly every instance in the hands of the housewife.

I do not know whether we should most admire the fatigues endured by these worthy people, the danger they run on the river, or their invincible courage. Cold, storms, snow, ice -- nothing prevented them from exposing themselves so far out that, in most instances, they lost sight of land; they were fortunate if they escaped when any of those snow-storms arose that here we call blizzards. During the 4 years while I wintered among them, many who had ventured too far were caught in the ice; being blinded by snow, and unable to extricate themselves, they were compelled to haul up their canoes on an ice-floe, and let themselves drift with the current. I saw a young Christian woman return on foot from afar out on the river, making her way to the shore from ice-floe to ice-floe with her husband, dragging their canoe with them.

But I cannot forget a young Indian who embarked, early in the morning, to go hunting with his mother, an aged woman; and who, at nightfall, without having perceived it, found himself in the middle of the river, completely surrounded by great masses of ice, through which it was absolutely impossible for him to make his way. What could they do to reach land, at night, with a broken canoe? They thought that they were destined to certain death -- on account both of the excessive cold and of a strong wind which blew them out of their way. They however fired several gunshots, in the hope of attracting attention. Fortunately our Indians heard them, and quickly replied by a shot from a petard (small bomb) and by several gunshots. The missionary called out to them, as loudly as he could, to entrust themselves to God. From their distant voices we understood that they were perishing; and that they repented their sins. All present were ordered to kneel at once, and ask God to save the two poor unfortunates, who received absolution. At that moment, a small passage or lane opened among the ice-floes. By the light of the fires that had been kindled upon the rocks, some of their relatives hurriedly threw themselves into a canoe, and guided by cries uttered on both sides, they reached those who were about to be wrecked, and brought them in safety to notre Dame de bon Desir -- where they vowed never again to be so rash.

So fine an establishment should have lasted forever: religion, which supported the interests of the traders there, was beginning to flourish; we had leisure to instruct the children while their fathers were engaged in hunting; and we visited the fathers in bad weather. Prayers were said publicly Every night, by torch-light. On Sundays and holy days, when they had been unsuccessful on a certain number of days in the week, they were permitted to go seal-hunting. But jealous people, weary of the missionary, -- by whom they considered they were too closely watched, -- frustrated the undertaking.

The pretext for having the missionary removed was that little oil had been obtained the previous year; and it was falsely alleged that they were kept at prayers day and night, and were not allowed time to hunt. But the slander recoiled upon its authors. For, during the 4 years that have elapsed since I withdrew from there, not more than 3 or 4 barrels of oil have been known to be obtained; while formerly there were 48, 66, and even one hundred, if desired.

From this post I proceeded, after All Saints' day and in the spring, to the Jeremie Islets, 75 miles to the Northeast of Tadoussac, toward the Betsiamite Innu river -- a stream known on our maps, which is as wide as, but much shallower than, the Saguenay river. From that place to LaBrador, the inhabitants -- who are Innu -- are called Papinachois Innu, from the Indian word that describes their character: Ni-papinach "I laugh a little;" Poupapinachewets, "I like to laugh a little." Indeed, they are lovable people, on account of their invariable gaiety. If only they could communicate their temper to their intractable neighbors, the Eskimo, who will never be tamed, except through a miracle, because, ensconced in their naturally hollow and impregnable rocks, -- where they breathe only through a small air-hole, which also serves them as a window and a door, -- and ever suspicious, they never allow any person of any nation to approach, not even if he be a Spanish Basque; for there is now hardly any doubt that some Spanish Basque fisherman, shipwrecked on their shores with some Eve, has been their unfortunate Adam.

Our Papinachois Innu have, excepting in the terminations of the words, the same language as the Indians of Chicoutimi; and all these different idioms also resemble Algonquin to some extent, except for the accent. Formerly they had a pretty chapel in their village, which is situated on a large bay, 10 miles from the new establishment of the Islets. It is still called "the bay of the Papinachois Innu." As they have been notified of the time when I am to come to them, they send a canoe to get me at Tadoussac, when the mission at that place is ended. On arriving among them, it is incredible how the men and women, with their children, hurry to satisfy their hunger for the divine word.

All the exercises of the mission are performed in a poor bark cabin, made in their fashion, -- open and exposed to every wind and to the rain; its floor consists of branches of fir, the odor of which causes giddiness. I have already mentioned the results that we might hope to obtain for religion and for the domain, if the King granted them a resident missionary who would attract many strangers; these would, in turn, visit the French employed at the Moysi River, and at the 7 Islands, and their Indians. Those of the Islets are well taught, and make it their duty to instruct one another; while those who are the most pagan would like to be also instructed, but meanwhile retain their superstitions. This enthusiasm which they manifest for prayer -- certainly without any fear, interest, or hypocrisy being apparent in it -- sufficiently proves what, with so good dispositions, might be expected from them.

As the Indians occupy themselves with but one thing at a time, they learn and remember with astonishing facility. But the women, everywhere devout, have a better memory. The men make use, to a certain extent, of artificial aids to memory. One of them, to learn the Vini Creator in his language, made some small figures for himself on a piece of bark for each verse, which reminded him of the meaning of each strophe. I saw by accident in his curious writing, at the hostem repellas longius, a sort of little imp, which reminded him of the versicle: Matchi-manitou, etc., "the evil spirit, our enemy."

Another astonished me last year. Before making his confession for easter, he prepared himself and examined his conscience; and at each of his sins he cut a notch on a small stick. By referring to this stick, which answered for a book, he hesitated but once with regard to the number of and the circumstances attending the sins committed during the year, of which he accused himself, Everything of that kind seems spiritual to him who associates with and loves men of that sort. I asked myself whether it were St. Ignatius who had taught him this mysterious secret.

I would never end, were I to speak of the Innus of the seacoast; and they must not be confused with those Micmac runners who, not knowing which way to turn, spoil most of the missions, or beg their bread along the banks of the river and in Quebec. We had but too good a reason to repent having allowed some of them to winter at Bon Desir. But, since I returned to this ruined post only to console myself for its loss, it was necessary to think in earnest about establishing that of Chicoutimi.

Providence had given me a clerk as faithful as he was obliging, disinterested, and skillful. He was Sir Montandre des Grondines. He began by judiciously regulating the quantity of liquor to be allowed the Indians, and was ever firm without giving offense. He arranged my few articles of furniture, and he put up my chapel. Although this Church, dedicated under the names of St. francis Xavier and the Blessed Regis, consists only of logs laid one upon another, it has its beauty. Plastered with mortar, well glazed, with painted ceiling and altar-screen, it possesses nearly all its furniture -- and, I might say, every convenience.

All that the missionary lacked was a dwelling near his Church; and this has just been built, as a permanent establishment. A large number of resident Indians would complete his happiness; but, as neither Indian corn nor peas, etc., can ripen here, owing to the prevalence of the northeast wind, on what could a village subsist? It would be good if the Gentlemen of the Domain, wishing to restock their already ruined lands with Beaver, would incur the slight expense of keeping the neighboring Indians here for 3 months, at most, under the eyes of the French, to prevent their completely destroying the summer beaver, whose fur is worthless. The benefit that would be derived in winter would amply repay the expense -- which would consist merely of a few barrels of Indian corn, of peas, and of coarse flour. I even maintain that, instead of making them lazy, it would make them all the more active in the proper season, when they are better hunters and would have been longer restrained. They would be kept occupied in making canoes and in other work, and in cultivating Indian corn in the milk. The question is: would they themselves consent to this plan?

The best way of disseminating and perpetuating religion amid these forests and mountains would be to have a small fund, sufficient to support cheaply and in the Indian manner some children who, after being kept for a winter by good old women, -- without troubling the French of the post, -- and after being successively instructed, would go in the spring to teach their parents their doctrine. I speak only after having had a happy experience of it. Knowing how these people live and dress, I consider that it would cost little to support 5 or 6, with their guardians. It would even be an advantage to the post; for these poor widows would dress the furs, make robes and coats of beaver-skins, and moccasins and snowshoes -- and would perform other services in the house, with which it can with difficulty dispense in winter-time. This is the simple idea of one of my predecessors; and it is practiced elsewhere, as may be seen in some edifying letters. There would be no question here of buildings or of a seminary. Our Indians, who carry their houses with them, are more content under their bark and fir-branches than they would be under gilt canopies and on down. The Children would soon be weary, if shut up in buildings; and their parents, who idolize them, would soon withdraw them when they found them too closely confined.

Not that there are not some reasonable fathers and mothers among them who master the children, and who can be firm in making themselves obeyed, or when they are deprived of them. I know some families of this character; among others, the chief of Chicoutimi and his wife have quite recently given us a fine example. Both had reared in a pious manner 2 sons, -- who were the hope of the family, and the elder of whom was married and had a child; while the other was 12 years old, and quite lovable, -- a little daughter 10 years of age, her mother's consolation, and another, a few months old. All these children, even to the grandson, died one after the other within a short time. What a disaster for an Indian! The woman wept at each death; still, she had courage enough to help us in chanting at the funeral rites. The man, who bore these successive blows in the same manner, showed some sorrow; but the whole tribute of his tears consisted in recommending his children to my prayers, -- adding that he would do wrong were he to complain of God's conduct toward him, since he is the master of our lives. He has just learned that his daughter, who was recently married at Tadoussac is also dying: and at Christmas, his last child, 15 days old, who was brought to me about midnight, seemed to me so dead that I withdrew after a few consolatory words. A quarter of an hour afterward, however, it recovered from its lethargy -- or, rather, from a species of intoxication, caused by a dose of Theriac that had been given it without discretion for a cold. My sole anxiety is in case our superstitious ones may say that it is prayer that has caused the deaths in this family.

I have now but to communicate to you a new plan, which has occupied my mind. It is to extend our mission still farther; for to confine ourselves merely to Chicoutimi, Tadoussac, and the Islets is a small matter. I observe that the new posts at the Mistassini Innu -- which have just been established for the lake St. John trade -- have prevented and will prevent many Indians who are half Christians from coming down here in future, as they will obtain there more than they need. I think that it would be a good thing if you would permit me to go to Labrador, where great results can be obtained -- without, however, abandoning this mission, where a new missionary, with the assistance of my Innu books, could take my place while quietly learning.

I am writing about it to Sir Broac or to Sir Chare, both of whom will confer with you on the subject if they are as zealous as I am assured they are. Indeed, I cannot doubt it, by the repeated requests which they have made to me to send them an extract from my prayers in the Indian tongue; this I have been unable to do. All the French traders have assured me that I would have plenty of employment, both among the Indians and among the employees, -- whether Canadians, or fishermen from St. Malo, who are often in need of spiritual assistance. At first, it would be only an experiment; and in any case the Innu missionary would return to relieve his colleague.

All that need be done is to put in my place the first Jesuit who may come from France. At the beginning, we shall help one another as regards the language; then I shall embark for the Gulf.

Laure.

LETTER FROM FATHER LE PETIT, MISSIONARY, TO FATHER D'AVAUGOUR, PROCURATOR OF THE MISSIONS IN NORTH AMERICA. AT NEW ORLEANS, THE 12TH OF JULY, 1730.

Reverend Father,

You cannot be ignorant of the sad event which has desolated that part of the French Colony established at Natchez, on the right bank of the Mississippi river, at the distance of 300 miles from its mouth. Two of our Missionaries, who were engaged in the conversion of the Indians, have been included in the almost general massacre which this barbarous Nation made of the French, at a time too when they had not the least reason to suspect their deceit.

As you could only have learned in a confused manner the events of this dark treachery, I will attempt to relate to you all the circumstances; but first I think that it would be best to make you acquainted with the character of these deceitful Indians, called the Natchez. When I have described to you the Religion, the manners, and the customs of these Indians, I will proceed to the history of the tragic event, and will in detail recount all those circumstances.

This Nation of Indians inhabits one of the most beautiful and fertile countries in the World, and is the only one on this continent which appears to have any regular worship. Their Religion in certain points is similar to that of the ancient Romans. They have a Temple filled with Idols, which are different figures of men and of animals, and for which they have the most profound veneration. Their Temple in shape resembles an earthen oven, a hundred feet in circumference. They enter it by a little door about four feet high, and not more than three in breadth. No window is to be seen there. The arched roof of the structure is covered with three rows of mats, placed one upon the other, to prevent the rain from injuring the masonry. Above on the outside are three figures of eagles made of wood, and painted red, yellow, and white. Before the door is a kind of shed with folding-doors, where the Guardian of the Temple is lodged; all around it runs a circle of palisades, on which are seen exposed the skulls of all the heads which their Warriors had brought back from the battles in which they had been engaged.

In the interior of the Temple are some shelves arranged at a certain distance from each other, on which are placed cane baskets of an oval shape, and in these are enclosed the bones of their ancient Chiefs, while by their side are those of their victims who had caused themselves to be strangled, to follow their masters into the other world. Another separate shelf supports many flat baskets gorgeously painted, in which they preserve their Idols. These are figures of men and women made of stone or baked clay, the heads and the tails of extraordinary serpents, some stuffed owls, some pieces of crystal, and some jaw-bones of large fish. In 1699, they had there a bottle and the foot of a glass, which they guarded as precious.

In this Temple they take care to keep up a perpetual fire, and they are particular to prevent its ever blazing; they do not use anything for it but dry wood of the walnut or oak. The old men have to carry, each one in his turn, a large log of wood into the enclosure of the palisade. The number of the Guardians of the Temple is fixed, and they serve by the quarter. He who is on duty is placed like a sentinel under the shed, from where he examines whether the fire is not in danger of going out. He feeds it with two or three large logs, which do not burn except at the extremity, and which they never place one on the other, for fear of their getting into a blaze.

Of the women, the sisters of the great Chief alone have liberty to enter within the Temple. The entrance is forbidden to all the others, as well as to the common people, even when they carry something there to feast to the memory of their relatives, whose bones repose in the Temple. They give the dishes to the Guardian, who carries them to the side of the basket in which are the bones of the dead; this ceremony lasts only during one moon. The dishes are afterward placed on the palisades which surround the Temple, and are abandoned to the fallow-deer.

The Sun is the principal object of veneration to these people; as they cannot conceive of anything which can be above this heavenly body, nothing else appears to them more worthy of their homage. It is for the same reason that the great Chief of this Nation, who knows nothing on the earth more dignified than himself, takes the title of brother of the Sun, and the credulity of the people maintains him in the despotic authority which he claims. To enable them better to converse together, they raise a mound of artificial soil, on which they build his cabin, which is of the same construction as the Temple. The door fronts the East, and every morning the great Chief honors by his presence the rising of his elder brother, and salutes him with many howlings as soon as he appears above the horizon. Then he gives orders that they shall light his calumet (tobacco pipe); he makes him an offering of the first three puffs which he draws; afterward raising his hand above his head, and turning from the East to the West, he shows him the direction which he must take in his course.

There are in this cabin a number of beds on the left hand at entering: but on the right is only the bed of the great Chief, ornamented with different painted figures. This bed consists of nothing but a mattress of canes and reeds, hard, with a square log of wood, which serves for a pillow. In the middle of the cabin is seen a small stone, and no one should approach the bed until he has made a circuit of this stone. Those who enter salute by a howl, and advance even to the bottom of the cabin, without looking at the right side, where the Chief is. Then they give a new salute by raising their arms above the head, and howling three times. If it be anyone whom the Chief holds in consideration, he answers by a slight sigh and makes a sign to him to be seated. He thanks him for his politeness by a new howl. At every question which the Chief puts to him, he howls once before he answers, and when he takes his leave, he prolongs a single howl until he is out of his presence.

When the great Chief dies, they demolish his cabin, and then raise a new mound, on which they build the cabin of him who is to replace him in this dignity, for he never lodges in that of his predecessor. The old men prescribe the Laws for the rest of the people, and one of their principles is to have respect for the great Chief, as being the brother of the Sun and the master of the Temple. They believe in the immortality of the soul, and when they leave this world they go, they say, to live in another, there to be recompensed or punished.

The rewards to which they look forward consist principally in feasting, and their pursuit of every pleasure. Thus they think that those who have been the faithful observers of their laws will be conducted into a region of pleasures, where all kinds of exquisite foods will be furnished them in abundance, that their delightful and tranquil days will flow on in the midst of festivals, dances, and women; they will revel in all imaginable pleasures. On the contrary, the violators of their laws will be cast upon lands unfruitful and entirely covered with water, where they will not have any kind of corn, but will be exposed entirely naked to the sharp bites of the mosquitoes, that all Nations will make war upon them, that they will never eat meat, and have no nourishment but the flesh of crocodiles, spoiled fish, and shell-fish.

These people blindly obey the least wish of their great Chief. They look upon him as absolute master, not only of their property but also of their lives, and not one of them would dare to refuse him his head, if he should demand it; for whatever labors he commands them to execute, they are forbidden to exact any wages. The French, who are often in need of hunters or of rowers for their long voyages, never ask anyone but the great Chief. He furnishes all the men they wish, and receives payment, without giving any part to those unfortunate individuals, who are not permitted even to complain. One of the principal articles of their Religion, and particularly for the servants of the great Chief, is that of honoring his funeral rites by dying with him, so they can go to serve him in the other world. In their blindness, they willingly submit to this law, in the foolish belief that in the company of their Chief, they will go to enjoy the greatest happiness.

To give an idea of this bloody ceremony, it is necessary to know that as soon as an heir presumptive has been born to the great Chief, each family that has an infant at the breast must pay him homage. From all these infants, they choose a certain number whom they destine for the service of the young Prince, and as soon as they are of a competent age, they furnish them with employments suited to their talents. Some pass their lives in hunting, or in fishing, to furnish supplies for the table; others are employed in agriculture, while others serve to fill up his retinue. If he happens to die, all these servants sacrifice themselves with joy to follow their dear master. They first put on all their finery, and go to the place opposite to the Temple, where all the people are assembled. After having danced and sung a sufficiently long time, they pass around their neck a cord of bison hair with a running knot, and immediately the Ministers appointed for executions of this kind, come forward to strangle them, recommending them to go to rejoin their master, and render to him in the other world services even more honorable than those which had occupied them in this.

The principal servants of the great Chief having been strangled in this way, they strip the flesh off their bones, particularly those of their arms and thighs, and leave them to dry for two months, in a kind of tomb, after which they take them out to be shut up in the baskets which are placed in the Temple by the side of the bones of their master. As for the other servants, their relatives carry them home with them, and bury them with their arms and clothes.

The same ceremony is observed on the death of the brothers and sisters of the great Chief. The women are always strangled to follow the sisters, except when they have infants at the breast, in which case they continue to live, for the purpose of nourishing them. We often see many who attempt to find nurses, or who strangle their infants, so that they shall not lose the right of sacrificing themselves in the public place, according to the usual ceremonies, and as the law prescribes.

This Government is hereditary; it is not, however, the son of the reigning Chief who succeeds his father, but the son of his sister, or the first Princess of the blood. This policy is founded on the knowledge they have of the lust of their women. They are not sure, they say, that the children of the chief's wife may be of the blood Royal, but the son of the sister of the great Chief must be, at least on the side of the mother.

The Princesses of the blood never marry any but men of obscure family, and they have but one husband, but they have the right of dismissing him whenever it pleases them, and of choosing another among those of the Nation, provided he has not made any other alliance among them. If the husband has been guilty of infidelity, the Princess may have his head cut off in an instant; but she is not herself subject to the same law, for she may have as many Lovers as she pleases, without the husband having any power to complain. In the presence of his wife he acts with the most profound respect, never eats with her, and salutes her with howls, as is done by her servants. The only satisfaction he has is that he is freed from the necessity of laboring, and has entire authority over those who serve the Princess.

In former times, the Nation of the Natchez was large. It counted sixty Villages and eight hundred Suns or Princes; now it is reduced to six little Villages and eleven Suns. In each of these Villages there is a Temple where the fire is always kept burning as in that of the great Chief, whom all the other Chiefs obey.

The great Chief nominates to the most important offices of the State; such are the two war-Chiefs, the two Masters of ceremony for the worship of the Temple, the two Officers who preside over the other ceremonies which are observed when foreigners come to negotiate peace, another who has the inspection of the public works, four others assigned with the arrangement of the festivals with which they publicly entertain the Nation, and such Strangers as come to visit them. All these Ministers are treated with the same respect and obedience as if he personally gave the orders.

Each year the people assemble to plant one vast field with Indian corn, beans, pumpkins, and melons, and then again they collect in the same way to gather the harvest. A large cabin situated on a beautiful prairie is set apart to hold the fruits of this harvest. Once in the summer, toward the end of July, the people gather by order of the great Chief, to be present at a grand feast which he gives them. This Festival lasts for three days and three nights, and each one contributes what he can to furnish it; some bring game, others fish, etc. They have almost constant dances, while the great Chief and his sister are in an elevated lodge covered with boughs, from where they can see the joy of their subjects. The Princes, the Princesses, and those who by their office are of distinguished rank, are arranged near the Chief, to whom they show their respect and submission by an infinite variety of ceremonies.

The great Chief and his sister make their entrance in the place of the assembly on a litter borne by eight, of their greatest men: the Chief holds in his hand a great scepter ornamented with painted plumes, and all the people dance and sing about him in testimony of the public joy. The last day of this Feast he causes all his subjects to approach, and makes them a long speech, in which he urges them to fulfill all their duties to Religion; he recommends them to have a great veneration for the spirits who reside in the Temple, and carefully to instruct their children. If anyone has distinguished himself by some act of fervor, he is then publicly praised. Such a case happened in 1702. The Temple having been struck by lightning and reduced to ashes, seven or eight women cast their infants into the midst of the flames to appease the wrath of Heaven. The great Chief called these heroines, and gave them great praises for the courage with which they made the sacrifice of what they held most dear; he finished his public address by urging the other women to imitate so beautiful an example in similar circumstances.

The fathers of families carry to the Temple the first of their fruits, their corn and vegetables. It is the same even with presents which are made to this Nation; they are immediately offered at the gate of the Temple, when the guardian, after having displayed and presented them to the spirits, carries them to the house of the great Chief, who makes a distribution of them as he judges best, without any person testifying the least discontent.

They never plant their fields without having first presented the seed in the Temple with the accustomed ceremonies. As soon as these people approach the Temple, they raise their arms by way of respect, and utter three howls, after which they place their hands on the earth, and raise themselves again three times with as many repeated howls. When anyone has merely to pass before the Temple, he only pauses to salute it by his downcast eyes and raised arms. If a father or mother see their son fail in the performance of this ceremony, they will punish him immediately with repeated blows of a stick.

Such are the ceremonies of the Natchez Indians with regard to their Religion. Those of marriage are simple. When a young man thinks of marrying, he has only to address himself to the father of the girl, or if she have none, to her eldest brother, and they agree on the price, which he pays in skins or merchandise. When a girl has even lived a promiscuous life, they make no difficulty in receiving her, if there is the least idea that she will change her conduct when she is married. Neither do they trouble themselves as to what family she belongs, provided that she pleases them. As to the relatives of the girl, their only care is to inform themselves whether he who asks her is an able hunter, a good warrior, and an excellent workman. These qualities diminish the price which they have a right to ask on the marriage.

When the parties have agreed, the future husband goes hunting with his friends; and when he has sufficient game or fish to feast the two families who have contracted the alliance, they assemble at the house of the parents of the girl. They particularly serve the newly married pair, who eat from the same dish. The meal being ended, the bridegroom smokes the calumet (tobacco pipe) toward the parents of his wife, and then toward his own parents, after which all the guests retire. The newly married people remain together until the next day, and then the husband conducts his wife to the residence of her father-in-law, where they live until the family has built for him a cabin of his own. While they are constructing it, he passes the whole day in hunting to furnish food, which he gives to those who are employed in this work.

The laws permit the Natchez to have as many wives as they choose; still the common people generally have but one or two. This however is not the case with the Chiefs; their number is greater, because having the right to oblige the people to cultivate their fields, without giving them any wages, the number of their wives is no expense to them.

The marriage of the Chiefs is made with less ceremony. They content themselves with sending to fetch the father of the girl whom they wish to marry, and they declare to him that they will give her the rank of their wives. As soon as the marriage is consummated, they make a present to the father and mother. Although they have many wives, they keep but one or two in their own cabins; the rest remain at the houses of their parents, where they go to see them when they wish. At certain periods of the moon these Indians never live with their wives.

Jealousy has so little place in their hearts that many find no difficulty in lending their wives to their friends. This indifference to the conjugal union results from the liberty they have of changing when it seems good to them, provided however, that their wives have never borne children to them, for if any have been born of the marriage, nothing but death can separate them.

When this Nation sends out a detachment for war, the Chief of the group erects two kinds of poles painted red from the top to the bottom, ornamented with red plumes, and arrows and tomahawks, also painted red. These poles are pointed to the side to which they are to carry the war. Those who wish to join the group, after having ornamented and daubed themselves with different colors, come to address the war-Chief. This speech, which one makes after the other, and which lasts nearly half an hour, consists of a thousand protestations of service, by which they assure him that they ask nothing more than to die with him, that they are charmed to learn from so able a warrior the art of taking scalps, and that they fear neither the hunger nor fatigues to which they are going to be exposed.

When a sufficient number of braves have presented themselves to the war-Chief, he causes to be made at his house a beverage which they call the "war medicine." This is an emetic, which they make from a root they boil in large kettles full of water. The warriors, sometimes to the number of 300, having seated themselves about the kettle, they serve each one with two quarts of it. The ceremony is to swallow them with a single effort, and then to throw them up immediately by the mouth, with efforts so violent that they can be heard at a great distance.

After this ceremony, the war-Chief appoints the day of departure, so each one can prepare provisions necessary for the campaign. During this time, the warriors go evening and morning to the place before the Temple, where, after having danced and told in detail the brilliant actions in which their bravery was conspicuous, they chant their death-songs.

To see the extreme joy which they show at their departure, we should say that they had already showed their valor by some great victory, but a small thing alone is necessary to disconcert their plans. They are so superstitious with respect to dreams that a single one of evil omen can stop the execution of their enterprise, and cause them to return when they are on the march. We see parties, who after having gone through with all the ceremonies I have mentioned, immediately break off from their expedition, because they have heard a dog bark in an extraordinary manner: in an instant, their enthusiasm for glory is changed into a perfect panic.

When on the war-path, they march in single file: four or five men who are the best walkers lead the way, and keep in advance of the army a half mile, to observe everything, and give immediate notice. They encamp every evening an hour before sunset, and lie down about a large fire, each one with his arms near him. Before they encamp, they take the precaution to send out twenty warriors to the distance of a mile around the camp, for the purpose of avoiding all surprise. They never post sentinels during the night, but as soon as they have supped, they extinguish all the fires. At night, the war-Chief urges them not to give themselves up to a profound sleep, and to keep their arms always in a state of readiness. He appoints a place where they shall rally in case they are attacked during the night and put to flight.

As the war-Chiefs always carry with them their idols, or what they call their spirits, well secured in some skins, at night they suspend them from a small pole painted red, which they erect in a slanting position, so that it may be bent on the side of the enemy. The warriors, before they go to sleep, with war-club in hand, pass one after the other in a dance before these pretended spirits, at the same time uttering the fiercest threats toward the side on which are their enemies.

When the war-group is considerable, as it enters the enemy's country, they march in five or six columns. They have many spies, who go out on scouting expeditions. If they see that their march is known, they ordinarily adopt the resolution of retracing their steps, leaving a small troop of from ten to twenty men who detach themselves, and attempt to surprise some Hunters at a distance from the Villages: on their return they chant their songs with reference to the scalps they have taken. If they have taken any prisoners, they force them to sing and dance for some days before the Temple, after which they present them to the relatives of those who have been killed. These relatives are dissolved in tears during this ceremony, and drying their eyes with the scalps which have been taken, they contribute to recompense the warriors who have taken these captives, whose lot is to be burned.

The Natchez, like all the other Nations of Louisiana, distinguish by particular names those who have killed a greater or less number of the enemy. The old war-Chiefs distribute these names according to the merit of the warriors. To deserve the title of a great man-slayer, it is necessary to have taken 10 slaves or to have carried off 20 scalps. When a person understands their language, the name itself of a warrior enables him to learn all his exploits.

Those who, for the first time, have taken a scalp or made a captive, do not sleep at their return with their wives, and do not eat any meat; they should not partake of anything but fish and thickened milk. This abstinence lasts for six months. If they fail to observe it, they imagine that the soul of him whom they have killed will cause them to die through sorcery, that they will never again obtain any advantage over their enemies, and that the slightest wounds they may receive will prove fatal.

They take extreme care that the great Chief shall not in any way expose his life when he goes to war. If, carried away by his valor, he should happen to be killed, the Chiefs of the group and the other principal warriors would be put to death on their return; but executions of this kind are almost without example, on account of the precautions they take to preserve him from this evil.

This Nation, like the others, has its Medicine-men; these are generally old men, who without study or any science, try to cure all complaints. They do not attempt this by medicines, or by drugs; all their art consists in different trickeries; that is, that they dance and sing night and day about the sick man, and smoke without ceasing, swallowing the smoke of the tobacco. These tricksters eat scarcely anything during all the time that they are engaged in the cure of the sick, but their chants and their dances are accompanied by contortions so violent that, although they are entirely naked and should naturally suffer from cold, yet they are always foaming at the mouth. They have a little basket in which they keep what they call their Spirits, that is, small roots of different kinds, heads of owls, small parcels of the hair of fallow deer, some teeth of animals, some small stones or pebbles, and other similar trifles.

It appears that to restore health to the sick, they invoke without ceasing that which they have in their basket. Some of them have there a certain root, which by its smell can put serpents to sleep and render them senseless. After having rubbed their hands and body with this root, they take hold of these reptiles without fearing their bite, which is mortal. Sometimes they cut, with a flint, the part affected with the malady, and then suck out all the blood they can draw from it, and in returning it immediately into a dish, they at the same time spit out a little piece of wood, or straw, or leather, which they have concealed under the tongue. Drawing to it the attention of the relatives of the sick man, "There," say they, "is the cause of the sickness." These Medicine-men are always paid in advance. If the sick man recovers, their gain is considerable, but if he should die, they are sure to have their heads cut off by the relatives or friends of the deceased. This never fails to be done, and even the relatives of the Medicine-man find nothing at all of which to complain, and do not testify any concern.

There is the same rule with some other tricksters, who try to procure rain or fair weather. These are commonly lazy, old men, who, wishing to avoid the labor which is required in hunting, fishing, and farming, exercise this dangerous trade to gain a support for their families. Toward spring, the Nation taxes itself to purchase from these tricksters favorable weather for the fruits of the earth. If the harvest prove abundant, they gain a handsome reward, but if it is unfortunate, they take it from them, and cut off their heads. Thus those who engage in this profession risk everything to gain everything. In other respects, their life is idle; they have no other convenience than that of fasting and dancing with a pipe in their mouth, full of water and pierced like a watering-pot, which they blow into the air on the side where the clouds are thickest. In one hand they hold the sicicouet, which is a kind of rattle, and in the other their spirits, which they stretch out toward the clouds, uttering frightful cries to invite them to burst upon their fields.

If it is pleasant weather for which they ask, they do not use these pipes, but they mount on the roof of their cabins, and with their arms make signs to the clouds, blowing with all their strength, so they shall not stop over their lands, but pass beyond. When the clouds are dissipated according to their wish, they dance and sing about their spirits, which they place reverently on a kind of pillow; they redouble their fasts, and when the cloud has passed, they swallow the smoke of tobacco, and hold up their pipes to the Sky.

Although they never show any favor to these Charlatans when they do not obtain what they ask, yet the profit they receive is so great, when by chance they succeed that we see a great number of these Indians who do not fear to run the risks. He who undertakes to furnish rain never engages to procure pleasant weather. There is another kind of Charlatan to whom this privilege belongs, and when you ask them the reason, they answer boldly that their spirits can give but the one or the other.

When one of these Indians dies, his relatives come to mourn his death during an entire day, then they array him in his most beautiful dresses, they paint his face and his hair, and ornament him with plumes, after which they carry him to the grave prepared for him, placing by his side his arms, a kettle, and Some provisions. For the space of a month, his relatives come at the dawn of day and at the beginning of the night, to weep for half an hour at his grave Each one names his degree of relationship: If he were the father of a family, the wife cries, "My dear husband, Ah! how I regret you!" The children cry, "My dear father!" The others, "My uncle! my cousin!" etc. The nearest relatives continue this ceremony for three months; they cut off their hair in sign of grief, they abstain from painting the body, and are never found at any assembly for festivity.

When any foreign Nation comes to negotiate peace with the Natchez Indians, they send their couriers to give notice of the day and hour when they shall make their entrance. The great Chief orders the Masters of ceremony to prepare all things for this grand occasion. They begin by naming those who during each day should support the strangers, for the expense never falls upon the Chief, but always on his subjects. Then they clear the roads, they sweep the cabins, they arrange the seats in a large hall, which is on the mound of the great Chief by the side of his cabin. His throne, which is on an elevation, is painted and ornamented, and the bottom is furnished with beautiful mats.

On the day that the Ambassadors are to make their entrance, all the Nation assembles. The Masters of ceremony Place the Princes, the Chiefs of the Villages, and the old Chiefs of quality near the great Chief On particular seats. When the Ambassadors arrive, and are within 420 yards of the great Chief, they stop and chant the song of peace. The ambassadors ordinarily consist of thirty men and six women. Six of the best made, and who have the finest voices, march in front; they are followed by the others who chant in like manner, regulating the cadence with the sicicouet (rattle). The six women are the last.

When the Chief has directed them to approach, they advance; those who have the calumets (tobacco pipes), chant and dance with much agility, now turning around each other, and now presenting themselves in front, but always with violent movements and extraordinary contortions. When they have entered the circle, they dance about the chair on which the Chief is seated, they rub him with their calumets from his feet even to his head, and after that go back to find those who belong to their suite. Then they fill one of their calumets with tobacco, and holding the fire in one hand, they advance all together before the Chief and smoke it: they direct the first puff of smoke toward the Heavens, the second toward the Earth, and the others around the horizon, after which they without ceremony present the pipe to the Princes and to the other Chiefs.

The ceremony having been finished, the Ambassadors, as a token of alliance, rub their hands on the stomach of the Chief, and rub themselves over the whole body; they then place their calumets (tobacco pipes) before the Chief on small forks, while the person among the Ambassadors who is particularly assigned with the orders of his Nation, delivers a speech which lasts for an entire hour.: When he has finished, they make a sign to the strangers to be seated on the benches ranged near the great Chief, who responds to them by a speech of equal length. Then the Master of ceremonies lights the great calumet of peace, and makes the strangers smoke, who swallow the tobacco smoke. The great Chief inquires of them whether they arrived safe, -- that is, whether they are well, and those who are around them go one after the other to discharge the same office of politeness. After which they conduct them to the cabin which has been prepared for them, and where they are feasted.

That same evening at Sunset, the Ambassadors, with the calumet (tobacco pipe) in their hands, go with singing to find the great Chief, and having raised him on their shoulders, they transport him to the area in which their cabin is situated. They spread on the ground a large skin, on which they cause him to sit down. One of them places himself behind him, and putting his hands on the Chief's shoulders he agitates all his body, while the others, seated in a circle on the ground, chant the history of their distinguished deeds. After this ceremony, which is repeated night and morning for four days, the great Chief returns to his cabin. When he pays his last visit to the Ambassadors, these place a stake at his feet, about which they seat themselves: The Warriors of the Nation having arranged themselves in all their finery dance around, striking the stake, and in turn recounting their great exploits, then follows the giving of Presents to the Ambassadors, which consist of kettles, hatchets, guns, gunpowder, balls, etc.

The day following this last ceremony, it is permitted to the Ambassadors to walk through the whole Village, which before they were not able to do. Then every evening they give them spectacles, -- that is, the men and women in their most beautiful dresses assemble at the public place, and dance until the night is far advanced. When they are ready to return home, the Masters of the ceremonies furnish them with the provisions necessary for the journey.

Having given you a slight idea of the character and customs of the Natchez Indians, I proceed to detail their deceit and treason. It was on the second of December, 1729, that we learned they had surprised the French, and had massacred almost all of them. This sad news was first brought to us by one of the planters, who had escaped their fury. It was confirmed to us on the following day by other French fugitives, and finally, some French women whom they had made slaves, and were forced afterward to restore, brought us all the details.

At the first rumor of an event so sad, the alarm was general in New Orleans. Although the massacre had taken place more than 250 miles from here, you would have supposed that it had happened under our own eyes. Each one was mourning the loss of a relative, a friend, or some property; all were alarmed for their own lives, for there was reason to fear that the conspiracy of the Indians had been general.

This unlooked-for massacre began on Monday, the 28th of October, about nine o'clock in the morning. Some cause of dissatisfaction which the Natchez thought they had with the Commandant, and the arrival of a number of richly-loaded boats for the garrison and the colonists, determined them to hurry their enterprise, and to strike their blow sooner than they had agreed with the other confederate Tribes. Here is how they carried their plan into execution.

First they divided themselves, and sent into the Fort, into the Village, and into the two grants, as many Indians as there were French in each of these places; then they feigned that they were going out for a grand hunt, and traded with the French for guns, gunpowder, and ball, offering to pay them even more than was customary; and as there was no reason to suspect their fidelity, they made an exchange of their poultry and corn, for some arms and ammunition which they used against us.

Some expressed their distrust, but this was thought to have so little foundation that they were treated as cowards, who were frightened at their own shadows. They had been on their guard against the Choctaws, but as for the Natchez, they had never distrusted them, and they were so persuaded of their good faith that it increased their boldness. Having therefore posted themselves in different houses, provided with the arms obtained from us, they attacked, at the same time, each his man, and in less than two hours they massacred more than two hundred of the French. The best known are de Chepar, Commandant of the post; du Codere, Commandant among the Yazoos; des Ursins; de Kolly, father and son; de Longrays; des Noyers; Bailly; etc.

Father du Poisson had just performed the funeral rites of his associate, Brother Crucy, who had died suddenly of a Sunstroke; he was on his way to consult Sir Perrier, and to adopt with him proper measures to enable the Arkansas to descend to the banks of the Mississippi, for the accommodation of the French traders. He arrived among the Natchez on the 26th of November, that is, two days before the massacre. The next day, which was the first Sunday of Advent, he said Mass in the parish and preached in the absence of the Pastor. He was to have returned in the afternoon to his Mission among the Arkansas, but he was detained by some sick persons, to whom it was necessary to administer the Sacraments.

On Monday, the massacre began; a gigantic Chief six feet in height, seized him, and having thrown him to the ground, cut off his head with blows of a hatchet. The Father, in falling, only uttered these words, "Ah, my God! ah, my God!" Sir du Codere drew his sword to defend him, when he was himself killed by a musket-ball from another Indian, whom he did not see.

These Indians spared but two of the French, a Tailor and a Carpenter, who were able to serve their wants. They did not treat badly either the Negro Slaves, or the Indians who were willing to give themselves up; but they ripped up the belly of every pregnant woman, and killed almost all those who were nursing their children, because they were disturbed by their cries and tears. They did not kill the other Women, but made them Slaves, and treated them with every indignity during the two or three months that they were their masters. The least miserable were those who knew how to sew, because they kept them busy making shirts, dresses, etc. The others were employed in cutting and carrying wood for cooking, and in pounding the corn of which they make their sagamite. But two things aggravated the grief and hardness of their slavery; it was, in the first place, to have for masters those same persons whom they had seen dipping their cruel hands in the blood of their husbands; and, in the second place, to hear them continually saying that the French had been treated in the same manner at all the other posts, and that the country was now entirely freed from them.

During the massacre, the great Chief of the Natchez was seated quietly under the tobacco shed of the Company. His Warriors brought to his feet the head of the Commandant, about which they ranged those of the principal French of the post, leaving their bodies a prey to the dogs, the buzzards, and other carnivorous birds. When they were assured that not another Frenchman remained at the post, they applied themselves to plunder the houses, the magazine of the Company of the Indies, and all the boats which were still loaded by the bank of the river.

They employed the Negroes to transport the merchandise, which they divided among themselves, with the exception of the munitions of war, which they placed for security in a separate cabin. While the brandy lasted, of which they found a good supply, they passed their days and nights in drinking, singing, dancing, and insulting in the most barbarous manner, the dead bodies and the memory of the French. The Choctaws, and the other Indians being engaged in the plot with them, felt at their ease, and did not fear that they would draw on themselves the vengeance which was merited by their cruelty and deceit. One night when they were plunged in drunkenness and sleep, Madame des Noyers wished to make use of the Negroes to avenge the death of her husband and the French, but she was betrayed by the person to whom she confided her plan, and came near being burned alive.

Some of the French escaped the fury of the Indians by taking refuge in the woods, where they suffered extremely from hunger and the effects of the weather. One of them, on arriving here, relieved us of a little disquietude we felt with regard to the post we occupy among the Yazoos, which is not more than 100 or 125 miles above the Natchez by water, and only from 37 to 50 miles by land. Not being able longer to endure the extreme cold from which he suffered, he left the woods under cover of night, to go to warm himself in the house of a Frenchman. When he was near it, he heard the voices of Indians and deliberated whether he should enter. He determined to do so, preferring to perish by the hand of these Indians, than to die of famine and cold. He was agreeably surprised when he found these Indians eager to render him a service, to heap kindnesses upon him, to console him, to furnish him with provisions, clothes, and a boat to make his escape to New Orleans.

These were the Yazoos who were returning from chanting the calumet (tobacco pipe) at Oumas. The Chief assigned him to say to Sir Perrier that he had nothing to fear on the part of the Yazoos, that "they would not lose their sense," that is, that they would always remain attached to the French, and that he would be constantly on the watch with his tribe to warn the French canoes that were descending the river to be on their guard against the Natchez.

We believed for a long time that the promises of this Chief were sincere, and feared no more savage deceit for our post among the Yazoos. But learn the disposition of these Indians, and how little one is able to trust their words, even when accompanied by the greatest demonstrations of friendship. Scarcely had they returned to their own village, when, loaded with the presents they received from the Natchez, they followed their example and imitated their treachery. Uniting with the Koroas, they agreed together to exterminate the French. They began with Father Souel, the Missionary of both tribes, who was than living in the midst of them, in their own village. The fidelity of the Ofogoulas, who were then absent at hunting, has never been shaken, and they now compose one Village with the Tunicas.

On the 11th of December, Father Souel was returning in the evening from visiting the Chief, and while in a ravine, received many musket-balls, and fell dead on the spot. The Indians immediately rushed to his cabin to plunder it. His Negro, who composed all his family and all his defense, armed himself with a wood-cutter's knife, to prevent the pillage, and even wounded one of the Indians. This zealous action cost him his life.

These Indians, who even to that time had seemed sensible of the affection which their Missionary bore them, reproached themselves for his death as soon as they were capable of reflection; but returning again to their natural ferocity, they decided to put a finishing stroke to their crime by the destruction of the whole French post. "Since the black Chief is dead," said they, "it is the same as if all the French were dead -- let us not spare any."

The next day, they executed their barbarous plan. They repaired early in the morning to the Fort, which was not more than 2 miles away, and whose occupants supposed, on their arrival, that the Indians wished to chant the calumet (tobacco pipe) to Sir des Roches, who commanded that post in the absence of Sir de Codere. He had but seventeen men with him, who had no suspicion of any evil plan on the part of the Indians, and were therefore all massacred, not one escaping their fury. They, however, granted their lives to four women and five children, whom they found there, and whom they made slaves.

One of the Yazoos, having stripped the Missionary, clothed himself in his garments, and shortly afterward announced to the Natchez that his Nation had redeemed their pledge, and that the French among them were all massacred. There was no longer any doubt on that point, as soon as they learned what came near being the fate of Father Doutreleau. This Missionary had used the time when the Indians were engaged in their winter occupations to come to see us, for the purpose of regulating some matters relating to his Mission. He set out on the first day of this year, 1730, and not expecting to arrive at the residence of Father Souel, of whose fate he was ignorant, in time to say Mass, he decided to say it at the mouth of the little river of the Yazoos, where his group had cabined.

As he was preparing for this sacred office, he saw a boat full of Indians landing. They demanded from them of what Nation they were. "Yazoos, comrades of the French," they replied, making a thousand friendly demonstrations to the French traders who accompanied the Missionary, and presenting them with provisions. While the Father was preparing his altar, a flock of Canadian geese passed, and the French traders fired at them the only two guns they had, without thinking of reloading, as Mass had already commenced. The Indians noted this and placed themselves behind the French traders, as if it was their intention to hear Mass, although they were not Christians.

At the time when the Father was saying the Kyrie, the Indians fired. The Missionary seeing himself wounded in his right arm, and seeing one of the French traders killed at his feet, and the four others fled, threw himself on his knees to receive the last fatal blow, which he regarded as inevitable. In this posture, he received two or three discharges. But although the Indians fired while almost touching him, yet they did not inflict on him any new wounds. Finding himself miraculously escaped from so many mortal blows, he took to flight, having on still his Priestly garments, and without any other defense.

He threw himself into the water, and after advancing some steps, gained the canoe in which two of the French traders were making their escape. They had supposed him to be killed by some of the many balls which they had heard fired on him. In climbing up into the canoe, and turning his head to see whether any of his pursuers was following him too closely, he received in the mouth a discharge of small shot, most of which were flattened against his teeth, although some of them entered his gums, and remained there for a long time. I have myself seen two of them there. Father Doutreleau, all wounded as he was, undertook the duty of steering the canoe, while his two companions placed themselves at the paddles. Unfortunately, one of them, at setting out, had his thigh broken by a musket-ball, from the effects of which he has since remained a cripple.

The Missionary and his companions descended the Mississippi with all the speed possible, and at last lost sight of the canoe of their enemies, who had pursued them for more than an hour, keeping up a continual fire upon them, and who boasted at the Village that they had killed them. The two paddlers were often tempted to give themselves up, but encouraged by the Missionary, they made the Indians fear; an old gun which was not loaded, nor in a condition to be, which they pointed at them from time to time, made them often dodge in their boat, and at last compelled them to retire.

As soon as they found themselves freed from their enemies, they dressed their wounds as well as they could, and for the purpose of aiding their flight from that fatal shore, they threw into the river everything they had in their boat, preserving only some pieces of raw bacon for their nourishment.

It had been their intention to stop in passing at the Natchez, but having seen that the houses of the French were either demolished or burned, they did not think it advisable to listen to the compliments of the Indians, who from the bank of the river invited them to land. They placed a wide distance between them as soon as possible; and therefore shunned the balls which were ineffectually fired at them. It was then that they began to distrust all these Indian Nations, and resolved not to go near the land until they reached New Orleans, and supposing that the Indians might have rendered themselves masters of it, to descend even to La Balize, Louisiana, where they hoped to find some French vessel provided to receive the wreck of the Colony.

In passing the Tunicas, they separated themselves as far as possible from the shore, but they were discovered, and a canoe which had been dispatched to reconnoiter them, was soon approaching. Their fear and distrust were renewed, and they did not decide to stop, until they perceived that the persons in that boat spoke good French, when they overcame their fears, and in the weak state they were, gladly used the opportunity to land. There they found the little French army which had been formed, the Officers compassionate and kind, a Surgeon, and refreshments. After recovering a little from the great dangers and miseries they had endured, they on the next day used a canoe which had been fitted out for New Orleans.

I cannot express to you the great satisfaction I felt at seeing Father Doutreleau, his arm in a scarf, arrive after a voyage of more than 1000 miles, all the clothes he had on having been borrowed, except his cassock. My surprise was increased at the recital of his adventures. I placed him immediately in the hands of brother Parisel, who examined his wounds, and who dressed them with great care and speedy success.

The Missionary was not yet entirely cured of his wounds, when he departed to act as Chaplain to the French army, as he had promised the Officers, in accordance with their request. He endured with them the fatigues of the campaign against the Natchez.

On his return from the Natchez, he came to recruit himself here for six weeks, which he found long, but which appeared to me short. He was impatient to return to his dear Mission, but it was necessary for me to fit him out with everything proper for a Missionary, and he had to wait for the escort which was going to the Illinois. The risks which they ran on the river during this insurrection of the Indians, persuaded the Commandant to forbid French traders going in separate companies. He set out, therefore, on the 16th of April, with many others, in a body sufficiently large to relieve them from all fear of their enemies. I learned that they had proceeded above the Arkansas, without any accident.

The Pleasure of seeing Father Doutreleau for the first time, and seeing him, too, after his escape from such imminent perils, was impaired by the vivid grief I felt for the loss of two Missionaries. You know that they were attached to their Mission; that they had already become well acquainted with the language of the Indians; and they gave the promise of great results, since neither of them was more than thirty-five or thirty-six years of age. This deprivation gave me no time for thinking of the loss we had sustained of their Negroes and their effects, although it overturned a Mission which had just been commenced, and whose necessities you know better than anyone else.

Knowing the vigilance and the foresight of our Commandant, you can well imagine that he did not sleep in this sad crisis in which we now found ourselves. He surpassed himself by the rapid movements he made, and by the wise measures he adopted to avenge the French blood which had been shed, and to prevent the evils with which almost all the posts of the Colony were threatened.

As soon as he was told of this unexpected attack by the Natchez Indians, he caused the news to be carried to all the posts, and even as far as the Illinois, not by the direct and usual route of the river, which was closed, but on one side by the Natchitoches and the Arkansas, and on the other by Mobiles and the Chickasaws. He invited the neighbors who were our allies, and particularly the Choctaws, to avenge this deceit, He furnished arms and ammunition, to all the houses of this City and to the plantations. He caused two ships, the Duke de Bourbon and the Alexandre, to ascend the river as far as the Tunicas. These ships were like two good fortresses against the insults of the Indians, and in case of attack, two certain sanctuaries for the women and children. He caused a ditch to be dug entirely around the City, and placed guardhouses at the four extremities. He organized for its defense many companies of city militia who mounted guard during the whole night. As there was more to fear in the grants and in the plantations than in the City, he fortified them with the most care. He had good forts built at Chapitoulas, at Cannes brulees, at les Allemands, at Bayagoulas, and at Pointe coupee.

At first, our Commandant, listening only to the dictates of his own courage, adopted the plan of Placing himself at the head of the troops, but it was represented to him that he should not leave New Orleans, where his presence was absolutely necessary, that there was danger of the Choctaws determining to fall upon the City if it should be deprived of its troops; and the Negroes, to free themselves from slavery, might join them, as some had done with the Natchez. Besides, he could feel perfectly at ease with regard to the conduct of the troops, as Sir de Loubois, with whose experience and bravery he was well acquainted, had been appointed to command them.

While our little army was going to the Tunicas, seven hundred Choctaws mustered, and conducted by Sir leSueur, marched toward the Natchez. We were informed by a group of these people that the Indians were not on their guard, but passed all their nights in dancing. The Choctaws took them therefore by surprise, and made a descent on them on the 27th of January, at the break of day. In less than three hours, they had delivered 59 persons, both women and children, with the Tailor and Carpenter, and 106 Negroes or Negro women with their children; they made 18 of the Natchez prisoners and took 60 scalps. They would have taken more, if they had not been intent on freeing the slaves, as they had been directed. They had but two men killed and seven or eight wounded. They encamped with their prizes at the grant of Saint Catherine, in a bare cattle-yard enclosed with stakes. The victory would have been complete if they had waited for the arrival of the French army, as had been agreed upon with their Deputies.

The Natchez seeing themselves attacked by the formidable Choctaws, regarded their defeat as certain, and shutting themselves up in two forts, passed the following nights in dancing their death-dance. In their speeches, we heard them reproaching the Choctaws for their deceit, in declaring in favor of the French, contrary to the pledge they had given, to unite with them for our destruction.

Three days before this action, Sir Mesplex landed among the Natchez with five other Frenchmen. They had volunteered to Sir de Loubois to carry to the Indians negotiations for peace, so they could be able, under this pretext, to gain information with regard to their force, and their present location. But in descending from their boat, they encountered a group, who without giving them time to speak, killed three of their men, and made the other three prisoners.

The next day they sent one of these prisoners with a letter, in which they demanded as hostages Sir Broutin, who had formerly been commandant among them, and the chief of the Tunicas. Besides, they demanded, as the ransom for the women, children, and slaves, two hundred guns, two hundred barrels of gunpowder, two hundred barrels of balls, two thousand gun-flints, two hundred knives, two hundred hatchets, two hundred pickaxes, twenty quarts of brandy, twenty casks of wine, twenty barrels of red pigment, two hundred shirts, twenty pieces of limbourg, twenty pieces of cloth, twenty coats with lace on the seams, twenty hats bordered with plumes, and a hundred coats of a plainer kind. Their plan was to massacre the French who should bring these goods. On the same day, with every refinement in cruelty, they burned Sir Mesplex and his companion.

On the 8th of February, the French, with the Tunicas, and some other small Tribes from the lower end of the Mississippi, arrived at the Natchez, and seized their Temple dedicated to the Sun. The impatience and intractability of the Choctaws, who like almost all Indians are capable of striking only one blow, and then disperse; the small number of French soldiers who found themselves worn down by fatigues; the lack of provisions which the Indians stole from the French; the failure of ammunition with which they were not able to satisfy the Choctaws, who wasted one part of it, and placed the other in reserve to be used in hunting; the resistance of the Natchez, who were well fortified, and who fought in desperation, -- all these things decided us to listen to the propositions which the besieged made, after the trenches had been opened for seven days.

They threatened, if we persisted in the siege, to burn those of the French who remained, while on the other hand, they offered to restore them, if we would withdraw our seven pieces of cannon. These, for lack of a good gunner, and under present circumstances, were scarcely in a fit state to give them any fear.

These propositions were accepted, and fulfilled on both sides. On the 25th of February, the besieged faithfully restored all that they had promised, while the besiegers retired with their cannon to a small fort which they had hastily built on the bluff near the river, for the purpose of always keeping the Natchez in check, and insuring a passage to the French traders. Sir Perrier gave the command of it to Sir Dartaguette, as an acknowledgment of the intrepidity with which, during the siege, he had exposed himself to the greatest dangers, and everywhere braved death.

Before the Choctaws had decided to fall upon the Natchez, they had gone to them to carry the calumet (tobacco pipe), and were received in a novel manner. They found them and their horses adorned with chasubles and drapery of the altars, many wore patens about their necks, and drank and gave to drink of brandy in the chalices and the ciboria. And the Choctaws themselves, when they had gained these articles by pillaging our enemies, renewed this profane sacrilege, by making the same use of our ornaments and sacred vessels in their dances and sports. We were never able to recover more than a small portion of them. The greater part of their chiefs have come here to receive payment for the scalps they have taken, and for the French and Negroes whom they have freed. It is necessary for us to buy dearly their smallest services, and we have scarcely any desire to employ them again, particularly as they have appeared much less brave than the small Tribes, who still have made themselves feared. Every year, disease diminishes this Nation, which is now reduced to three or four thousand warriors. Since these Indians have betrayed their disposition here, we have not been able to endure them longer. They are insolent, ferocious, disgusting, persistent, and insatiable.

I have renewed my acquaintance with Paatlako, one of the chiefs, and with a great number of other Choctaws. They have made me many interesting visits and have often repeated to me nearly the same compliment which they paid me more than a year ago when I left them. "Our hearts and those of our children weep," they said to me, "since we shall not see you more; you were beginning to have the same spirit with us, you listened to us, and we listened to you, you loved us and we loved you: why have you left us? will you not return? come, go with us!" I was not able to yield to their wishes. I therefore merely said that I would come to rejoin them as soon as it was in my power, but that I should be gone only in the body, while my heart was with them, "That is good," replied one of these Indians, "but, still, your heart will say nothing to us, it will give us nothing." Thus it is that everything comes to that point; they do not love us, and do not find us of the same spirit as themselves, except when we are giving them something.

Paatlako has fought with much courage against the Natchez, and has even received a musket-ball in the loins; to console him for this wound, he has had more esteem shown him than the rest. Scarcely was he seen in his Village, when, inflated with these trifling marks of distinction, he said to Father Baudouin that all New Orleans has been in a wonderful state of alarm on account of his illness, and that Sir Perrier had informed the King of his bravery and the great services he had rendered in the last expedition. In these traits I recognize the genius of this Nation: it is presumption and vanity itself.

They had abandoned to the Choctaws three Negroes who had been most unruly, and who had taken the most active part in behalf of the Natchez. They have been burned alive with a degree of cruelty which has inspired all the Negroes with a new horror of the Indians, but which will have a beneficial effect in securing the safety of the Colony. The Tunicas and other smaller Tribes have gained some new advantages over the Natchez, and have taken many prisoners, of whom they have burned three women and four men, after having taken their scalps. Our own people begin to be accustomed to this barbarous spectacle.

We could not refrain from being affected, when we saw arrive in this City the French women whom the Natchez had made slaves. The miseries which they had suffered were painted on their faces. But it seems as if they shortly forgot them; at least, many of them were in great haste to marry again, and we are told there were great demonstrations of joy at their weddings.

The little girls, whom none of the inhabitants wish to adopt, have enlarged the interesting company of orphans whom the Nuns are bringing up. The great number of these children only serves to increase their charity and attentions. They have formed them into a separate class, and have appointed two special matrons for their care.

There is not one of this holy Community who is not delighted at having crossed the ocean, nor do they seek here any other happiness than that of preserving these children in their innocence, and giving a polished and Christian education to these young Frenchmen, who are in danger of being almost as degraded as the slaves. We may hope, with regard to these holy women, that before the end of the year they will occupy the new mansion which is destined for them, and which they have for so long desired.

When they are settled there, for the instruction of the boarders, the orphans, the girls who live without, and the Negro women, they will add also the care of the sick in the hospital, and a house of refuge for women of questionable character, Perhaps they will even finally be able to aid in affording each year the retreat to a large number of women, in accordance with the taste with which we have inspired them.

So many works of charity would, in France, be sufficient to occupy many different institutions. But what cannot great fervor effect? These different labors do not startle seven Ursulines, and they are able to sustain them, without infringing at all on the observance of their religious rules. But for myself, I much fear that if some assistance do not arrive, they may sink under the weight of such great fatigues. Those who said they had come out too soon, and in too great a number, have entirely changed their views; witnesses of their edifying conduct, and the great services which they render to the Colony, find that they have not arrived soon enough.

The Chickasaws, a brave Nation but treacherous, and little known to the French, tried to seduce the Illinois Tribes from their allegiance: they have even talked to some persons to see whether they could draw them over to those Indians who were enemies of our Nation. The Illinois have replied to them that they were almost all "of the prayer" (that is, according to their manner of expression, that they are Christians); and that in other ways they are inviolably attached to the French, by the alliances which many of that Nation had contracted with them, in marrying their daughters.

"We always place ourselves," added the Illinois, "before the enemies of the French; it is necessary to pass over our bodies to go to them, and to strike us to the heart before a single blow can reach them." Their conduct is in accordance with this declaration, and has not contradicted their words. At the first news of the war with the Natchez and the Yazoos, they came here to mourn the black Robes and the French, and to offer the services of their Nation to Sir Perrier, to avenge their death. I was at the governor's house when they arrived, and was charmed with the speeches they made. Chikagou, whom you saw in Paris, was at the head of the Mitchigamea Illinois, and Mamantouensa at the head of the Kaskaskias.

Chikagou spoke first. He spread out in the hall a carpet of deerskin, bordered with porcupine quills, on which he placed two calumets (tobacco pipes), with different Indian ornaments, accompanying them with a present according to the usual custom.

"There," said he, in showing these two calumets, "are two messages which we bring you, the one of Religion, and the other of peace or war, as you shall determine. We have listened with respect to the Governors, because they bring us the word of the King our Father, and much more to the black Robes, because they bring us the word of God himself, who is the King of Kings. We have come from a great distance to weep with you for the death of the French, and to offer our Warriors to strike those hostile Nations whom you may wish to designate. You have but to speak. When I went over to France, the King promised me his protection for the Prayer, and recommended me never to abandon it. I will always remember it. Grant then your protection to us and to our black Robes."

He then gave utterance to the edifying sentiments with which he was impressed with regard to the Faith, as the Interpreter Baillarjon enabled us to half-understand them, in his miserable French.

Mamantouensa spoke next. His speech was short, and in a style widely different from what is usual among the Indians, who a hundred times repeat the same thing in the same speech.

"There," said he, addressing Sir Perrier, "are two young Padouca (Apache or Comanche) slaves, some skins, and some other trifles. It is only a small present which I make you; nor is it at all my plan to persuade you to make me one more costly. All that I ask of you is your heart and your protection. I am much more desirous of that than of all the merchandise of the world, and when I ask this of you, it is solely for the Prayer. My views of the war are the same as those of Chikagou, who has already spoken. It is useless therefore for me to repeat what you have just heard."

Sir Perrier listened with evident pleasure to these Indian speeches. He abandoned himself to the dictates of his own heart, without taking the precaution to rely on the evasion and disguises which are often necessary when one is negotiating with the Indians. To each speech he made such an answer as good Christians should desire. He declined with thanks their offers of service for the war, since we were sufficiently strong against the enemies who lived at the lower end of the river, but advised them to be on their guard, and to undertake our defense against those who dwelt on the upper part of the same river.

We always felt a distrust of the Meskwaki Indians, although they no longer dared to undertake anything, since Father Guignas has detached from their alliance the Tribes of the Kickapoos and the Mascoutens. You know that, being in Canada, he had the courage to penetrate even to the Sioux, wandering Indians near the source of the Mississippi, at the distance of about 2000 miles from New Orleans, and 1500 miles from Quebec. Forced to abandon this infant Mission by the unfortunate result of the enterprise against the Meskwakis, he descended the river to go to the Illinois. On the 15th of October, 1728, he was arrested, when halfway, by the Kickapoos and the Mascoutens. For five months he was a captive among these Indians, where he had much to suffer and everything to fear. The time at last Came when he was to be burned alive, and he prepared himself to finish his life in this horrible torment, when he was adopted by an old man, Whose family saved his life, and procured him his liberty.

Our Missionaries, who were among the Illinois, were no sooner acquainted with his sad situation, than they procured him all the alleviations they were able. Everything which he received, he employed to placate the Indians, and succeeded even to the extent of engaging them to conduct him to the Illinois, and while there to make peace with the French and the Indians of that region. Seven or eight months after this peace was concluded, the Mascoutens and the Kickapoos returned again to the Illinois country, and took away Father Guignas to spend the winter with them, from where, in all probability, he will return to Canada. He has been exceedingly broken down by these fatiguing journeys, but his fervor seems to give him new strength.

The Illinois had no other residence but with us, during the three weeks they remained in this city.

You would be astonished, as I have been, on arriving at this Mission, to find that a great number of our French are not so well instructed in Religion as are these Neophytes. Their Catechism, which has fallen into my hands, with the literal translation made by Father Boullanger, is a perfect model for those who have need of such works in their new Missions.

le Boullanger has written me that he must, for the second time, considerably enlarge his Church, on account of the great number of Indians who each year have received Baptism.

Chikagou guards most carefully, in a bag made expressly for the purpose, the magnificent snuff-box which the late Madame, the Duchess d'Orleans, gave him at Versailles. Despite all the offers made to him, he has never been willing to part with it, -- a degree of consideration remarkable in an Indian, whose characteristic generally is, to be in a short time disgusted with anything he has, and passionately desire whatever he sees, but does not own.

Everything which Chikagou has told his countrymen, with regard to France, has appeared to them incredible. "They have bribed you," said some to him, "to make us believe all these beautiful fictions." "We are willing to believe," said his relatives, "that you have seen all that you tell us, but there must have been some charm which dazzled your eyes, for it is not possible that France can be such as you have painted it."

When he told them that in France they were accustomed to have five cabins, one on top of the other, and that they were as high as the tallest trees, that there were as many people in the streets of Paris as there were blades of grass on the prairies, or mosquitoes in the woods, and that they rode about and even made long journeys in moving cabins of leather, they did not believe it any more than when he added that he had seen long cabins full of sick people, where skillful Surgeons performed the most wonderful cures.

He would say to them in sport, "you may lose an arm, a leg, an eye, a tooth, a breast; if you are in France, they will supply you with others, so that it will not be noticed." What most embarrassed Mamantouensa, when he saw the ships, was to know how it was possible to launch them into the water after they had been built on land, where arms enough could be found for this purpose, and above all to raise the anchors with their enormous weights. They explained both these points to him, and he admired the genius of the French who were capable of such beautiful inventions.

The Illinois departed on the last day of June; they were to unite with the Arkansas, for the purpose of falling upon the Yazoos and upon the Koroas. These last having set out on their retreat to the Chickasaws, where they were carrying the French scalps they had taken, were met on the way by the Tchatchoumas and by some Choctaws, who in their contest with them took eighteen scalps and delivered some French women with their children. Some time afterward, they were again attacked by a group of the Arkansas, who took from them four scalps, and made many of their women prisoners. These good Indians encountered on their return two canoes of French hunters; they passed their hands over them from head to foot, according to their custom, in testifying their sorrow for the death of the French, and of their Father in Jesus Christ. They made a solemn oath that, while one Arkansas should be remaining in the world, the Natchez and the Yazoos should never be without an enemy. They showed a bell and some books, which they were taking home, they said, for the first black Chief who should come to their Village. These were all that they had found in the cabin of Father Souel.

I was anxious to learn what these Indians had done with the body of this Missionary, but a French woman who was then their slave, has informed me that she at last persuaded them to give it burial. "I saw him," she would often say to me, "lying on his back in the canes near his house; they had not taken from him anything but his cassock. Although he had been dead fifteen days, his skin was still as white, and his cheeks as red as if he were merely sleeping. I was tempted to examine where he had received the fatal blow, but respect stopped my curiosity; I placed myself a moment at his knees, and have brought away his handkerchief which was near him."

The faithful Arkansas mourned every day in their Village the death of Father du Poisson, and with the most earnest requests, demanded another Missionary. We could not excuse ourselves from granting this request to a Nation so amicable, and at all times so attached to the French, possessing a degree of modesty of which the other Nations were ignorant, and among whom there exists no peculiar obstacle to Christianity, except their extreme attachment to trickery.

We may congratulate ourselves that our loss has not been more general. In fact, the two Missionaries for whom we mourn, did not appear to be as exposed to the cruelty of the Indians as are many others, particularly Father de Guyenne, and still more Father Baudouin. Father Baudouin is without any defense in the midst of the great Nation of the Choctaws. We have always had a great distrust of these Indians, even at the time when they were making war for us upon the Natchez. They have become so inflated with their pretended victory that we have much more need of troops to repress their insolence than to finish the destruction of our open enemies.

Father de Guyenne, after much opposition on the part of the Indians in the neighborhood of Carolina, succeeded in building two cabins in two different Villages, to be near at hand to learn their language and to instruct them; but they were both demolished. He will be forced at last to confine his fervor to the French Fort of the Alabamas, or to seek a more abundant harvest on the banks of the Mississippi.

It only remains to inform you of the location of our enemies. They are united near the river of the Oachitas, on which they have three forts. We believe that the Natchez are in number about 500 warriors, without counting their women and children; they were scarcely more than 700 before the war. Among the Yazoos and the Koroas, there are not more than forty warriors. They have planted their corn between two little rivers which run near their forts. It would only be necessary to cut off this corn, to starve them during the winter, but the thing is not easy to effect, from what the smaller Tribes inform us, who harass them continually. The Country is cut up by bayous, and filled with canebrakes, where the inconceivable quantity of mosquitoes would not permit an ambush to be established for any length of time.

The Natchez, who were shut up in their forts since the last expedition, have begun again to show themselves. Incensed that a group from Oumas and Bayagoulas had captured one of their canoes, in which were seven men, a woman, and two children, they went in great numbers near a small fort, where they have surprised ten Frenchmen and twenty Negroes. There was but one small Soldier with two Negroes who were able to save themselves. He had formerly escaped the massacre made by the Natchez by concealing himself in an oven, and this time he escaped by hiding in the trunk of a tree.

You can well believe that this war has delayed the French colony; still, we flatter ourselves that this misfortune will be productive of benefit, by determining the Court to send the forces necessary to tranquilize the Colony and render it flourishing. Although they have nothing to fear at New Orleans, either from the smaller neighboring Tribes, whom our Negroes alone could finish in a single morning, or even from the Choctaws, who would not dare to expose themselves on the Lake in any great numbers, yet a panic terror has spread itself over almost every spirit, particularly with the women. They will, however, be reassured by the arrival of the first troops from France, whom we are now constantly expecting.

YEAR 1734

LETTER FROM FATHER NAU, MISSIONARY IN CANADA, TO REVEREND FATHER RICHARD, PROVINCIAL OF THE PROVINCE OF GUYENNE, AT BOURDEAUX. 1734.

Reverend Father,

We embarked, may 29, on the Ruby, under the command of Sir de Chaon; and we remained two days in the harbor, waiting for favorable winds. Those two days were quite sufficient to give us a foretaste of the tediousness of our voyage. The mere sight of the St. Barbe, where we were to sleep while crossing the sea, was a revelation to all, but to me more than the others. It is a room about the size of the Rhetoric classroom at Bordeaux, where a double row of frames was swung up, which were to serve as beds for the passengers, lesser officers, and gunners.

We were packed into this dismal and noisome hold like so many sardines in a Barrel. We could make our way to our hammocks only after sustaining several bumps and knocks on limbs and head. A sense of delicacy forbade our disrobing, and our clothes, in time, made our backs ache. The rolling and pitching loosened the fastenings of our hammocks and hopelessly entangled them. Once I was pitched out of my bed upon a poor Canadian officer, whom I caught, although unintentionally, as if I had been a rat-trap. It was quite a time before I could extricate myself from ropes and counterpane; meanwhile the officer had scarcely breath enough left to give vent to his profanity. After the first day's experience of the St. Barbe, one of the missionaries broke down, and Reverend father De Lauzon began to fear that if we were forced, by the rough weather, to go ashore, the disconsolate man could never bring himself to set foot on board again. Another disagreeable feature was the company we were thrown in with, day and night.

Our Bishop reached La Rochelle, after people there had ceased to expect him, and embarked with us. He brought a dozen abbots, whom he had collected from the streets of Paris, and at the doors of the Churches -- people, most of whom were ignorant and uneducated, who thought that they had a right to insult everyone else. They quarreled continually among themselves, and even dared to criticize the ship's officers; and they would have been placed in irons, if it had not been for the respect entertained for the prelate. We shunned those people as much as possible, and banded together with three priests of Saint-Sulpice, men of intelligence and of rare piety. The officers were attentive. We were bearers of many recommendations to them from Sir de Maurepas. They made a great difference between us and the suite of The bishop; and the prelate admitted that they had reason to do so. A third disagreeable feature was the vermin and the stench.

We had on board a hundred soldiers freshly Enrolled, each one of whom carried with him a whole Regiment of "picardie." In less than a week, those ravenous lice migrated in all directions. No one was Free from their attacks, not even the Bishop or the captain. Every time we went on Deck, we could see that we were covered with this vermin. We found them even in our shoes. Another center for the lice, and a source of infection, were eighty smugglers who had already passed a twelvemonth in the prisons; they also sent out swarms of marauders. These wretched beings would have caused the heart of a Turk to melt with pity. They were half naked and covered with sores; some even were eaten alive with worms. We made a collection on board to buy them shirts from the sailors who had them to spare. All that we could do did not prevent the outbreak among them of a kind of disease, which spread throughout the ship, attacking all indiscriminately, and which carried off twenty of our men at a stroke, so those of the officers and passengers who were not down with the sickness had to work the ship instead of the sailors. Reverend father de Lauson was made boatswain's mate for the priests. Father Aulneau distinguished himself by his diligence in serving the sick. God preserved him in health during the passage across, but scarcely had he set foot on shore, when in turn he was stricken down and brought by two different attacks to death's door. I was the only Jesuit who had nothing to suffer, not even from seasickness.

We reached Quebec on the 16th of august, the eightieth day from the time of our embarking. It is one of the longest trips on record from France to Canada. What kept us so long at sea was that we always had contrary winds and so violent that we had to change our foretopmast when off Shore near the grand bank. We were eight days tempest-tossed, unable to carry a shred of sail; our ship, like a mere skiff, became the plaything of the billows, and the seas dashed over the gunwale as if it had been a shell. A pirate or an English man-of-war would have made short work of us, had they attacked us at the time; we had so many sick on board. We seemed, however, safe from alarms of that kind. The size of our ship struck fear into all whom we met; we frightened even one of the King's vessels we came across at the grand bank.

They caught sight of us 7 hours before we noticed them. They immediately bore away; but the wind was not to their liking, and as we sailed faster, we overhauled them about 3 in the afternoon, and relieved them of further fear. Their ship was the Charante, commanded by Sir de la Sauzaie. He sent an officer with "naval refreshments", that is, liquor. We had a good laugh over their fright; but had they been enemies, they would have had more reason to make fun of us, for they had had the decks cleared for action since eight in the morning, and we had not a cannon in position to fire.

At last, the fatigues and dangers of the sea are past, and nothing but what is pleasant awaits me. Reverend father de Lauzon means to send me to the mission of Lachine Rapids, where he himself Spent 17 years. I shall reach there in two weeks. It is the most agreeable and flourishing mission of Canada. The number of Christian Indians there is nearly twelve hundred. I will be associated with father Labretonniere, who leaves Lachine Rapids, where his services are not of much use, as he has great difficulty in applying himself to the study of the Iroquois language.

Father Aulneau is to pass the winter at Quebec, there to prepare his examination of the 4th year of theology. He may, next spring, set out with an expedition to discover the western sea, for the court is absolutely determined to have, concerning it, more than a mere conjecture.

The French who returned this year from the upper country have informed us that the Indians told them that, 2750 miles from Quebec, there are white people wearing beards who are subjects of a King; that those people built their houses like those of the French; that they had horses and other domestic animals. Might they not be Turks or stragglers from japan? The Indians spoke about the French to these nations, and they were delighted to learn that in Canada there was a white nation bearded like themselves. "The French, to all appearance, are our brothers," they said, "and we would like to see them. Invite them to come here among us." If this story be true, there is there another grand opening for the Gospel. But we cannot count much on the sincerity of the Indians who have spread this report, for there is no country in the world where more lying is done than in Canada.

The war is still carried on against what remains of the Meskwaki nation, and against the other tribes which have taken them under their protection. Father Guignas was not taken, as it was feared, but he has had much to suffer, for nothing can be sent him safely. For two consecutive years the provisions sent him have fallen into the enemy's hands. Father Deblonfont, whom we expected from the province of Lyons, and who had set out from that city for la Rochelle, has not made his appearance in Canada. We do not know what has become of him. It is surmised that father de Laneuville has enticed him away to the mission of the islands. We stand, however, in much need of laborers: if a dozen came over next year, we would not have too many.

Nau,

of the Jesuits.

Quebec, October 20, 1734.

YEAR 1735

LETTER FROM REVEREND FATHER AULNEAU, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS, WRITTEN FROM CANADA, TO REVEREND FATHER BONIN, OF THE JESUITS. 1735

Reverend Father,

Reverend father de Lauzon, my superior, has singled me out for The mission, to which he sends me without consulting me, in spite of my natural repugnance. I am about to set out on a journey of 3000 miles, to go among Indians who have never yet met a Frenchman or a missionary. I cannot reach their country this summer; I shall be forced to pass the coming winter 2250 miles from here, part of the time with the Cree and part of the time with the wandering tribes of the Assiniboine Sioux, who, in their expeditions have met the Indians whom I am to Seek Out -- They call them in Their Language Chipewyans, which means "dwellers in holes."

In all this traveling about, I shall have to undergo many hardships; they would have been more than Welcome had it been Deemed advisable to give me as companion another Jesuit, but I am to be sent alone among these tribes, whose language as well as whose manner of living are unknown. I humbly confess that it was with a pang that I brought myself to obey. I shall be removed several hundred miles from any other priest, and in that lies the greatest hardship of all my mission.

To reach my final destination, I shall have to cross nearly all of north america; but my course is so ordered that, instead of passing by The Mississippi river, when I have got as far as Mackinac, where father Saint pe is stationed, I shall take A northwest direction, and shall traverse all the great Lakes which lie on this side and beyond the sources of the Mississippi, until I come to the Lake of the Assiniboine Sioux (Lake of the Woods).

I shall leave that post only in The spring, to journey on 750 or 1000 miles beyond, in quest of the Chipewyans, so that my course then will be southwest. Such is the route I shall follow toward an objective which is indefinite and uncertain, since all we know about it is founded on the reports of other Indians, who, for The most part, have little scruple in speaking differently from what they think. If what they add concerning The Place where the Chipewyans dwell be true, I should say that these cannot be far from California, for, if we are to believe their reports, the Chipewyans dwell on the Shores of a great river where there is an ebb and flow in the stream, which would go to show that the sea cannot be far off. It is not easy to determine what river this is. I am led to surmise, however, that it is the great river which father Kino, a German Jesuit, mentions in the map which he traced of the regions lying to the north of california, and Which he calls the "rio Colorado" or "del norte."

Father Nau is permanently stationed at The Iroquois mission of Sault St. Louis, near Montreal. We are Much afraid that father Guignas has been taken and burned by a tribe of Indians called the Meskwakis.

Aulneau,

Jesuit missionary.

Quebec, April 29, 1735.

LETTER BY REVEREND FATHER NAU, MISSIONARY OF THE JESUITS, WRITTEN TO REVEREND FATHER BONIN, OF THE JESUITS. 1735.

Reverend Father,

This year, I am in a position to speak to you of Canada with more certainty than last year. The climate is healthy, the quality of The soil excellent, but the natives are lazy. The winter is not so severe as we are told in France. We Never experience more than 3 or 4 days in succession of extreme cold. The thaws have been of such frequent occurrence this year that the drawing of fire-wood was accomplished with difficulty. More precautions against the cold are taken here than in France. We are warmly clad, and our apartments are heated with stoves. All in all, I suffered every year more from cold in France than in Canada.

My health is of the best, except for a violent attack of gout I suffered after easter, and which laid me up for a month and a half. Even now I have a twinge every day, but that does not prevent me from going about, nor was it The cold that brought it on. I had already felt its approach while yet in France.

To speak correctly, we have but two seasons here, -- winter and summer. In this mission, the winter is shorter by a full month than at Quebec. We are in fact 100 miles more toward the south. Sault Saint Louis is not to be found marked on the maps; this is not surprising, as it is only since these maps were made that our mission has grown into an important village. Our Latitude is 45 degrees and 30 minutes, and we are distant 8 miles from the town of Montreal, which lies to the northeast, on the other bank of The river.

It is imagined in France that the Iroquois, who formerly treated with so much cruelty the French whom they made captives in war, must be of ferocious aspect, and that their sight and name would strike terror into all who encounter them. This is pure fancy. Generally speaking, you could find nowhere finer looking men. The Indians are of better build than the French, but side by side with the Iroquois, other Indians seem dwarfed. Nearly all the men of our mission are nearer six feet in height than five. Their countenance is in keeping with Their stature, and their features are regular. The children especially are diminutive types of the picturesque, Transparency of color being alone wanting. Their complexion is of an Olive tint, but not so tawny as that of other tribes, not differing much from that of the Portuguese. I have met even in the streets of bourdeaux any number of men darker than Our Iroquois. They would be as clear-complexioned as the French, were it not for the effects of the Smoke in their cabins, which is so dense that I fail to understand how they do not lose their sight.

The costume of the Iroquois is different from that of the other Indian tribes. Their hair is trimmed somewhat like that of the Recollect fathers, with This difference, that they raise in a bunch the hair of the crown, by means of a kind of wax mixed with red pigment, and Allow 3 or 4 hairs to protrude above, to which they fasten a wampum bead or so, or a feather of some bird seldom met with. Over the shirt, they usually wear a garment of French fashion, with lace sewn on all the seams. When the weather is cold, or on gala-days, they wear a cloth mantle, seven feet square, the lower border of which is trimmed with 8 or 9 bands of lace. Their mitasse, that is, their Leggings, are adorned with ribbons and a variety of flowers embroidered with elk-hair dyed red or yellow. These are made to fit closely, to show off the elaborate finish of the work. Their moccasins are of smoke-dried deerskin. Some wear silk Stockings and shoes of French make and silver buckles. Among The Indian nations all the women are dressed alike. You have probably seen The likeness of the holy maiden, Catherine Tegah-Kouita; all the Indian women are similarly dressed.

As for the question of morality, The Iroquois and Hurons are more inclined to the practice of virtue than other nations; they are the only Indians capable of refined feelings; all the others are to be set down as Cowardly, ungrateful, and hedonistic. If there were no French in Canada, we would have as many saints in our mission as we now have Christians; but the bad example and requests of the French are a great obstacle to the sanctification of our Iroquois.

Although it is forbidden under the severest penalties to give brandy to the Indians, and although, during the last two months, exemplary punishment has been meted out to four Frenchmen, one of whom was condemned to the galleys, two to be whipped by the public Executioner, and the other to be fastened to the iron ring for having carried on this illicit trade, still our Indians find all the brandy they want, and as soon as they are drunk they are capable of any crime. Not three months ago, an Algonquin, in a drinking-bout, killed with three stabs of a knife a poor soldier who was quietly working in a house at Montreal. Arrested on the spot, the Algonquin thought he would escape punishment because he was drunk and did not know what he was doing. He was condemned, despite, to be hanged; but as The executioner was away he was killed by a blow on the head.

Should any of our Indians make his appearance in The village while in a state of intoxication, he must submit to a public penance. He is to remain kneeling outside the church during mass, for 10 or 12 days, according to the gravity of The scandal given. Drunkenness is the great Vice Of the Indian; but we have Many who never touch intoxicating Liquor of any kind. Those who do Drink do not do so often, and, taking all into consideration, our Iroquois are much better Christians than the French.

I must tell you how I was adopted into The Iroquois nation. It is a necessary formality, for a missionary would not be an acceptable person in the village were he not a member of the tribe. Two months after my arrival, I invited the elders to a banquet. The spread consisted of a whole carcass of Beef, bread in proportion, two bushels of peas, and a quantity of tobacco. When all were assembled, Reverend father de Lauzon, who had lived many years in this mission, made a Long speech for me. Three Iroquois orators answered in turn.

When the speech-making was over, one of the elders arose and announced that a name must be given to the "black robe," for this is the name by which the Jesuit missionaries are known. After having gone over all the names of former missionaries, he determined that I should subsequently be called hateriate, and I now go by no other name in the village. Ask God in your prayers to give me the grace of living up to The fullest extent of its meaning, -- for hateriata in Iroquois means "The Brave," -- the magnanimous man. It now remained to assign me to a lodge, and to adopt me into a family. I had the honor of being enrolled in The family of the bear. You must know that in the village there are three families: that of the bear, that of the wolf, and that of the tortoise. All newcomers are made members of one of these three families. The family of the tortoise has become so numerous that it has been divided into the great and the little tortoise.

And now let me say something about the exercises of the mission. At daybreak, in winter or summer, father de la Bretonniere says the first mass, at which all those assist who have to go out to the fields to work. They recite Their morning prayers, and then The beads, in two choirs. An hour later, I say the every-day mass, for the whole village, during Which The prayers and hymns of the church in keeping with the season are sung in two choirs also. After the mass, I gather the children together in The church and make them recite their morning prayers, and then teach the boys how to serve mass. About nine o'clock, father de la Bretonniere puts the adults who have not yet been Baptized through their catechism. The remainder of the day is spent going about visiting the sick and in deciding disputes which may have arisen in The cabins. An hour before sunset, I assemble the children again in the church for their evening prayers and for the recitation of Their catechism. As soon as the children are dismissed, the men and women go to The church for the recitation of their prayers in common.

On Sundays and festivals I am in the confessional until ten in the morning, when I sing high mass, after Which I preach to the French, for I have charge of a French parish, and there is no other church than that of the mission. Other members of our French population, who flock from all sides to the tomb of the servant of God, Catherine Tegah Kouita, to accomplish the Vows made in time of sickness, keep me quite busy. At one in the afternoon, father de la Bretonniere assembles in turn the Indians who are members of The association of The blessed virgin and those who belong to the congregation of the holy family, to give them a short urging. We have, as you see, in the Village two associations, -- The association and the holy family. To be qualified to become a member of The holy family, one must have passed through the association and have given unmistakable proofs of fervor. At four in the afternoon, evening prayers are sung, after which benediction of the Blessed Sacrament is always given.

Father Aulneau, who was here on the feast of Corpus Christi, could not restrain his tears of joy while the procession lasted. All our warriors were in their war accouterments with The exception of the bearers of the canopy and the chanters. The women and children followed in symmetrical order, most pleasing to the seer. Three shrines had been prepared at intervals where the blessed Sacrament was set down, and at each halt a volley of musketry was fired and five Mortars discharged.

For our Indians, singing is a necessary adjunct, as they are incapable of prolonged mental application and it is on this account that all their Prayers are set to music;, it would be a great pity were it not so, as they succeed so admirably. I often wished that Reverend father Landreau, who is so fond of well-executed church music, could be present at our high masses; it would be a greater treat for him than anything he has Yet listened to. The men, who lead off with The first verses, he might take for a choir of a hundred Cordeliers, and the women for some great Community of nuns. But what am I saying? Neither cordeliers nor nuns ever sang as do our Iroquois men and women. Their voices are both mellow and sonorous, and Their ear so correct that they do not miss a half-tone in all the church hymns, which they know by heart.

Our Iroquois, like all the other Indian tribes, with the exception of the Sioux, are settled. They raise horses, pigs, poultry, and other domestic animals as do our own people. The men leave us about the end of september, each taking his own road to The hunting-grounds of the deer and beaver, nor do they return to the village before February. Others go on the warpath. We have forty warriors out on expeditions to strike at other tribes.

Their weapons are ever ready, for they take the part of the French in every quarrel with The other Indian nations, -- indeed, The Iroquois of Sault St. Louis are looked upon as the most Warlike of all the American tribes; but this is no proof of their Valor. Their mode of warfare is only stratagem and surprise: their encounters are mere attempts at assassination. They fight bravely only when they know that the sole alternative lies between victory or death.

Our people have a war on their hands this long time with an Indian tribe called the Meskwakis. It has been only slightly successful, due to the impossibility of our troops ever overtaking Them in sufficient numbers to destroy Them. Last year, ninety of our young men joined the French expedition against the Meskwakis; but after inconceivable hardships and a journey of more than 1750 miles, Their guides led them astray, and they had to make their way back without having caught sight of The enemy save in one instance. A group of twenty-three Indians, nearly all of our mission, and seven Frenchmen had somehow become separated from The main body when they found themselves suddenly surrounded by a war-group of two hundred Meskwakis. Our men would have been destroyed, had it not been for The resolution of the Iroquois captain. "We are all dead men," he said, "if we surrender. There is no help for it; we have to sell our lives as dearly as we can. Let us show these Meskwakis that we are Iroquois and Frenchmen." Then he led his Warriors to the attack. The enemy could not withstand the first onslaught, but retreated hastily to their fort. Thirty Meskwakis were laid low and ten taken prisoner; our group lost but two Frenchmen and one Indian.

The majority of the adults whom we instruct for baptism in the village are slaves taken in war. It is our warriors who contribute Most to the increase of The mission. The five Iroquois nations, who are with the English, are visibly on the decrease, on account of their incessant quarrels and the use of Intoxicants supplied by The english. It is for this reason that The more prudent abandon a country where they cannot live peaceably, and come to settle among us. Others who are accused of witchcraft are also obliged to take refuge at Lachine Rapids, otherwise they would be put out of the way at The first opportunity. A family of Mohawk Iroquois have come recently to settle in our village.

The instruction of the slaves is our hardest task, for they seldom learn The Language Well, and it is hard to make Them understand what we would have Them know. We have had here in The mission for the last ten years an Indian woman of the Meskwaki nation, and she does not yet know how to speak Iroquois. Iroquois and Huron are The only two difficult languages; we must, however, be familiar with Them both in our mission, because all the prayers are in Huron. These two Languages have A common origin, but differ from each other as much as French and Spanish.

All our Indians understand Huron, and prefer It to Iroquois, although The pronunciation is not so pleasing to the ear. So it is that they do not care to recite their prayers in Their own native Tongue. I taught the children Their catechism, manuscript in hand of course, for after ten months of study I cannot be proficient in Iroquois. I am beginning to understand and to make myself understood, but I would not dare yet to speak in public.

Reverend father de Lauzon, superior-general of the mission, is universally esteemed, and with reason. He did his best with our reverend father general to be allowed to resign his office, which is a real burden to Him for more reasons than one, but it was decided that he should complete The usual term of six years. So we shall not have Him back in our Mission before their expiration. Father Chardon has been stationed for the last two years at The residence of Montreal; he is looked upon as one of the most holy Jesuits sent out to Canada. Father Guignas is in the Sioux country, at a little French fort with but six men with Him. Scarcely a month ago, Sir de Beauharnois, governor-general of New France, sent twenty-two men in four canoes with supplies which he greatly needed, for The Sioux refuse to provide for Him. It is uncertain that The relief-group will reach him without molestation, their route lying close to the country of the Meskwakis. Father Saint Pe, who has for companion father du Jaunay, an old fellow-student of mine at nantes, will return next year from Mackinac, to take charge of the men's association at Montreal. Father de La Richardie spent the winter at Quebec.

The mention of this Reverend father's name reminds me that I must take back what I wrote you last Year when I was not well informed of what concerns the Hurons. I said that there were no other Christian Hurons than those of Lorette. In fact, Seven Years ago there were no others; but father de La Richardie found means to gather together at detroit The dispersed Hurons, all of whom he converted. The mission numbers six hundred Christians. Detroit, at the forty-second degree of Latitude, is situated between Lake Huron, and Lake Erie. This stretch of country is the Finest in Canada; there is scarcely any winter, and all kinds of fruit grow there as well as they do in France. There is question of Building a town there. Seventy French families are already on the spot, and there is a fort and garrison of which the reverend Recollect fathers are chaplains.

Father de Gonor is at The mission of Lorette, but he is subject to frequent attacks of sickness. Father Aulneau has set out for The western sea; he will arrive there only next summer. The first missionary who lands from France will go to keep Him company, otherwise he would not be able to remain there Long alone, as he will be 1000 miles away from father Guignas, who is his nearest neighbor.

I had a pretty Long conversation with Sir La Verandrie, who is in command of The three most-western forts. I understood from the interview that not much reliance can be placed on what he says concerning White, bearded Indians.

The western sea would have been discovered long ago if people had wished It. The Count de Maurepas is right when he says that The officials in Canada are looking not for The western sea, but for The sea of beaver.

Hopefully, father Aulneau will find more docile Indians than The Ottawas and The Sioux, among whom fathers Saint Pe and Guignas are laboring with little success. They have managed to convert only a few old men and women who are beyond the age of sinning. The greatest Good the Fathers can do is to Baptize children when they think they are on the point of death; those who recover usually fall away from the faith.

L. F. Nau,

of the Jesuits.

Lachine Rapids, October 2, 1735.

YEAR 1736

LETTER FROM REVEREND FATHER AULNEAU, OF THE JESUITS, TO REVEREND FATHER BONIN. FORT ST. CHARLES, AMONG THE CREE, APRIL 30, 1736.

Reverend Father,

The letters I had the honor to write to you last Year, 1735, caused you, no doubt, some surprise. I there took the liberty of asking you for certain things which my lack of experience in the missions alone could have suggested, nor should I be at all surprised if you paid no attention to those requests. Let me ask you to pardon me for all the trouble and annoyance I may have caused you. The wandering life I must lead would prevent me from carrying about anything but what is strictly indispensable. Besides, the money which was to be remitted to you would have scarcely sufficed to buy a quarter of all I asked you. Once more, pardon me my lack of discretion.

I reached fort St. Charles October 23rd, 1735. I had set out from the Iroquois mission of Lachine Rapids, June first, the feast of Saint Aloysius Gonzaga. I enjoyed perfect health to the end of my journey.

I stopped with Father Saint Pe at Mackinac. I went back 37 miles on the distance already covered, so as to take the route by lake superior. I coasted along the lake, usually following the north, sometimes the west and south-west of lake superior. I struck inland into the region which lies to the north of lake and after having journeyed nearly always on foot, for the space of two or three days, I headed sometimes toward the west, sometimes toward the southwest, and sometimes even toward the south, threading my way among a profusion of lakes. Several of these lakes have a circumference of more than 250 miles. From the upper extremity of lake superior to Fort Saint Charles, from where I write to you, the distance is set down at 750 miles. I journeyed nearly all the way through fire and a thick stifling smoke, which prevented us from even once catching a glimpse of the sun. It was the Indians who in hunting had set fire to the woods, without imagining that it would result in such a terrible fire.

All that was to be met with, in this vast region, was limited to lakes, rocks, immense forests, Indians and a few wild animals. Once, however, while on the shores Of a large lake which our French call lake de la Croix, and which is about 300 miles from here, I thought I saw a lunar eclipse; it was on the first of October, -- If it were an eclipse and not merely an effect of the smoke. It ended about nine o'clock at night. I noticed also, on several occasions, especially while on lake Huron, grand displays of the aurora borealis; but incapacity, even more than lassitude, did not admit of my taking observations with sufficient accuracy to give you an adequate idea of them. We have witnessed here throughout the winter the same phenomenon, and scarcely a night has passed but the northern skies have been all aglow with the aurora borealis.

And what of Fort Saint Charles, where I have passed the winter? It is merely an enclosure made with four rows of posts, from twelve to fifteen feet in height, in the form of an oblong square, within which are a few rough cabins constructed of logs and clay and covered with bark.

It is on the shores of a lake, about 375 miles from here, that I intend passing a part of the summer with the Assiniboine Sioux, who occupy all the land to the south of it. The lands on the remaining sides are taken up by the Cree, who occupy not only all the northern part as far as the sea; but all the immense stretch of country, beginning at the lake of the woods and extending far beyond Green Bay, also belongs to them.

Some time about the feast of all saints, I intend, with as many of the French as are willing, to join the Assiniboine Sioux, who start every Year, just as soon as the streams are frozen over, for the country of the Mandans (or Koatiouak), to procure their supply of Indian corn. It is to evangelize these tribes that my Superiors send me here. From Green Bay to their country, the distance is computed to be 625 miles, but as the group engages in the hunt as they advance, we shall probably go more than 1000 miles. If we manage to reach there in season, I shall not be satisfied with visiting the first villages of the Mandans, but shall push on as far as I can along the shores of the river where they dwell and where the Cree say they have seen seals. This would be a sure sign that they are not far from the sea. Toward the middle of March, I shall leave that place to return to the shores of Green Bay.

Fort St. Charles, according to Sir de la Jesmeraye, ensign of the detachment of the marine quartered in this country, is situated at 48 degrees 5 minutes. This is all the information I am able to give you at present concerning this wretched country. It may be that I have not expressed myself correctly. In any case, I do not vouch for the truth of all I have told you, and which I have not learned from personal observation but from the reports of the Indians and a few Frenchmen whose experience is only slightly more extensive than my own.

As for the Indians who dwell here, and especially the Cree, I do not believe that they can ever be persuaded to embrace the faith; for disregarding the fact that they have no fixed abode, and that they wander about the forests in isolated bands, they are superstitious and morally degraded to a degree beyond conception. What is most deplorable is that both English and French, by their accursed greed, have given them a taste for brandy, and have therefore been instrumental in adding to their other vices that of drunkenness; so that brandy is their only topic of conversation, the sole object of their petitions, nor can they ever be counted upon unless they receive enough to get drunk on. God has already chastised more than one of Our fellow-countrymen engaged in this infamous trade by visiting them with financial ruin; but neither the loss of worldly goods nor the fear of losing God has helped to abolish so shameful a trade.

This drunkenness constitutes one of the greatest troubles which the missionaries have to endure here; it has brought about the destruction of several flourishing missions, and has persuaded many an Indian to cast aside every semblance of religion. There were a certain number of Monsonis, neighbors of the Cree, and several other Indians among those who dwell about the upper end of lake superior, who had received baptism, and who have been re-plunged through drunkenness into their former superstitions. I must, however, say, in justice to the French with whom I have journeyed, that they have not mingled in this infamous trade; and that in spite of all the reiterated demands of the Indians, they have preferred to ignore all offers of barter from the tribes, than give them brandy in exchange.

Despite the vices of these poor infidels, they still retain certain notions which might help to put them on the side of religion. They acknowledge the immortality of the soul. After its separation from the body, it goes to join those of the other deceased Indians; but these have not all the same dwelling-place -- some inhabit enchanting prairies, where all kinds of animals are to be found. These they have no trouble slaying, and with the foods of hunting, they are perpetually feeding one another. No wonder if everywhere on these plains, you see kettles swung over the fire, and dances and games, -- all told, that is their paradise. But before reaching it, there is a spot of extreme peril, -- the souls have to cross a wide ditch. On one side of the way, it is full of muddy water, offensive to the smell and covered with scum; while on the other side, the pit is filled with fire, which rises in fierce tongues of flame. The only means of crossing it is on a fir-tree, the ends of which rest on either bank. Its bark is ever freshly moistened and besmeared with a substance which makes it as slippery as ice. If the souls who wish to cross to the enchanting plains have the misfortune to fall at this dangerous passage, there is no help left; they are doomed forever to drink of the foul, stagnant water, or to burn in the flames, according to the side on which they fall. Such is their hell, and such is their obscure notion of what efforts must be made to secure heaven.

I leave untold a thousand other vagaries of which you may form a faint idea, nor am I sufficiently versed in the matter, having but an imperfect knowledge of their language. If it be pleasing to you, I may revert to the subject later on. I am the first missionary who has undertaken to systematize the language of the Cree. I am not skillful at it.

I have picked up little during the winter, as all have been out on a warlike expedition against the Maskoutepoels or prairie Sioux. They destroyed a few cabins, and some have returned with a few scalps, which are prized as the most precious trophies of their victories. This war was the occasion for us of much suffering during the winter, as we had no other nourishment than tainted pike, boiled or dried over the fire.

The Cree are not nearly as numerous as the Assiniboine Sioux, but they are much braver, or rather much more fierce and cruel. They massacre each other on the most trivial pretext. The war and the hunt are their sole occupations. They are averse to teaching their language to others, so that what little I know has been picked up in spite of them. Still, I hope to announce the gospel to them, before my departure for the Mandans. The demon is the only idol they acknowledge, and it is to him that they offer their outlandish sacrifices. Some have assured me that he has visibly appeared to them. They are in great dread of him, as he is the author of nothing but the ills which befall them. It is for this reason they honor him, while they do not give a thought to God, since he sends them nothing but blessings. They manifest no surprise when told of his wondrous works. Even the raising of the dead to life would not astonish them. One day, a Monsoni, listening to the story of Lazarus, exclaimed: "Wonderful indeed, that God raised him to life! He had already given life to him once, could he not give it to him a second time?"

When we speak of Christianity to them, one of their standing reasons for not embracing it is that the Indians were not made for that religion; but the true reason, which they do not wish to assert, is their fear of the demon, and the necessity in which they would be placed of renouncing what they call their religion, which they imagine they could never abandon without immediately being stricken with death. I am convinced that if there were five or six missionaries in this region, their efforts would not be fruitless, especially among the Assiniboine Sioux and the Mandans, who are much more pliable than the others.

Scarcely have we entered upon the question of religion with one of the natives, and commenced to entertain some faint hope of his conversion, when, confronted with the necessity of supplying the wants of life, he has to go to a wandering life in the Woods.

A promise was made to send me a companion this year; if one comes, I hope that in a few years I shall be able to give you news which will be satisfactory. Before the new missionary can reach me here, I think that I shall have acquired a pretty complete knowledge of the language of the Cree and a smattering of that of the Assiniboine Sioux, for Providence has endowed me with a certain facility in mastering these odd jargons.

J. P. Aulneau,

Jesuit Missionary.

LETTER OF FATHER MATHURIN LE PETIT, TO REVEREND FATHER FRANCISCUS RETZ, GENERAL OF THE JESUITS, AT ROME. NEW ORLEANS, JUNE 29, 1736.

Reverend Father,

The Louisiana Mission mourns, for it has this Year been deprived of two Missionaries. On the 6th day of February, Father Gabriel Guymoneau, of the province of France, after 20 years spent in the Illinois Mission, was carried off by an attack of pneumonia that lasted six days.

On palm Sunday, the fortune of war took from us Father Senat, of the province of toulouse; he had been in charge of another mission of the Illinois in the same country for 18 months only, but was already skilled in the language. For the purpose of giving spiritual assistance, he accompanied an army composed of French and indians against Barbarians called Chickasaws, who are enemies of this colony. The result of this was unfortunate. Our men were either slain by the enemy or put to flight. Father Senat might, as many had done, have sought safety in flight; but, refusing a horse that was offered him, he preferred yielding to the fury of the Indians, rather than leave the brave head of the army and the French, whom he saw Stretched on the ground due to their wounds, or carried off by the enemy.

The Indians, who rushed upon him in a body as he was kneeling in prayer, were immediately seen showering blows from clubs upon their captive, the prelude to a much greater torture. No one doubts, although nothing certain has so far reached us, that the Indians, according to their custom, shamefully insulted in every manner that victim; they suspended him, bound to a frame, and out of revenge against the French, they sacrificed him by fire, which was all the more cruel because it burned more slowly.

Mathurin Le Petit

LETTER WRITTEN BY REVEREND FATHER NICOLAS DE GONNOR. 1736.

Reverend Father,

A reason for writing you is to ask you to break as gently as possible to Father Aulneau's mother the news of the death of her dear son, who we have learned was slain last May by a group of wandering Indians, called the Sioux of the prairies, while he was journeying from his own to another mission, with the intention of going to confession and of seeking advice On troubles to which his extreme delicacy of conscience had given rise.

Last year, he preached during the Carnival at Quebec, to the great satisfaction of all, those who were not able to attend forming their judgment of him from the testimony of those who were present. Shortly after, he underwent his fourth year examination in theology with ease and all possible success. It was then that he was named to take charge of the most remote and consequently the hardest, and the most destitute of all human resources, among the various missions of Canada, so much so that during the preceding years two or three persons had died there of hunger. He felt a great repugnance for this post, as he would have to go there alone, unaccompanied by any other missionary, there being too few to spare two for each mission, while some posts even were left vacant; he generously overcame this reluctance, much to the admiration of those who knew how painful the sacrifice was; those, on the contrary, who were ignorant of it fancied that he was delighted at the idea of discovering new regions. And so, he was a true Jesuit, and an apostolic man. I can speak with more certainty on this point than another, for he was my pupil.

From his first landing in Canada, we became intimate friends, so that we had nothing hidden from each other. I deeply deplore his loss both as a missionary and as a friend. He was surprised with twenty other Frenchmen, but it is not known how they were put to death. No premonitory sign of distrust on the part of the Indians was noticed, nor were the victims tortured, as they are accustomed to be when prisoners are taken in battle. It is conjectured that they were surprised while asleep, and received their deathblows unawares. The heads of all were then severed from the bodies.

Degonnor

Jesuit, Missionary of the Hurons at Notre Dame de Laurette.

YEAR 1738

LETTER OF FATHER MATHURIN LE PETIT TO THE REVEREND FATHER FRANCISCUS RETZ, GENERAL OF THE JESUITS, AT ROME. NEW ORLEANS, JUNE 25, 1738.

AFTER many rumors, we have at last learned that Father Antoine Senat has been rewarded the crown of martyrdom, on the day of Palm Sunday in 1736, when he was captured by the Indian enemies of our nation, commonly called Chickasaws. At early morning, he had fallen into their hands; toward evening he perished in the flames. He might easily have saved his life as soon as he saw our Frenchmen, whose Missionary he was, captured by the enemy or taking to flight; but he preferred to brave the fury of the Indians rather than leave without aiding the souls of the captives. The opportunity to assist them was not lacking. Together with 23 or 24 Frenchmen, he was immediately led to a prominent hill in the center of the village, where the Indians, infuriated by the loss in battle of many of their companions, attacked them with reproaches, insults, and clubs, and ignominiously stripped them of their clothing. Yet they were left to themselves until a double pile of wood was being raised, not far away, for the purpose of burning them.

Each and all, chanted long and loudly many prayers -- which the Indians, from whom we learned the fact, called a song to go above. They repeated the same hymns while they were being led to the two piles, or were carried there -- as was the case with those who were unable to walk, owing to their wounds; nor did they interrupt their singing amid the fire until they fell, half burned or suffocated by the flames. This sight won the admiration of the Indians, so that those whom they had, on the same day, scornfully called "women", they often proclaimed to be men and heroes.

THE MOST CHRISTIAN KING PAYS AN ANNUAL PENSION FOR 12 PRIESTS.

In the Illinois country, at least 1000 miles away from here, live 4 priests. Two of them attend two parishes of the French people; and the two others, two missions of natives, many of whom are Christians.

Here in new Orleans -- the only city of this vast region -- we count two priests, living with two lay brothers. My companion is the missionary to the Hospital and to the soldiers; and also confessor to the nuns of St. Ursula. I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our residence (who are negroes), and as many others as I can from other quarters. I direct the association of workmen, which I established not long ago, hear confessions in our chapel, and preach during advent and Lent in the principal church, as often as I am invited to do so by the Reverend Capuchin Fathers, who minister to the neighboring parishes of the French people.

We have two other Missions among the Indians, about 375 miles from here, and distant from each other, in which none are Christians. What hinders their conversion -- besides their character, which is averse to Christian severity -- is their propensity to drunkenness. Another obstacle is the evil conversation of the english, who, from the province of Carolina, although quite distant from them, often travel to their country, and remain there a Long time for the purpose of carrying on trade.

Mathurin Le Petit

YEAR 1740

TWO LETTERS FROM FATHER LUC FRANCOIS NAU TO MADAME AULNEAU. 1739-1740.

MADEMOISELLE, my dearest mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

The Sioux, who so ruthlessly murdered our beloved and amiable J. P. Aulneau, have since then been so often defeated by the French that they have finally sued for peace. This has been concluded with them, as it is feared that we shall soon have war with our neighbors, the English. Sir de la Verandrie has discovered a numerous nation of pale-faced Indians, 75 miles from fort St. Charles. Had it not been for the death of our dear martyr, these Indians, whom he is said to have met with during his expeditions, would already have received the light of the Gospel, for they are gentle and amenable to reason.

An inexhaustible mine of copper has been discovered on the shores of lake Superior, 1750 miles from here; but the profits will never be great, owing to the immense expense of transporting the copper. The iron mines between Quebec and Montreal, which have been worked for a few years, are more profitable, and begin to give good returns.

This last spring we sent out an army against the Chickasaws, who 3 years ago burned to death the Jesuit Father Senat. Father de la bretonniere accompanied the 300 Iroquois from our village who take part in the war. Since then, I have been alone in this mission, burdened with an inconceivable amount of work. Besides, during a part of the summer I was suffering from gout, while there were a great many sick persons to visit in the village. Not being able to walk, I was carried on a stretcher when I had to administer the Sacraments. I have not altogether recovered yet.

Nau,

of the Jesuits.

Lachine Rapids, October 12, 1739.

My dearest mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

I counted much on Father Delauzon, an accomplished missionary, to relieve me considerably, but he has been sick since All saints, the time of his return to The mission, and so I am practically all alone in the village. Our mission, which was not as large formerly as it is today, kept five able-bodied missionaries busy. Judge then of the amount of work we two invalids, Father Delauzon and myself, have to perform. And yet I have, over and above, to attend to a French parish of four hundred people, more difficult to manage than The Indians; and often to go on calls 5 or 7 miles away, over horrible roads, in all kinds of weather. The strain has weakened me considerably, and the gout never relents, even for a Day. I had a terrible attack of it this last summer, and for the time being there was no mass celebrated in The village, for Father Delauzon was also sick Abed. I would be so glad if Father Charles Aulneau would come out to Canada. I could manage to have him remain with me, where he could be of more service than among the newly-discovered tribes, who are not friendly to us.

The King's vessel which came over to Canada this year lost a great number of her crew and passengers through some contagious disease. A Jesuit Father and a Society of Saint-Sulpice Father were taken off; but The most serious loss was that of our Bishop, who fell a victim to the disease in The short space of two days. The Letters and ship's cargo were scattered and pillaged. Luckily, your letters and box reached me by a merchantman.

The war on the Chickasaws ended ignominiously for the French, who with The finest army ever seen in this country, and well provided with mortars and cannon, did not dare attack a rabble of Indians; The Canadians alone and The Iroquois of our mission engaged The enemy, slew a number and took some prisoners, but were not in sufficient force to rout Him completely. Father Delabretonniere, who followed our Indians on the expedition, went back to France by way of The Mississippi. I think he will not return to Canada.

Nau,

of The Jesuits.

Lachine Rapids, October 2, 1740.

YEAR 1741

LETTER OF FATHER ARMAND DE LA RICHARDIE TO REVEREND FATHER FRANCISCUS RETZ, GENERAL OF THE JESUITS, AT ROME. FROM THE MISSION OF L'ASSOMPTION AMONG THE HURONS, JUNE 21, 1741. AFTER HAVING BEEN 2 YEARS AMONG THE HURONS (AT QUEBEC?), FATHER DUPARC SENT FATHER ARMAND DE LA RICHARDIE AMONG THE HURONS, OF WHOSE SAD CONDITION REGARDING RELIGION HE WAS AWARE.

WHEN I arrived here I found not a single Indian professing the Christian faith, although some of the older ones, while suffering from sickness, had formerly been baptized by the first missionaries. About forty years ago, they had abandoned that nation. One of the chiefs of the nation, Hooisens by name, professed the Christian faith, and set such an example to all his relatives that not a single one of his relatives resisted the Holy ghost. A short time afterward, he was taken from among the living; and only the slightest hope remained of bringing this throng of Indians to Christ. So, I had nearly prepared for my departure, -- thinking that after this chief was dead, dead also was the hope of promoting God's glory. While my mind wavered, God's work made such progress that barely three years had elapsed from the death of that praiseworthy chief when not even one person in the whole nation remained obstinate.

Regarding the present, all is placed in safety. The sacred house hardly contains the multitude of Christians, although it is 140 yards long.

Reverend Father St. pe, the superior of the mission, taking pity on me, who am nearly sixty, has provided me with a companion. Being now old and having little health, I lament to find myself unfit to learn the tongues of the Indians who live in my neighborhood.

Armand De La Richardie

YEAR 1742

TWO LETTERS TO MADAME AULNEAU. 1741-1742.

LACHINE RAPIDS, OCTOBER 3, 1741.

Mademoiselle, My Dearest Mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

Painful as my infirmity is, I am beginning to get used to it, but throughout The winter, I have been troubled by another kind of sickness, which, although not painful, gives me greater cause for fear than the gout. I suffer from vertigo; it has caused me to make more than one perilous leap, and may end by my breaking my neck. They have tried many remedies on me, which have done me some good but have not accomplished a perfect cure. At times I am seized with a sudden uncontrollable fear, which prevents my being left alone anywhere. Pray God that he may deliver me from this evil, or at least that I become not quite useless to my Indians.

The Chickasaws continue to burn all the French who fall into their hands. The English, who are settled among them, incite them to this barbarous practice, and often take part in tormenting The French more cruelly. Our Indians are always at war with the Chickasaws, and from time to time they bring in a large number of slaves; but instead of retaliating by burning them at the stake, they adopt them in the village, instruct them in our mysteries, and by baptism place Them in The way of reaching heaven. By this means our mission increases every year, as well as by outside families coming from a distance who willingly settle down among us. The continual instructions, The care of the sick, settling The quarrels of the Indians, and all the other affairs of the village, which must be seen to by the missionaries, keep us so busy that it is sometimes far into The night before our prayer book is read or our other prayers attended to. The Dutch Jesuit, whom Father saint Pe had the kindness to send us, will be able only after a year to be of some service. By that time he will have acquired some knowledge of The Language. To accomplish all the work to be done would require a more robust constitution than mine.

F. Nau,

of the Jesuits.

LORETTE, APRIL 23, 1742.

This year I have been in utter desolation at seeing my poor Indians suffer from hunger, without being able to come to their relief, -- not for lack of money, but on account of the scarcity of wheat which failed to realize the bright anticipations of the early summer. And what now afflicts me still more is that we are threatened throughout the land with a famine more dreadful than that of last year. Before the Grain began to ripen, worms attacked nearly every ear, and devoured most of it, or rather they ate away the kernel and left only the shell. My Indians, still, will gather a little more Indian corn than last year, but their lands are so poor that the Harvest supplies their wants for only half the year, at most. The evil is diminished by half when there is French wheat, and I am able to buy it at wholesale and deal it out to them in small quantities, allowing them to pay me when they can, which they do quite faithfully when they are able to earn a little. But when I am not able to help them in this way, they have to scatter right and left to find food, which is prejudicial in no slight degree to their spiritual interests, for sanctity is rarely acquired by traveling about. I must give my consent to it rather than see them perish with hunger.

YEAR 1749

LETTER FROM FATHER JOSEPH AUBERY, IN THE NAME OF THE ABENAKIS OF CANADA, TO THE DEAN OF THE CHAPTER OF CHARTRES. 1749

Sir,

It is some sixty years since your illustrious company consented to contract a union of adoption by which it regarded the Abenaki nation of Canada as its brothers.

You sent them at that time a silver shirt as a relic. To respond to that honor, this nation, some years afterward, having nothing more precious than what is called "wampum," which is their silver and gold here, formed a collar of that; it contained about eleven rows of beads, and was about six feet long, and ornamented to the best of their ability with porcupine-quills. It was enclosed in a box of bark worked as delicately as this material can be worked. The present was sent, and you had the goodness to respond to that magnificently by an image of the Blessed Virgin in silver, exactly like the one which you preserve in your subterranean church. It is now 49 years since then, and in the spring will be so, according to the date of the letter of Sir d'ormeville, then priest at Chartres, appointed by the chapter to write to this Reverend Father Vincent Bigot. I was with him in the mission, and that was the year when I said my first mass, -- which I newly celebrated yesterday for the second time, after 50 years of priesthood and of mission work.

It is this union that our Chiefs, in the name of the whole mission, wish now to renew. Your presents, exposed in the church, recall to them the memory of it continually; but they wish to freshen it, and consider it as if it were made again. They ask me to inform you of this; if they had anything precious, they would send it as their letter; as to wampum, you already have one, and it would be of no use. They ask you to regard this letter as a sincere mark of the sentiments of their hearts, that you and all the gentlemen of your Chapter may consent to continue to aid them.

Joseph Aubery,

of the Jesuits.

Missionary to the Abenakis at St. Francois.

YEAR 1750

MEMOIR BY FATHER CLAUDE GODEFROI COQUART UPON THE POSTS OF THE KING'S DOMAIN. APRIL 5, 1750. LA MALBAIE.

LA Malbaie should be regarded as The most valuable farm of the country, on account of the quality of the soil, the facilities for raising Cattle there, and other advantages which I shall mention subsequently.

The land there is good and abundant. They might have cleared more of it than they have done; but, as they desired only wheat enough to feed the farmer and his employees, they have left uncleared or in woods the finest region in the world. Those people have not even made this farm as valuable as they might have done, because they have always preferred to show that it was worth more than it yielded. The lands might be increased by obliging the farmer to clear every year a certain number of acres, and to take his firewood from the good land; and the season that might be assigned to him for this work would be what comes between the time for sowing seed and that for cutting the hay. The man who today occupies the farm is intelligent, and well qualified to undertake this enlargement. He has at heart its success; by making it a point of honor with him, and enabling him to hope for some gratuity proportionate to the work that would be done, one would soon see this farm extended, and consequently bringing in greater revenue, and that without expense. For the strongest of his employees gets 50 gold coins. There are six of them, but they are paid in merchandise which is sent to him, and which he gives them upon the basis of the invoice that he receives.

Suppose that he has 1,500 employees; I assert that he gives them 600 gold coins' worth from the warehouse. Thus no money, or little, has to be paid out. Until now, the merchandise has been priced too high, and has yielded no returns; as a result, there has been difficulty in securing men. The merchants must try to send articles of good quality, and set a reasonable price.

[Illegible in manuscript] under the name of "beaufort" is not good for making shirts; Canvas at 54 deniers is too dear at this time. Also, some persons are asking permission to come to make Tar upon the lands of la Malbaie, offering to give as rent the 15th Barrel, and to sell to the farmer what they shall make at the rate of 10 gold coins a barrel. If this Enterprise were continued every year, as they seem to desire to do, the advantage would be considerable, since they would therefore soon exhaust the Pine forest; and as the workmen would need food, it could be sold to them from the farm without inconvenience. Orders upon this point are expected from the Intendant, which will prevent being done at la Malbaie what was done some years Ago at Bay St. Paul for Tar. Some soldiers were sent there, and a sergeant to keep them in order. They worked during 5 months, and were given their food and a small gratuity after their labor.

A similar number of good workmen occupied at la Malbaie during the same time would produce 250 Barrels of Tar a year; and this being at the gates of the farm, they could come to sleep every night in the buildings. This profit is sure, without any expenses; and to those who ask to come to make Tar, there could be assigned another pine forest, 5 miles up the River.

If it be desired to grant lands along the River of la Malbaie, there are many people who would take them; but it would be necessary to insert in the contract a prohibition against trading, -- not only with the Indians of the domain, but also with all other Indians under the most severe penalties. This land grant would soon join La Malbaie with les Eboulemens and Bay st. Paul, through the finest country in the world.

Sir Cugnet has prohibited his farmer at la Malbaie from trading with any Indian; this prohibition caused a great quantity of Martens to be lost last year, and, since then, 200 gold coins of Beavers, which were taken to Bay St. Paul by the Algonquin Indians. I believe that it is necessary to continue this prohibition with reference to the Indians of the domain, but to give orders to the farmer not only to receive but to attract the Indians who live outside of it, and to barter food and Merchandise with them, as permission for it was given last autumn at my request. The same Indians are still in the country, and appeared this winter at Bay st. Paul. Those who are accused of trading with them are the men named Jasmin and Jacques Perron; and the pelts which the Indians take to Bay st. Paul are produced upon the lands of the domain.

There might also be given to the farmers, of la Malbaie and of la Comporte, half the proceeds of their hunting; They hunt at the doors of their dwellings, and that causes them to lose no time. It was formerly forbidden to them on account of the difficulties arising between those who at that time occupied the two farms, difficulties which no longer exist. This permission, which may be made valuable to them, will encourage them to perform their duties faithfully.

The advantages that will be found in clearing the lands of la Comporte are too important not to demand attention. I have already suggested that 8 men during five months, at 10 or 13 gold coins a month, would do a great deal of work. The farm at la Malbaie will support them; it has this year about 400 bushels of wheat, -- that is, a surplus of almost half the quantity that it needs. As it will be necessary to burn the forest, the first two years will not show any profit. But when that shall have been done, we shall see, in the 2nd or 3rd year, an abundant produce; and animals will be brought to consume it, in case the farm of la Malbaie cannot furnish enough animals of its own Breeding.

Because formerly, the farmers of la Malbaie and of la Comporte were always quarreling, both having equal authority in their respective farms, it was proposed to make the farmer of la Malbaie sole master of the two farms. He furnishes the one at la Comporte what it needs, and receives from it the commodities and cattle, noting the place from where they come. Since that time, all is at peace; so I believe that it is good to continue this superiority of the farmer of la Malbaie, who alone will answer for what shall be sent him for the two farms, and for what they shall produce. Consequently, it will be this farmer of la Malbaie to whom will be entrusted the enterprise that is being planned for the lands of la Comporte -- directing him to select its most fertile lands, and to appoint the farmer of la Comporte master of the Work when he himself cannot be there; forbidding him from using, during the hay or harvest time, the men employed to clear The lands of la Comporte, -- unless the hay or grain be exposed to loss for lack of people and work. To occupy them elsewhere during these two seasons would slow the work too much.

The Cattle are beyond a doubt the principal object in these two farms; and the more cattle Raised, the more will be the profit. It is a question of seeking prairies and pasture-lands to feed them, which will not be difficult, if the farmers will give themselves the trouble. But there is one thing to be observed, which is that the various Kinds of animals are degenerating; for Example, one does not see at la Malbaie so fine oxen as at Beaupre and on the South Shore. Could there not be sent cows and bulls of the large Varieties which, multiplying little by little, would furnish the farms with fine animals?

2nd, The pigs are extremely small, and the fattest of them hardly weigh 90 gold coins. There are some enormous ones at the little River; one could have some of that breed without great expense; It costs no more to feed them, and there would be more pork. Proper orders given to the farmer would remedy that, and the profit would be considerable. Instead of 7 or 8 Barrels of pork, which 20 pigs now furnish, they would have twelve or fourteen; and they would not be forced to buy pork to furnish to the other posts.

The farmer could be told to Raise more Sheep than he is raising. He will plead that fodder might be lacking; but, 1st, He always has a large surplus of it remaining in the spring; 2nd, There will always be time enough, at the second voyage of the ship, to send to Quebec such animals as he will foresee cannot pass the winter; 3rd, If this last point received attention, a great number of sheep would leave la Malbaie every year, instead of the 20 that are generally Sent. The sheep do not cause expense, and it is astonishing that there is not at la Malbaie a flock of 200 or 300. There are hardly 50 there during the winter.

As for the poultry, this is a small matter. Encouragement for Raising them can always be given; but the girls, who are occupied in Raising the calves and lambs, can hardly give their attention to the rest; besides, the housekeeping is considerable. They have to churn the milk two or three times a week; to do them justice, they are busy all day, even going beyond their strength. The two farms every year give from 30 to 40 pairs of chickens, sometimes fewer; that is all that can be Expected from them.

The following is what la Malbaie can produce this year; provisions for The farms; 4 or 6 oxen, 25 sheep, 2 or 3 cows, 600 gold coins of pork, 700 to 800 gold coins of butter, one barrel of lard. If the men there did not have to work at la Comporte, the farm would produce 200 or 250 gold coins of pork more, and more than 100 bushels of wheat. As for the sheep, it ought to be ordered that only the Males be sold, and that all the ewes be kept; the following year an increase would be seen.

There is one last item which is not to be overlooked; it is the salmon-fishing. Usually the farmers get from it their supply, and nothing more; but if they were furnished with Nets, It would be easy for them to salt a great quantity, especially in the years when that fishery yields most abundantly. This would not be an increase of work, since the fishing is done in The River, and upon the shores of the bay.

If the farm of la Malbaie is not today upon the footing on which it ought to be, the cause must be attributed to the frequent change of farmers, -- either because they were not such as were desirable for the post, or for other reasons. Those who occupied the farm before the man who now occupies it, let everything go to ruin. The thistles were choking the wheat, the Cattle were not kept in by the fences; all those who saw la Malbaie in those times can certify to the truth of this.

They would also say that they have never seen la Malbaie upon so good a footing as it now is. One sees there neither thistles nor black wheat, all the fences are in Place, and Joseph Dufour has a special talent for making everything profitable. If he can be persuaded to continue his services, it will be a benefit to his employer. Last year, however, He wished to leave; Here are his Reasons: Nearly all his wages are used in The Support of his family. He has three grown daughters who help him in carrying on the establishment, and a boy for the stables. If he had not these girls, he would be forced to hire servants, to whom he would have to give wages. His eldest girl is at the head of the farm; for the Housekeeping, she gets only 25 gold coins a year. He asks that the wages of this girl be increased to the amount of 50 gold coins, and that 20 gold coins be given to the second; with this he will be more comfortable, and he prays the Intendant to give Attention to his request.

Besides, He has 8 sheep on the farm which are his own; Sir Cugnet has always taken their wool, and Dufour has paid for what was necessary for the use of his family; he asks that they grant him half of the fleece of his sheep. The wool is a small matter; as to the wages he asks for his two daughters, I believe he would be satisfied -- at least, he ought to be -- if 40 gold coins were given to the elder, and 25 to the younger. He deserves something for his care and attention, and one can say in his praise that la Malbaie has never been in so good a condition as it is now. Total wages of the farms, 1030.

TADOUSSAC.

THE post of Tadoussac does not produce many pelts; 3 or 4 packages of Beavers, 100 or 120 Martens, some thirty lynxes, some Foxes in ordinary years, a few gold coins of Beaver Pouches, -- these are the things usually furnished every year. The principal occupation of that post is hunting the seal, which is carried on from December to the end of March. This hunting is precarious; yet, since Francois Doree has been agent at Tadoussac, the least he has made every year is from 80 to 90 Casks of oil. It would be more abundant if there were more hunters, for it rarely fails when the Indians do it with enthusiasm; but this good will depends upon how they are managed by the agents. The one who presently governs them, does with them whatever he wishes, and one would risk a little too much in changing him. The seals killed for 90 Casks of oil would naturally produce from 900 to 1000 sealskins; yet hardly 500 to 600 are obtained, because the Indians keep many of them to make shoes and to clothe their children, without counting the skins lost by their lack of care.

It would be easy to increase the number of hunters in this post, where there are a number of capable young men. The agent of Chicoutimi might be ordered to send the orphan boys to Tadoussac. These children live with their relatives, or with others, and are quite poorly cared for; instead of such a life, they would, if they were at Tadoussac, aid in managing the canoes of those young men who are capable of hunting; these hunters, if they are not provided with steersmen, either are themselves forced to act in that capacity, or they go in pairs to hunt, which diminishes the number of canoes. Besides, the last epidemic has afflicted the posts of Tadoussac and the Jeremie islets; and these orphans, who have to be drudges on the land, either at Chicoutimi, or on the Jeremie islets, would little by little repopulate the port of Tadoussac; and the hunting there would be more profitable, since next year There would be, instead of twelve Canoes which hunt today, 17 or 18, and perhaps more. This plan was proposed last autumn to Sir Cugnet, who in accordance gave his orders to the agent at Chicoutimi. It would be well to renew those orders to him, and to persuade him to use all his efforts to bring people to Tadoussac. He could do so without injuring his post; but it will be necessary to conquer a certain Envy among the agents.

The Missionary might influence some of them, but he will always find the agents in his way; they cannot bear to have him enter in any way into the arrangements that may be made -- which appeared plainly last autumn, when Sir Cugnet told the Agent of Chicoutimi to send some Young men to Tadoussac. "I will do what I can," he replied, "provided that the Father does not meddle in it." It would be, however, proper that he should sometimes meddle, for, the agents being jealous of one another, and seeing only with annoyance the success of others, they are not inclined to give up young men, who are of no use to themselves, but who would be useful to others.

When one considers that the seal is more abundant at Tadoussac than at the Jeremie islets, and that it is rare to see hunting fail there, while they hardly make 30 or 40 Casks of oil at the Jeremie Islets, I think it will be decided to take the Indians away from the islets and from Chicoutimi, to place Tadoussac upon a sure footing. There are Indians who would not ask anything better, but they are afraid of the agent at their post; and it will never be, except by virtue of suitable orders, that these Indians can be had at Tadoussac, against the opposition made by the Agents. The Indians of whom I speak accomplish little around Chicoutimi, and they have trouble paying their debts; but in coming to Tadoussac, they would be better off and would furnish some profit.

A great amount of food is consumed at the post of Tadoussac. This ought not cause surprise when one remembers:

1st, that the Indians are there in the course of the year. They go into the woods in the autumn, to seek something with which to clothe themselves; and in the spring, to compensate themselves for the bad food upon which they have lived during the winter, and to capture a few martens on the way.

2nd, during The summer, they are occupied in making their Canoes for hunting. A great many of these are needed; they make them at the Post or in its vicinity, and when they lack food, they come there to get it.

3rd, The whole winter is occupied in hunting; there is not a day when they do not go to the places where game may be found. It is, therefore, by means of the warehouse that they live, -- that is, they are furnished provisions, their expenditures for it being noted down. They get flour, peas, and Indian corn, sometimes a piece of bacon; for, to season their soup, both French and Indians use hardly anything else than seal-oil.

4th, The Post of Tadoussac is The approach to all the other posts. People stop there in going and coming, and sometimes, when one counts upon ten persons to be supplied with food, there are twenty.

5th, When the ship arrives, it is the Indians who are employed to unload the provisions and merchandise, or to load oil and other goods; They do not get for this work any other recompense than their food. Besides, the captains have to employ the Indians, especially at the place where the ships winter, for the anchorage there is poor, and too much diligence cannot be used to dispatch the ship, for fear of a gust of wind.

This is what causes so great an amount of food to be consumed at the Post of Tadoussac, and people will cease to be surprised at it when they shall have considered all these reasons.

I have been told that there was a desire to abandon the forge at Tadoussac, and that it was intended to send, from Quebec, axes, tools for chopping, and other utensils suitable for trading, while they would send to Quebec the guns which would need to be repaired, etc., etc. Half of the project might be carried into effect, that is, with regard to the products of the forge; the post of Tadoussac might be so well furnished with them that it could supply them to the other posts, according to their needs; but, as for weapons, I consider the thing almost Impossible. The interests of the Posts will suffer from it, and the Indians will leave those places.

1st, the Indian who has only one gun would be forced, when its lock is out of order, to give it to the agent to send it to Quebec; and he will either wait with folded arms until it is returned, or it will be necessary to lend him another, or else rent him one. That would require in every post almost a double supply of guns, which would be an increase in expenses.

2nd, If the Indian must pay the rent of the gun that will be loaned him until his own is sent back from Quebec, he will incur a double expense -- the mending of his own gun, and the rent of the gun loaned; he will not be satisfied with this. Besides, either they will wait for the ship, to send the guns, -- and that will be a great delay, -- or these will be Sent in Canoes. That would then multiply the voyages to Quebec, which are not made without expense, and which will occupy employees who are absolutely needed in the posts during the summer, especially in those of Chicoutimi and the Jeremie Islets. On the other hand, by keeping the gunsmith at Tadoussac, the Indians can Send their guns there; and their going, coming, and remaining there will only make a journey of 3 days. In each man's account is noted the cost of the work that has been done, and he pays for it with the rest; and what the Indians pay either for the stock of the gun, or for the mending, exceeds the Wages that are given to the two gunsmiths, -- one of whom receives 200 gold coins, and the other 100 gold coins, -- as can be seen by the account of the forge which the agent at Tadoussac sends to Quebec every spring. He would like nothing better than to be freed from these encumbrances, but I think that The Interests of the posts would suffer.

It is also said that there is a plan to establish a general warehouse at Tadoussac, and that the agent at that post will be assigned with furnishing the other posts according to their demands, keeping an exact account of what he shall send them. This project seems to be liable to many Inconveniences:

1st, Jealous of each other as the agents are, they will not look at the Tadoussac agent except with eyes of envy; and I predict that there will never be peace among them. They will not consider that it is an increase of work for him; they will only think, "We depend upon the Tadoussac Agent for our needs."

2nd, let the Agent of Tadoussac do well or not, The Letters of the other agents will always be filled with complaints.

3rd, it may happen that the Tadoussac Agent will not have either the quantity or the quality of goods that will be demanded of Him; then the blame will be laid upon him for any deficiency; but, continuing upon the same footing on which affairs now are, each agent will have nothing to say. In the spring he sends his memorandum; it is filled out, and they send him what he asks by the 1st voyage of the ship. He sends a second memorandum by the ship, and, on the second voyage, the articles are supplied. In that way, He has nothing to say; and he can only blame himself if He has failed to get anything, because he is obliged to come twice, -- 1st, to take away the oil; 2nd, for the pelts. The agents will receive what they need, as usual; and the one at Tadoussac will not have the annoyance of having the other agents saddled upon him.

I only make this suggestion because I have already Heard unfavorable comments; and if they begin to complain at a mere plan, what will it be when it shall be necessary to execute it? They now regard themselves, and Rightly, as Equals; They do not even like to communicate their memoranda to others than to those in whose hands these must be placed, because they do not wish anyone to know what they are asking, or how frequent are the returns which they make; these are mysteries that they keep from one another.

If the agent of Tadoussac had all the merchandise in his hands, and if he were the distributor of it, he would be regarded (with Envy) as their superior; and this pretended superiority would be for him the source of a thousand vexations. Besides, the Tadoussac agent is not capable of such important details; he would give a good account of things in his way, but people would perhaps not be satisfied with it. But another might be put there, someone will say. I do not think this ought to be done at present, unless they wish to see the post of Tadoussac irretrievably lost. The Indians are so attached to him that they do not conceal their sentiments upon this Point; and he is performing his duties well.

THE JEREMIE ISLETS.

THE Post of the Jeremie Islets, situated 75 miles below Tadoussac, produces Seal-oil and pelts. They hunt the Seal from the first ice until toward Twelfth-day, and resume this pursuit from about the 15th of march, sometimes sooner, until the ice disappears. It is done at point des Betsiamites, 5 miles from the post. The time between the 15th of january and the 15th of March the Indians spend in the woods, hunting; therefore this post has Varied resources. The usual yearly production is 35 to 40 Casks of oil. I do not know, however, what it will be this winter, for since many people were lost through sickness last year, It may easily happen that this year there will not be a great production of oil. Regardless, not much time is needed to attend to this post. The agent can detain for the sea some of those who have continued to hunt in the woods, unless his experience shows him that the forest hunting is more profitable than that of the sea.

He receives not only the pelts from the Indians living at the Post, but also those of the Indians from the interior, who bring them to his post. This is the quarrel that has always been carried on between the agents of Chicoutimi and of the islets; the agent of Chicoutimi reproaches the agent of the islets with Taking away his Indians, but each attaches to himself the Indians of Manawan and Ounichtagan. They have the dispute, but those who have the posts have only the gain, since both agents work for the same master: the rivalry, however, between the two posts, the desire to show good returns, keeps up this petty war. They steal each other's Indians; they invent a thousand little ruses to attract them. There is no great harm in all this. Besides, at the beginning of June, the agent of the Islets departs for Manicouagan, and goes up the River to a certain place, where he meets the Indians who inhabit these lands; he trades with them, and Brings back their pelts. Thus the post of the islets may well produce 400 to 500 Beaver-skins, sometimes 800 and more handsome martens, well-dressed skins of the Caribou, and sealskins. When the Foxes are found along the sea, they are not the least resource.

Besides, this post causes no expense. It has no passages to pay for, except that of a canoe in the spring, which is sent from Sept isles to Quebec; and the agent gives nothing for Nothing. Also Sir Cugnet, therefore, said of this Post of the islets that it caused him the least expense, and brought Him in proportion the greatest profit.

CHICOUTIMI

THE Post of Chicoutimi is 75 miles from Tadoussac, on the upper Saguenay; 5 miles higher than this post, the Saguenay is no longer navigable, except for canoes. This post is the most valuable of the whole domain, on account of the quantity of pelts which it produces: 1,500 gold coins, and often more, of Beaver-skins, and about 1,000 martens in ordinary years; last year, there were more than 1,500 of martens, besides skins of bears, Lynxes, and otters. According to The information of the agent himself, his post has, several times during his residence there, produced more than 20,000 gold coins' worth of pelts. Consequently, it pays expenses at a smaller profit than is made in the other posts. On the post of Chicoutimi depend Lake St. John, the Mistassini Innu, and Chomoukchwan.

1st. The Indians come very little to the Post, except in May, June, and July. There are only a few families who can be regarded as living at the post, and who do not go far away; the others go to a great distance. This is a good thing, for the vicinity of Chicoutimi is so Drained of animals that they would Risk dying of hunger. If these lands were abandoned for some time, the Beaver would multiply, and animals would become more abundant; but that would be asking The Impossible from the Indians. They would travel 25 miles to kill a beaver a year old, summer or winter, if they could find it. It is not from these settled Indians that much profit is expected; however, They are not entirely useless. They make canoes for the inland trade; and we have them always at hand for the voyages that we are obliged to make. Among these Indians there are some who would willingly go to Tadoussac, and it is of them that I have spoken in referring to the last post, saying that they would be better off, and that they would furnish more profit.

2nd. The People of Lac Saint-Jean are the sad remnants of an astonishing multitude of Indians who inhabited the lands 60 or 70 years Ago. There only remain one large family, who work fairly well for the Interests of the post. They bring their pelts at the time when the ships arrive; and after having tasted the brandy, they return to the lake, to live there during the summer upon Fish.

3rd. Chomoukchwan was formerly dependent upon Lac Saint-Jean. The Indians took their pelts there, or someone went after them, as is being done today. For some years the winter was passed there; but it has been seen to be a quite useless expense, and that it is sufficient to go there at the melting of the ice. This post is situated back of Three Rivers. It would be a question of preventing the Indians from going there; and instead of 800 or 900 Martens that are generally obtained at that place, there would be many more. They are attracted there by The brandy that they get in trade, and that is given them to take into the interior. That is a road which we have not been able to close. The Agent of Chicoutimi sends there a trader, whom he furnishes with merchandise, also two Frenchmen and some Indians of his post. At the end of July, all these men have returned. The Indians are worthless, and one cannot place too little confidence in them; the journeys to Three Rivers have completely spoiled Them, and it would be a desirable achievement and a great profit for the post of Chicoutimi if they could be retained at home, and if the people of Three Rivers could be prevented from sending Indians or Frenchmen into the woods with liquor to trade with them. Desgroseilliers pursued this plan during the space of many years -- and successfully, whatever Sir Cugnet may say of it. The question now is, to find a man who can make the voyage every year in the capacity of a trader, either wintering at Chicoutimi, or going there early in the spring; and I think that he will always be there in time, if he will leave Quebec at the end of April.

4th. The Mistassini Innu are the best people in the world. They winter about 500 miles from Chicoutimi, toward hudson bay, where some of them go to trade. Some bring their pelts to the Post themselves, and a trader is sent to their country to receive those of the others and supply their needs. During the last three years, it is a boatman of Tadoussac who makes the voyage; it is as fatiguing as that to Chomoukchwan, but it does not take so much time. As to that of chouomoukchwan, there are nothing but Rapids to ascend; on the other side, there are portages. It is from the Mistassins that the handsome marten-skins come, -- not so fine as those of The River Moisy, but in greater numbers. As the Agent of Chicoutimi keeps an exact Account of what he Receives from every post, and gives a receipt for it to the traders, receiving one from them for the merchandise that he delivers to them, it will be easy to see what each separate district furnishes, and the profit that it returns.

5th. There remains one Place to which the agent began to Send goods last year, and where I think they ought to be Sent this year also. It is Ounichtagan. If this enterprise can be made to succeed, it will be a great advantage; many Indians from the interior will be attracted to that place. The Mistassini Innu themselves will go there willingly, according to what I have heard; and therefore the Frenchmen will afterward be relieved from making the voyage to the Mistassini Innu, because Ounichtagan will be a Common rendezvous, to which all the Indians of these regions will flock. The Agent of the islets may protest against this Establishment, saying that his Indians will be taken away. What does it matter? We shall be sure to obtain their pelts, and will not be exposed to deception; for there are some who take their pelts to the islets, where they go to trade, and come immediately to Chicoutimi to get goods on credit, -- which is plain mischievousness on their part. This could be removed by Establishing a post, and by maintaining it in the winter, At Ounichtagan. It is also found that the consumption of food is great at Chicoutimi. The Indians whose lands are in the vicinity of the post come to the Warehouse when They fast in the woods, for animals are rare there.

2nd, The many Indians who Assemble for the trade in May, June, and July consume an extraordinary amount. I have with my own eyes seen them eat as much as ten quarts a day, and yet they were moderately portioned. As the merchandise fails in the spring, on account of the goods that have to be Forwarded to the Mistassini Innu and for chomoukchwan, It has happened often that these Indians remain ten or twelve days at the Post to await the ship, and with it the merchandise of which they have need. Meanwhile, they have to be fed, and it happens then that everyone suffers. Both Frenchmen and Indians fast on account of the Delay of the ship, which ought to be at Chicoutimi in the first days of June, at the latest; then the consumption would be less, because in two or three days everyone would be sent away. 3rd, When all these Indians return into the interior, they are furnished with food, which is placed upon their account; and if each family were only given the half of a quart, this would go far, but They carry away more. Thus it is plain that this consumption of food is inevitable. 2nd, to diminish it, It is necessary to have the ship depart early in the spring, so the Indians may remain less time at the post. A feast is generally made for them at the arrival of the ship, and, rather than to go without this feast, they would remain at the Post until the end of July; but when it is given, and it is given as soon as possible, each is seen to take his share, and plunge into the woods until the following spring.

I do not speak Here of the Construction of the sawmill in The River Pepawetiche, at a mile this side of Chicoutimi; I will merely say that only two saws and two mountings are necessary to keep the mill in constant operation. Those whom I have Questioned upon this point, and who are well informed, have assured me that two saws kept going day and night will produce 140 or 150 planks every 24 hours. They also said that no advantage is to be derived from increasing the number of saws, and that they were returning to the other, -- one mounting for each saw, and a saw in reserve. If the sawyers relieved each other by the quarter, The mill would continue going from the 15th or 20th of April until the 15th of November, -- that is, more than six months. The planks could be carried in a raft to the creek 7 miles below the mill; all the ships can go there without danger, and The warehouse would be at Tadoussac.

SEPT ISLES.

THERE are two wintering-places for hunting the seal at sept isles, -- Pointe a la Croix, and the seven islands themselves. The success of this hunting depends upon the ice; when it is not in great quantity, and when the winds are not too violent, the yield is larger. Last year, there were only from 30 to 35 casks of oil, but it was a poor year; there is generally more. The pelts are not so numerous as at Chicoutimi, but they are of better quality. They have obtained as many as 800 fine Martens, some Beavers, and a great many Caribou-hides. The River Moisy, 12 miles below sept isles, by which most of the Indians come from the interior, has given its, name to these beautiful and so highly Valued Martens.

The post of Sept isles has seldom failed to be profitable, while Dufresne has managed it; but He is hardly in a condition to continue his winter enterprises; the voyages that he has to make into the interior at the end of June have ruined him, -- yet upon this voyage depends the success of the trade. The man who is at the Post today is his Pupil; perhaps he will succeed as did his teacher.

The Mingans are injuring Sept isles; this post is 75 miles from them, and the Limits of the domain are at Riviere aux huitres ["oyster River"], 5 miles farther down than The River Moisy. The Indians of Mingan come as far as Riviere aux huitres to hunt, and sometimes vice the Indians of Sept isles. Protest has often been made against This proximity; but How remedy it?

The Salmon-Fishing might be made a business at sept isles, if it were kept up every year. It is done in July; in 15 or 18 days The Fishing is over, and I have been assured that they could easily catch some twenty Caskfuls. If the Agent had Nets, and gave proper orders to the employees who remain at the Post during his journey into the interior, this fishing would be done without one's noticing it. The ship from sept isles would arrive at Quebec 15 days later, but what would that matter? It would always get there before The 15th of august, and would have more time than it needed to prepare for its return. The expenses would not be increased, since the employees contract for The year: and as They have nothing important to do at that season. By using all these little advantages, each post would increase its profits.

I will add one word in reference to the Agents. I think that there would be a great risk in changing them now, and that, on the Contrary, everything possible ought to be done to engage them to remain:

1st. No better farmer for La Malbaie could possibly be found. He is so attached to it that he regards as his own what is placed in his hands, using all his efforts to make it valuable.

2nd. The Tadoussac agent has found the way to attach the Indians to him. He does with them as he pleases; and during the 4 years while he has been Agent, his post has always succeeded in regard to Seal-oil. He is not skillful in Writing, but he renders his Accounts faithfully, and Sir Cugnet has always appeared satisfied with him. Besides, the Indians would perhaps disperse if anyone whom they did not like were given to them.

3rd. The Chicoutimi agent has been managing the post for more than 14 years; He is liked by the Indians, who are quite difficult to lead in This area. He has the talent to Encourage them; and if He were removed, It is to be feared that the Mistassini Innu, who are attached to Him, would have their pelts taken to hudson bay, from which they are not as Far as from Chicoutimi; and that the Indians of chomoukchwan would carry theirs to Three Rivers.

4th. The agent of the Jeremie islets has always conducted his post well; and his careful administration has brought profit to Sir Cugnet. 5th. The agent of Sept isles is an old Stager in the trade; it is a pity that he is worn out. If he were exchanged with The agent at the islets, He would be in good condition to continue his services, and would willingly Devote himself to it. The point is, to ascertain whether the agent at the islets would like this change.

I ask the Intendant to keep this memorandum to himself; and if he judge it proper to make some extracts from it, not to say from whom It comes to him.

The manner of trade is uniform in all the posts, except at Sept. isles, where they sell at a higher price. Every ten silver coins represents a beaver of good size; while for the little ones they get two, and sometimes three. A marten, however fine it is, is taken at the same rate, as well as the common Foxes, Otters, Pecans, beavers, sometimes more, sometimes less; its size and its fur determine its price.

A silver fox is worth 6 Beavers: a black fox, 20 or 22. And so, for example, a yard and a half of cloth which is marked upon the invoice "... 4 gold coins," is sold for 8 martens or 8 Beavers, etc. The Tadoussac Innu and of the islets trade their oil for the Beaver: Five quarts of oil for one, and A Cask for 22; one large Sealskin for a Beaver; and so on, in the same proportion.

LETTER FROM FATHER VIVIER, MISSIONARY AMONG THE ILLINOIS, TO FATHER * * *. 1750.

My Dear Friend,

Let us try to give you some idea of the country, of its inhabitants, and of our occupations. The Illinois country lies about the 39th degree of north latitude, about 9 degrees from new Orleans, the capital of the whole Colony. The climate is like that of France, with this difference, that the winter here is not so long and is less continuous, and the heat in summer is a little greater. The country is covered with an alternation of plains and forests, and is watered by fine rivers. Bison, deer, elk, bears, and wild turkeys abound everywhere, in all seasons, except near the inhabited portions. It is usually necessary to go 3 or 5 miles to find deer, and 17 or 20 miles to find bison.

During a portion of the autumn, through the winter, and during a portion of the spring, the country is overrun with swans, bustards, geese, ducks of three kinds wild pigeons, and teal. There are also a certain bird: as large as hens, which are called pheasants in this country, but which I would rather name "grouse;" they are not, however, equal to the European grouse. I speak not of partridges or of hares, because no one bothers to shoot at them. The plants, trees, and vegetables that have been brought from France or from Canada, grow fairly well. As a rule, the country can produce all things needed to support life, and even to make it agreeable.

There are three classes of inhabitants: French, Negroes, and Indians; to say nothing of Half-breeds born of the one or the other, -- as a rule, against the Law of God. There are 5 French Villages and 3 Villages of Indians within a distance of 52 miles, between the Mississippi and another river called the Kaskaskia. In the five French Villages there may be eleven hundred white people, three hundred black, and about sixty red slaves, otherwise called Indians. The three Illinois Villages do not contain more than eight hundred Indians, of all ages. The majority of the French settled in this country devote themselves to farming. They sow quantities of wheat; they rear cattle brought from France, also pigs and horses in great numbers. This, with hunting, enables them to live comfortably. There is no fear of famine in this Country; there is always three times as much food as can be consumed. Besides wheat, corn -- otherwise "Turkish corn" -- grows Plentifully every year, and quantities Of flour are Conveyed to new Orleans.

Let us consider the Indians in particular. Nothing but erroneous ideas are conceived of them in Europe; they are hardly believed to be men. This is a gross error. The Indians, and especially the Illinois, are of a gentle and sociable nature. They have wit, and seem to have more than our peasants -- as much, at least, as most Frenchmen. This is due to the freedom in which they are reared; respect never makes them timid. As there is neither rank nor dignity among them, all men seem equal to them. An Illinois would speak as boldly to the King of France as to the lowest of his subjects. Most of them are capable of sustaining a conversation with any person, provided no question be asked that is beyond their sphere of knowledge. They submit to teasing very well; they do not know what it is to dispute and get angry while conversing. They never interrupt you in conversation. I found in them many qualities that are lacking in civilized peoples.

They are distributed in cabins; a cabin is a sort of room in common, in which there are generally from 15 to 20 persons. They all live in great peace, which is due to the fact that each one is allowed to do what he pleases. From the beginning of October to the middle of March, they hunt at a distance of 100 or 125 miles from their Village; and in the middle of March, they return to their Village. Then the women sow the corn.

As to the men, with the exception of a little hunting now and then, they lead a thoroughly idle life; they chat and smoke, and that is all. As a rule, the Illinois are lazy and addicted to brandy; this is the cause of the insignificant results that we obtain among them. Formerly, we had Missionaries in the three Villages. The Gentlemen of the Paris Foreign Missions Society have charge of one of the three. We abandoned the second through lack of a Missionary, and because we obtained but scanty results. We confined ourselves to the third, which alone is larger than the two others.

We number two Priests there, but the harvest does not correspond to our labors. If these Missions have no greater success, it is not through the fault of those who have preceded us, for their memory is still held in veneration among French and Illinois. It is perhaps due to the bad example of the French, who are continually mingled with these people; to the brandy that is sold to them, and above all to their disposition which is certainly opposed to all restraint, and consequently to any Religion. When the first Missionaries came among the Illinois, we see, by the writings which they have left us, that they counted five thousand persons of all ages in that Nation. Today we count but two thousand. In addition to these three Villages, there is a fourth one of the same Nation, 200 miles from here, almost as large as the three others.

Among the Illinois, this 8th of June, 1750.

ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE ON THE OHIO RIVER MADE IN 1749, UNDER THE DIRECTION OF SIR DE CELORON, BY FATHER BONNECAMPS. OCTOBER 17, 1750.

Sir,

We left Lachine on the 15th of June, toward 3 o'clock in the afternoon, numbering 23 canoes both French and Indian. We slept at pointe Claire, about 5 miles away from Lachine. The next day, although starting out quite early, we made hardly more progress; and we gained les Cedres with much difficulty, because of the Cascades up which we had to ascend with our canoes, where the greater number were badly injured by the rocks.

The 17th. A part of the day was employed in mending them, and in doubling pointe des Cedres ["point of Cedars"] with half-cargoes. At night, we camped on the shore of the lake; the place was a bare tongue of earth, narrow, at the end of which was a considerable fall. The canoe of Sir de Joncaire unfortunately fell into the water there, and was lost; of the four men who were in it, three were fortunate enough to save themselves by swimming; the fourth was not so fortunate, and perished before our eyes, without our being able to give him the slightest aid. This was the only man whom we lost during the expedition.

The 18th. We reached ante aux bateaux ["boat Cove"], which is at the entrance of Lake Saint Francis. On that day, Sir de Celoron detached a group of men to go to recover the remains of the wrecked canoe.

The 19th. I took our bearings at anse aux bateaux, which I found to be 45 degrees 32' of latitude.

The 21st. We passed Lake Saint Francis, which must be 17 miles in length and 5 miles at its greatest breadth. That night we slept at mille Roches ["thousand Rocks"].

The 22nd. We arrived at the Long Sault toward eleven o'clock in the morning. There we made a portage of somewhat more than a half mile, and reentered the canoes now empty of their loads. We would do much better to carry them by land; we would lose less time, and incur less risk; but custom is a law against which good sense does not always prevail. The Long Sault is divided into three channels by two islands. The ascent is made by the north channel, and the descent by the south channel. The middle one, which is called "the lonely channel," is said to be impractical.

The 25th. We disembarked at the dwelling of the Abbot Piquet, whose new establishment is south of the river -- 92 miles from Montreal, and directly at the end of the rapids. We found him lodged under a shelter of bark, in the midst of a clearing of nearly 35 acres. The fort which he has had constructed is a square of 70 feet on each side; it is situated at the mouth of a river, which he has named la Presentation, and at the base of a little headland, low and marshy. According to Abbot Piquet, the soil is excellent; but it did not appear so to us. One sees there as many trees of fir as of hard wood. His whole village consisted of two men, who followed us.

The 27th. We arrived at Fort Frontenac, soon after noon. Fort Frontenac is situated near the bottom of a cove, about 2000 yards from the river. It is a square of stone-work, 130 yards in extent, each corner being flanked by a bastion. Opposite the entrance, a small ravelin has been constructed. The neighborhood of the fort is open, and liable to surprise. It is slightly commanded by a little hill, not far away.

The 28th. I observed its latitude, which I found to be 44 degrees 28'. It is here that the Saint Lawrence River properly begins, which, in my judgment, does not exceed 575 miles.

The 29th. A strong wind from the southwest detained us at Fort Frontenac.

The 30th. The lake being calm, we took the route to Niagara, where we arrived on the 6th of July. In all the passage of lake Ontario, I have seen nothing which could excite curiosity. I will only tell you that the waters of this lake are clear and transparent; at 17 and 18 feet, the bottom can be seen as distinctly as if one saw it through a polished glass. They have still another property, pleasant to travelers, -- that of retaining great coolness in the midst of the suffocating heat which one is sometimes obliged to endure in passing this lake.

The Fort of Niagara is a square made of palisades, faced on the outside with oak timbers, which bind and strengthen the whole work. A large stone barrack forms the curtain-wall, which overlooks the lake; its size is almost the same as that of fort Frontenac. It is situated on the eastern bank of the channel by which the waters of lake Erie discharge themselves. It will soon be necessary to move it elsewhere, because the bank, being continually undermined by the waves which break against it, is gradually caving in, and the water gains noticeably on the fort. It would be advantageously placed above the waterfall, on a fine plateau where all canoes have to land to make the portage. Thus the Indians, people who are naturally lazy, would be spared the trouble of making 7 miles by land; and if the excessive price of merchandise could be diminished, that would disgust the English, and we could see the trade, which is almost entirely ruined, again flourishing.

On the 6th and the 7th, I observed the western amplitude of the sun, when it set in the lake: that gave me 6 degrees 30' Northwest for the variation of compass. The latitude of the fort is 43 degrees 28'.

On the 8th, the entire detachment arrived at the portage.

The 12th. We encamped at the little rapid at the entrance of lake Erie. The channel which furnishes communication between the two lakes is about 22 miles in length. 5 miles above the fort, the portage begins. There are three hills to climb, almost in succession. The 3rd is extraordinarily high and steep; it is, at its summit, at least 300 feet above the level of the water. If I had my graphometer, I could have ascertained its exact height; but I had left that instrument at the fort, for fear that some accident might happen to it during the rest of the voyage. When the top of this last hill is reached, there is a level road to the other end of the portage; the road is broad, fine, and smooth. The famous waterfall of Niagara is nearly equidistant from the two lakes. It is formed by a rock cleft vertically, and is 133 feet, according to my measurement, which I believe to be exact. Its figure is a half-ellipse, divided near the middle by a little island. The width of the fall is perhaps three quarters of a mile. The water falls in foam over the length of the rock, and is received in a large basin, over which hangs a continual mist.

The 13th. We remained in our camp at the little rapid to await our Indians, who were amusing themselves with drinking rum at the portage, with a band of their comrades who were returning from Oswego.

The 14th. The Indians having rejoined us, we entered lake Erie, but a strong southwest wind having arisen, we put back to shore.

The 15th. In the morning, the wind having ceased, we continued our route, and on the 16th, we arrived early at the portage of Chautauqua. It began at the mouth of a little stream called Riviere aux pommes ["apple River"], -- the 3rd that is met after entering the lake, and therefore it may be easily recognized.

We always kept close to the shore. It is quite regular, straight, but moderately high, and furnishes little shelter; in many places it is mere rock, covered with a few inches of soil. Lake Erie is not deep; its waters have neither the transparency nor the coolness of those of lake Ontario. It is at this lake that I saw for the first time the wild turkeys; they differ in no way from our domestic turkeys.

The 17th. We began the portage, and made a good 2 miles that day. I observed the latitude at the 2nd camp, -- that is, a mile from the lake, -- and I found it 42 degrees 33'.

The 18th. Our people being fatigued, we shortened the intervals between the campsites, and we hardly made more than a mile.

The 19th. Bad weather did not allow us to advance far; still we gained ground every day, and, the 22nd, the portage was entirely accomplished. In my judgment, it is 8 miles. The road is passably good. The wood through which it is cut resembles our forests in France. The beech, the ash, the elm, the red and white oak -- these trees compose most of it. A species of tree is found there, which has no other name than that of "the unknown tree." Its trunk is high, erect, and almost without branches to the top. It has a light, soft wood, which is used for making canoes, and is good for that alone. Eyes more trained than ours, would have made discoveries which would have pleased the taste of arborists. Having reached the shore of lake Chautauqua, Sir de Celoron passed the rest of the day in camp to give his people a rest.

On the morning of the 23rd, we examined the provisions, pitched the canoes, and set out. Before starting, I took advantage of the fine weather to get the latitude, which I found to be 42 degrees 30'. Lake Chautauqua may be 4 miles at its greatest width, and 15 miles in length. It becomes narrow near the middle, and seems to form a double lake.

We left it on the morning of the 24th, and entered the little river which bears its name, and which is its outlet. After 4 miles of still water, one enters a rapid, which extends for 7 miles or more; in times of drought, it is shallow. We were told that in the spring, or after heavy rains, it is navigable; as for us, we found it drained dry. In certain places, which were only too frequent, there was barely two or three inches of water.

Before entering this place, Sir de Celoron had most of the baggage unloaded, with people to carry it to the rendezvous. On the road, our natives noticed fresh trails, and huts newly abandoned. From these unequivocal indications, we inferred that someone had come to spy upon us, and that at our approach our discoverers had carried the alarm to the Ohio River.

Therefore, the Commandant held a council on the morning of the 25th, in which he proposed to send Sir de Joncaire to Buckaloons, to carry there some wampum branches, and to invite the natives to listen to the peaceful message of their father Onontio. The proposition was unanimously approved, and Sir de Joncaire set out, accompanied by a detachment of Indians. We then worked at repairing our canoes, and sent them on, half-loaded. On the morning of the 27th, we again found the still water, on which we advanced tranquilly until half past 10 on the 28th, -- a fatal hour, which plunged us again into our former miseries. The water suddenly gave out under our canoes, and we were reduced to the sad necessity of dragging them over the stones, -- whose sharp edges, in spite of our care and precautions, took off large splinters from time to time. Finally, overcome with weariness, and almost despairing of seeing the Ohio River, we entered it on the 29th, at noon. Sir de Celoron buried a plate of lead on the south bank of the Ohio; and farther down, he attached the royal coat of arms to a tree. After these operations, we encamped opposite a little Iroquois village, of 12 or 13 cabins; it is called Kananouangon.

The 30th. We arrived at Buckaloons. There we rejoined Sir de Joncaire, who told us that our conjecture was correct; that the report of our march had thrown all those people into consternation, and that he had had much difficulty in making the fugitives return. The chiefs came to greet the Commandant, who gave to them a thousand tokens of kindness, and sought to reassure them.

The 31st. In the morning, he spoke to them on your behalf; and in the evening he received their reply, that everyone had been satisfied, -- if one could believe it sincere; but we did not doubt that it was extorted by fear. You will excuse me from reporting here either the words of Sir de Celoron, or the replies which they gave him, because he will send you copies of these.

La paille toupee is an insignificant village, composed of Iroquois and some Mahicans. It is situated on the northern bank of the Ohio, and is bounded on the north by a group of mountains which form a narrow half-basin, at the bottom of which is the village; its latitude is 42 degrees 5'.

On the 1st of August, we broke camp; and that evening we slept at a little Mahican village of 9 or 10 cabins. We marched all day between two chains of mountains, which bordered the river on the right and left. The Ohio is low during the first 50 miles; but a great storm, which we had experienced on the eve of our departure, had swollen the waters, and we pursued our journey without any hindrance.

Sir Chabert on that day caught seven rattlesnakes, which were the first that I had seen. This snake differs in no way from others, except that its tail is terminated by seven or eight little scales, fitting one into another, which make a sort of clicking sound when the creature moves or shakes itself. Some have yellowish spots scattered over a brown background, and others are entirely brown, or almost black.

There are, I am told, large ones. None of those which I have seen exceed 4 feet. The bite is fatal. It is said that washing the wound which has been received, with saliva mixed with a little sea-salt, is a powerful remedy. We have not had any occasion to put this antidote to the test. I have been told a thousand marvelous things about this reptile; among others, that the Squirrel, upon perceiving a rattlesnake, immediately becomes agitated; and, at the end of a certain period of time, -- drawn by an invincible attraction, -- approaches it, even throwing itself into the jaws of the serpent. I have read a statement similar to this reported in philosophic transactions; but I do not give it credence, for all that.

The 2nd. Sir de Celoron spoke to the Mahicans. I took the bearings of our camp on the same day, and found it to be 41 degrees 41' of latitude.

The 3rd. We continued our route, and we marched, as on the first day, buried in the somber and dismal valley, which serves as the bed of the Ohio. We encountered on our route two small villages of Mahicans, where we did not halt. In the evening, after we disembarked, we buried a 2nd plate of lead under a great rock, upon which were to be seen several figures roughly graven. These were the figures of men and women, and the footprints of goats, turkeys, bears, etc., traced upon the rock. Our officers tried to persuade me that this was the work of Europeans; but in the style and workmanship of these engravings, one recognizes the unskillfulness of Indians. They have much analogy with the hieroglyphics which they use instead of writing.

The 4th. We continued our route, always surrounded by mountains, -- sometimes so high that they did not permit us to see the sun before 9 or 10 o'clock in the morning, or after 2 or 3 in the afternoon. This double chain of mountains stretches along the Ohio River, at least as far as the Great Miami River. Here and there, they fall back from the shore, and display little plains of 3 or 5 miles in depth.

The 6th. We arrived at Atigue, where we found no one; all the people had fled to the woods. Seeing this, we went on, and came to the old village of the Shawnees, where we found only a man and a woman, so old that their united ages would make fully two centuries. Some time afterward, we encountered five Englishmen who appeared to us to be employees; they were ordered to leave that region, and they responded that they were ready to obey. They were given a letter for the governor of Philadelphia; it was a copy of that which you had given for a model. These English came from Logstown, Pennsylvania and Scioto. They had some forty packets of pelts, which they were preparing to carry to Philadelphia. These packets consisted of skins of bears, otters, cats, precans, and roe-deer, with the hair retained, -- for neither martens nor beavers are seen there. The Englishmen told us that they estimated it 250 miles from that place to Philadelphia.

The 7th. We found another village of Mahicans. Sir de Celoron persuaded the chief to come to Logstown, Pennsylvania to hear your message. At 5 miles from there, we landed, to speak to the English; the same compliments were presented to them as to the others, and they answered us with the same apparent submission. They were lodged in miserable cabins, and had a storehouse well filled with pelts, which we did not disturb.

One of our Officers showed me a bean-tree. This is a tree of medium size whose trunk and branches are armed with thorns three or four inches long, and two or three tenths of an inch thick at the base. The interior of these thorns is filled with pulp. The fruit is a sort of little bean, enclosed in a pod about a foot long, an inch wide, and of a reddish color somewhat mingled with green. There are five or six beans in each pod. The same day, we dined in a hollow cotton-tree, in which 29 men could be ranged side by side. This tree is not rare in those regions; it grows on the river-banks and in marshy places. It attains a great height and has many branches. Its bark is seamed and rough like rawhide. The wood is hard, brittle, and apt to decay; I do not believe that I have seen two of these trees that were not hollow. Its leaves are large and thickly set; its fruit is of the size of a hazelnut, enveloped in down; the whole resembling an apple, exactly spherical, and about an inch in diameter.

Now that I am on the subject of trees, I will tell you something of the pawpaw-tree, and of what is called the lentil-tree. The 1st is a shrub, the fruit of which is oval in shape, and a little larger than a bustard's egg; its substance is white and spongy, and becomes yellow when the fruit is ripe. It contains two or three kernels, large and flat like the garden bean. They have each their special cell. The fruits grow ordinarily in pairs, and are suspended on the same stalk. The French have given it a name which is not refined, Testiculi asini. This is a delicate morsel for the Indians and the Canadians; as for me, I have found it of an unendurable blandness. The one which I call the lentil-tree is a tree of ordinary size; the leaf is short, oblong, and serrated all around. Its fruit much resembles our lentils. It is enclosed in pods, which grow in large, thick tufts at the extremities of the branches.

On the morning of the 8th, Sir de Celoron sent me with an officer to examine certain writings, which our Indians had seen the evening before, on a rock, and which they imagined to contain some mystery. Having examined it, we reported to him that this was nothing more than three or four English names scrawled with charcoal. I took the altitude in our camp, the latitude of which was 40 degrees 46'.

A little after noon, we departed for the village of the Chinningue. It was three o'clock when we arrived. We disembarked at the foot of a high slope. It was lined with people, and they saluted us with four volleys from their guns; we responded in the same manner.

Sir de Celoron, reflecting upon the disadvantageous location of his camp, if we remained at the foot of the slope, decided to have it transported to the top, and to place our force between the village and the woods. This move was executed in sight of the Indians, who dared not oppose us. When we were well established, the chiefs came to salute the Commandant. After an exchange of compliments, Sir de Celoron showed his displeasure that they had set up the english flag opposite that of France, and ordered them to take it down. The firm tone with which he spoke caused them to obey him. In the evening, we doubled the guard; and instead of 40 men who had mounted guard regularly every night since our entrance into Chautauqua, 80 were assigned to that duty. Besides, all the officers and employees were ordered to sleep in their clothing.

On the morning of the 9th, an Indian came to tell Sir de Joncaire that 80 warriors starting from Kaskaskia were on the point of arriving; that they came intending to aid their brothers, and to deal us a blow. Sir de Joncaire, having made his report of this to the Commandant, the Commandant immediately gave orders to prepare a warm reception for the enemy. The Indians, seeing our bold front and our superior number, quietly withdrew and saluted us politely in passing before our camp. During the rest of the day, all was tranquil.

On the 10th, there was a council, in which Sir de Celoron spoke to them on your part. They responded on the 11th, and we departed immediately after the council. The village of Logstown, Pennsylvania is quite new; it is hardly more than five or six years since it was established. The Indians who live there are almost all Iroquois; they count about sixty warriors. The English there were 10 in number, and one among them was their chief. Sir de Celoron had him come, and ordered him, as he had done with the others, to return to his own country. The Englishman, who saw us ready to depart, agreed to all that was exacted from him, -- resolved, doubtless, to do nothing of the kind, as soon as our backs were turned.

From, Logstown, Pennsylvania to Scioto, my journal furnishes me with nothing curious or new; there are only readings of the Compass, taken every quarter of an hour, the list of which would be as tedious for the reader as for the copyist. I will only tell you that we buried three plates of lead at the mouths of three different rivers, the 1st of which was called Kanenouaora, the second, Jenanguekona, and the 3rd, Chinodaichta. It was in the neighborhood of this river that we began to see the bison; but here and elsewhere, they were in such small numbers that our men could hardly kill 20 of them. It was necessary to seek them far in the woods. We had been assured, at our departure, that at each point we would find them by the hundreds, and that the tongues alone of those which we should kill would suffice to support the troops. This is not the first time when I have experienced that hyperbole and exaggeration were familiar to the Indians.

When we were near Scioto, Sir de Celoron, by the advice of the officers and of the Indians, dispatched de Joncaire and Niverville to announce our approach to the Shawnees. Their reception was not gracious. Hardly had the Indians perceived them, when they fired on them, and their flag was pierced in three places. In spite of this hail of musketry, they advanced as far as the bank, and disembarked without receiving any wound. They were brought to the council-cabin; but scarcely had Sir de Joncaire commenced his speech, when a miserable Pawnee, to all appearances influenced by the English, suddenly arose, crying out that they were deceived, and that the French came to them only to destroy them. This denunciation was like a war-cry. The Indians ran to arms, and arrested our envoys; they talked of binding them to the stake; and perhaps they would have executed this threat if an Iroquois had not appeased the furious Indians by assuring them that we had no evil plans. He even promised to go with Sir de Joncaire to meet us, which he did. We encountered them on the 22nd, about 2 miles from the village. Sir de Celoron thanked the Iroquois for the fervor which he had displayed and made him some small presents.

We finally embarked, to go to Scioto. We encamped opposite the village, where we worked hard to complete the fort, which had been begun the evening before.

On the 23rd, a council was held; but the Indians raised some difficulties about the place where they were to assemble. They desired that we should address them in the cabin appointed for Councils; Sir de Celoron declared, on the contrary, that it was for the children to come to hear the words of their father in the place where he had lighted his fire. After many disputes, the Indians gave way and presented themselves in our camp. During the Council, two couriers arrived, to announce that canoes bearing the French colors had been seen descending the river of Scioto. This news somewhat disconcerted our grave senators, who imagined that it was a group of warriors sent against them from Detroit, and that it was our plan to enclose them between two fires. The Commandant had great difficulty to reassure them. Finally, however, their fears were dissipated, and they continued the council.

The 24th. The Indians responded, but in vague and general terms, which signified nothing.

On the 25th, 4 Ottawas arrived with letters from Sir de Sabrevois, which notified Sir de Celoron that he had not been able to persuade the Indians of his government to come to join us on the Ohio River, as had been planned. In the evening, there was a bonfire to celebrate the feast of St-Louis. All the detachment was under arms; they fired three volleys of musketry, preceded by several cries of Vive le Roy!

The 26th. The Shawnees gave a 2nd response which was somewhat more satisfactory than the 1st. After which, we continued our journey to the Great Miami River. The location of the village of the Shawnees is quite pleasant, -- at least, it is not masked by the mountains, like the other villages through which we had passed. The Scioto river, which bounds it on the West, has given it its name. It is composed of about sixty cabins. The Englishmen there numbered five. They were ordered to withdraw, and promised to do so. The latitude of our camp was 39 degrees 1'.

The 28th. We encamped at the mouth of riviere Blanche ["White river"], where we found a small band of Miamis with their chief, named le Baril ["the Barrel"]. They had established themselves there a short time before, and formed a village of 7 or 8 cabins, 2 miles away from the river. Sir de Celoron requested them to accompany him to the village of la Demoiselle ["the young Lady"], and they promised to do so. We passed two days waiting for them.

Finally, on the morning of the 31st, they appeared, followed by their women, their children, and their dogs. All embarked, and about 4 o'clock in the afternoon we entered the Great Miami River, after having buried the 6th and last leaden plate on the western bank of that river, and to the north of the Ohio.

This Ohio River -- so little known to the French, and, unfortunately, too well known to the English -- is, according to my estimate, 633 miles from the mouth of the Chautauqua (or Yjadakoin) to the entrance of the Great Miami River. In all this distance, we have counted twelve villages established on its banks; but if one penetrate into the small continent enclosed between lake Erie and the Ohio, one will find it, according to what has been told us, much more populous. We have been specially told of a certain village situated on the river Kaskaskia, in which, we are assured, there are nearly 800 men. Each village, whether large or small, has one or more traders, who have in their employ workers for the transportation of pelts. See the English already far within our territory; and what is worse, they are under the protection of a crowd of Indians whom they entice to themselves, and whose number increases every day. Their plan is to establish themselves there; and if effective measures be not taken as soon as possible to stop their progress, we run great risk of seeing ourselves quickly driven from the upper countries, and of being obliged to confine ourselves to the limits which it may please those gentlemen to prescribe to us. This is perhaps all the more true since it does not seem probable.

The River of the Rock (Great Miami River) is very well named. Its bottom is only one continuous rock; its waters are extremely shallow. Despite this, we had the good fortune to guide our canoes as far as the village of la Demoiselle. To lighten them, we had landed half of our people. This caused the temporary loss of Sir de Joannes, -- who, having gone to follow an Indian who was going to hunt, lost himself in the woods, and remained there two days without our being able to obtain any news of him. On the 3rd day after his disappearance, we saw him, when we least expected, at a bend in the river, conducted by two Miamis.

On the 13th of September, we had the honor of saluting la Demoiselle in his fort. It is situated on a vast prairie which borders the Great Miami River; its latitude is 40 degrees 34'. This band is not numerous; it consists at most of 40 or 50 men. There is among them an English trader. Sir de Celoron did not talk with la Demoiselle until the 17th, because he awaited an interpreter from the Miamis, for whom he had asked Sir Raimond. But, wearied with waiting, and seeing the season already advanced, he decided to take for an interpreter an old Seneca who was in le Baril's company.

On the 18th, la Demoiselle replied, and in his answer promised to take back his band to their old village in the following spring; he even gave his word that he would go with us there, to prepare everything for his return. But the arrival of the Miami interpreter put him in a bad humor; he forgot all his promises, and in spite of all that we could do, he constantly refused to see us. We then left him; and after having burned our canoes and all that we could not carry, we took leave of him on the morning of the 20th.

Our journey by land was only five days. We were divided into four brigades, each commanded by two officers. We marched in single file, because the narrowness of the path would not permit us to do otherwise. The road was passable, but we found it quite tedious. In my estimation, the journey from la Demoiselle's to the Miamis might cover 87 miles. Three times we crossed the Great Miami River; but here it was only a feeble brook, which ran over a few feet of mud. A little more than half-way, we began to skirt the river of the Miamis (Little Miami River?), which was on our left. We found there large crabs in abundance. From time to time we marched over vast prairies, where the foliage was sometimes of extraordinary height. Having reached Sir Raimond's post, we bought canoes and provisions; and on the afternoon of the 27th, we set out, en route for Detroit.

The fort of the Miamis was in a bad condition when we reached it; most of the palisades were decayed and fallen into ruin. Within there were eight houses, -- or, to speak more correctly, eight miserable huts, which only the desire of making money could render endurable. The French there numbered 22; all of them, even the commandant, had the fever. Sir Raimond did not approve the location of the fort, and maintained that it should be placed on the bank of the St. Joseph river, distant only a scant 2 miles from its present site. He wished to show me that spot, but the hindrances of our departure prevented me from going there. All that I could do for him was to trace for him the plan of his new fort. The latitude of the old one is 41' 29'. It was while with the Miamis that I learned that we had, a little before entering the Great Miami River, passed within 5 or 7 miles of the famous salt-springs where are the skeletons of immense animals. This news distressed me; and I could hardly forgive myself for having missed this discovery. It was the more curious that I should have done this on my journey, and I would have been proud if I could have given you the details of it.

The Miami River (Little Miami?) caused us no less embarrassment than the Great Miami River had done. At almost every instant, we were stopped by beds of flat stones, over which it was necessary to drag our canoes by main force. However, at intervals were found beautiful reaches of smooth water, but they were few and short. In the last 15 miles, the river is broad and deep, and seems to herald the grandeur of the lake into which it discharges its waters. At 15 miles above lake Erie, I took the latitude, which was found to be 42 degrees 0'.

We entered lake Erie on the 5th of October. On entering it, there is to the left the bay of Onanguisse, which is said to be deep. Soon after, one encounters to the right, the Isles aux Serpents ["islands where there are Snakes"].

On the 6th, we arrived at the mouth of the Detroit River, where we found canoes and provisions for our return. Sir de Celoron had the goodness to permit me to go to the fort with some officers. We spent there the entire day of the 7th. I took the latitude in Father Bonaventure's courtyard, and I found it 42 degrees 38'. In the evening, we returned to our camp, where we spent the 8th waiting for our Indians, a class of men created to exercise the patience of those who have the misfortune to travel with them. I profited by this hindrance to take the latitude of our camp, which was 42 degrees 28'.

I remained too short a time at Detroit to be able to give you an exact description of it. Its location appeared to me charming. A beautiful river runs at the foot of the fort; vast plains, which only ask to be cultivated, extend out of sight. There is nothing milder than the climate, which scarcely counts two months of winter. The crops of Europe, and especially the grains, grow much better than in many of the areas of France. It is the Touraine and Beauce of Canada.

Besides, we should regard Detroit as one of the most important posts of the Colony. It is conveniently situated for furnishing aid to Mackinac, to the St. Joseph River, to the Bay, to the Miamis, Weas, and to the Beautiful River, supposing that settlements be made on it. Accordingly, we cannot send there too many people; but where shall we find men for it? Certainly not in Canada. The colonists whom you sent there last year contented themselves with eating the rations that the King provided. Some among them, even, carried away by their natural levity, have left the country and gone to seek their fortune elsewhere. How many poor laborers in France would be delighted to find a country which would furnish them abundantly with what would repay them for their industry and toil.

The Fort of Detroit is a long square; I do not know its dimensions, but it appeared large to me. The village of the Hurons and that of the Ottawas are on the other side of the river, -- where, father La Richardie told me, the rebels were beginning to disperse, and the band of Nicolas was diminishing day by day. We had asked news about him, when upon the Beautiful River; and were told that he had established his residence in the neighborhood of lake Erie.

We left Detroit on the 9th of October, and on the 19th arrived at Niagara. I took the altitude twice on lake Erie, -- once at Pointe Pelee, which was 42 degrees 20'; the other time, a little below pointe a la Biche ["Fawn's point"], which was 43 degrees 6'. We left Niagara on the 22nd, and, to shorten our road, we passed along the south shore of lake Ontario. We experienced on this lake some terrible storms; more than once, we were on the point of perishing. Finally, despite the winds and tempests, our bark canoes brought us safe and sound to Fort Frontenac on the 4th of November. I saw Oswego in passing, but it was too far for me to examine it.

On the 7th, we left Fort Frontenac, and on the 10th we arrived at Montreal. On the road, we halted at the dwelling of Abbot Piquet, who was then at Montreal. We found three-quarters of his fort burned by the Iroquois -- sent, they say, for this purpose, by the English. At one of the angles of the fort they had caused to be constructed a little redoubt after the style of Fort St. Jean. The fire had spared it.

In returning, I shot all the rapids, the danger of which had been rather exaggerated to me. The first that one encounters in going out from Abbot Piquet's is les Galaux ["the Gallops"]; it is a small matter. The rapide Plat ["Flat rapid"] which succeeds it is of still less importance. The Long Sault has its difficulties. It is necessary to have a quick eye and sure hand, to avoid on the one side the Cascade, and on the other a great rock -- against which a canoe, were it of bronze, would be shattered like glass. The Coteau du Lac is not difficult, because one passes at a considerable distance from the Cascade. In the passage of les Cedres, there is no risk except for bark canoes, because the water has little depth. "The Thicket" and "the Hole" are two difficult places; but one escapes, save for shipping a little water while shooting this rapid. I have not shot "the Hole." Our guide led us by another way, which was not much better. It was necessary to Cross a violent current, which precipitates you into a deep cascade, if you miss the right point for crossing. One of our canoes came near turning a Somersault, not having taken proper precautions. The Lachine Rapids is perfectly well known to you.

On the 14th, Sir de Celoron and I set out for Quebec, where we arrived on the 18th of November, -- that is, five months and eighteen days after having left it.

De Bonnecamps

At Quebec, October 17, 1750.

LETTER FROM FATHER VIVIER OF THE JESUITS, TO A FATHER OF THE JESUITS. AMONG THE ILLINOIS, NOVEMBER 17, 1750.

Reverend Father,

Here is a description of our Missions. We have three in this area: one consisting of Indians; one of French; and a third, partly of French and partly of Indians.

The first is composed of over six hundred Illinois, all baptized excepting five or six; but the brandy sold by the French, especially by the soldiers, in spite of the King's repeated prohibitions, and what is sometimes distributed to them under the pretext of maintaining them in our interest, has ruined this Mission, and has caused the majority of them to abandon our holy Religion. The Indians -- and especially the Illinois, who are the gentlest of men -- become, when intoxicated, madmen and wild beasts. Then they fall upon one another, stab with their knives, and tear one another. Many have lost their ears, and some a portion of their noses, in these tragic encounters.

I usually reside in this Mission of Indians with Father Guienne, who acts as my teacher in the study of the Illinois language.

The French parish under Father Vattrin's charge is composed of more than four hundred French people, of all ages, and more than two hundred and fifty Negroes. The third Mission is 175 miles from here. It is smaller; Father Meurin has charge of it. The remainder of our Louisiana Mission consists of a residence at New Orleans, where the Superior-general of the Mission resides with another of our Fathers, and two Brothers. We have there a considerable settlement, which is in good condition. The revenues of this settlement, added to the pensions given us by the King, supply the needs of the Missionaries.

When the Mission is sufficiently provided with laborers (who in this Colony should be twelve in number), one is maintained among the Arkansas, another among the Choctaws and a third among the Alabamas. Reverend Father Baudouin, the present Superior-general of the Mission, formerly resided among the Choctaws; he dwelt eighteen years among those Indians. When he was on the eve of deriving some fruit from his labors, the disturbances excited by the English in that Nation, and the danger to which he was exposed, compelled Father Vitri, then Superior-general, in concert with the Governor, to recall him to New Orleans. NOW that the troubles are beginning to subside, they are thinking of reestablishing this Mission. Father Moran was among the Alabamas some years ago. The impossibility of exercising his Ministry, as regards both the Indians and the French, persuaded the Superior to recall him and confide to him the direction of the Nuns and of the King's hospital, which is in our charge.

The English, as well as the French, trade among the Alabama Indians. You can imagine what an obstacle this may be to the progress of Religion. The English are ever ready to preach controversy. Would a poor Indian be in a position to make a choice? At present we have no one among the Arkansas.

The mouth of the Mississippi lies on the 29th degree of north latitude. The King maintains a small garrison there, and also a Pilot to meet vessels and bring them into the river. The multitude of islands and of banks -- not of sand, but of mud: which fill it, make its entrance difficult for those who have never been there. The question is, to find the channel; and there is only one Pilot who is accustomed to the place and knows it thoroughly. Vessels experience difficulty in ascending the Mississippi. Besides the fact that the tide of the sea is not felt in it, it winds continually; so that it is necessary either to tow, or to have at one's command wind from all points of the compass. From the twenty-ninth to the thirty-first degree of latitude, it did not seem wider than the Seine in front of Rouen, but it is infinitely deeper. As one ascends, it becomes wider, but is shallower in proportion. Its length from the North to the South is known to be more than 1750 miles. According to the reports of the latest travelers, its source -- which is more than 750 miles to the North of the Illinois -- is formed by the discharge of some lakes and swamps.

Mississippi, in the Illinois language, means "the great river." It seems to have usurped that name from the Missouri. Before its junction with that river, the Mississippi is of no great size. Its current is slight, while the Missouri is wider, deeper, more rapid, and takes its rise much farther away. Several rivers of considerable size empty into the Mississippi; but the Missouri alone seems to pour into it more water than all these rivers together. Here is the proof of it: the water of most -- I might say, of all of the rivers that fall into the Mississippi is only passably good, and that of several is positively unwholesome; that of the Mississippi itself, above its junction with the Missouri, is not of the best; on the contrary, that of the Missouri is the best water in the world. That of the Mississippi, from its junction with the Missouri to the sea, becomes excellent; the water of the Missouri must therefore predominate. The first travelers who came through Canada discovered the Mississippi; that is the reason why the Mississippi has acquired the name of "great," at the expense of the glory of the other.

Both banks of the Mississippi are bordered, throughout nearly the whole of its course, by two strips of dense forests, the depth of which varies more or less from 1 to 10 miles. Behind these forests the country is more elevated, and is intersected by plains and groves, in which the trees are almost as thinly scattered as in our public promenades. This is partly due to the fact that the Indians set fire to the prairies toward the end of the autumn, when the grass is dry; the fire spreads everywhere and destroys most of the young trees. This does not happen in the places nearer the river, because, the land being lower, and consequently more watery, the grass remains green longer, and is less susceptible to the attacks of fire.

The plains and forests contain bison, which are found in herds; deer, elk, and bears; a few tigers; numbers of wolves, which are much smaller than those of Europe, and much less daring; wild-cats; wild turkeys and pheasants; and other animals, less known and of smaller size. This river, with all those that flow into it, as well as the lakes, -- of which there are a great number, but which, individually, are quite small in extent, -- are the abode of beavers; of a tremendous number of ducks, of three kinds; of teal, bustards, geese, swans, snipe; and of some other aquatic birds, whose names are unknown in Europe, to say nothing of the fish of many kinds in which they abound.

It is only at 37 miles above the mouth of the Mississippi that one begins to see the first French settlements, as the land lower down is not habitable. They are situated on both sides of the river as far as the Town. The lands throughout this extent, which is 37 miles, are not all occupied; many await new settlers. New Orleans, the Metropolis of Louisiana, is built on the east bank of the river; it is of medium size, and the streets are in straight lines; some of the houses are built of brick, and others of wood. It is inhabited by French, Negroes, and some Indians who are slaves; all these together do not, it seemed to me, number more than twelve hundred persons.

The climate, although infinitely more bearable than that of the islands, seems heavy to one who has recently landed. If the country were less densely wooded, especially on the side toward the sea, the wind coming from there would penetrate inland and temper the heat. The soil is good, and nearly all kinds of vegetables grow very well in it. There are splendid orange-trees; the people cultivate indigo, corn in abundance, rice, potatoes, cotton, and tobacco.

The vine might succeed there; at least I have seen some good muscatel grapes. The climate is too hot for wheat. Buckwheat, millet, and oats grow well. Poultry of all kinds are raised, and horned cattle have multiplied considerably. The forests are at present the chief and surest source of revenue of many inhabitants; they obtain from them quantities of lumber for building purposes, which they manufacture easily and at slight expense in the sawmills, which several persons have built.

You will observe that the land, 75 miles below the Town and for nearly the same distance above it, is of peculiar formation. Throughout nearly the whole country, the bank of a river is the lowest spot; here, on the contrary, it is the highest. From the river to the beginning of the Cypress forests, a few hundred yards behind the settlements, there is a slope of as much as fifteen feet.

Do you wish to irrigate your land? Dig a drain to the river, with a dike at the end of the drain; and in a short time, it will be covered with water. To work a mill, it is only necessary to have an opening to the river. The water flows through the Cypress forests to the sea. Care must be taken, however, not to abuse this facility anywhere; as the water could not always flow away easily, it would, in the end, inundate the settlements.

At New Orleans there is nothing scarcer than stones; you might offer a gold coin to get one belonging to the country, and you would not find it; bricks made on the spot are substituted for it. Lime is made from shells, which are obtained at a distance of 7 or 10 miles on the shores of lake Pontchartrain. Hills of shells are found there, -- a singular thing for that region; they are also found far inland, at a depth of two or three feet below the surface.

The following articles are sent down to New Orleans from the upper country and adjacent territories: salt beef, tallow, tar, fur, bear's grease, and, from the Illinois especially, flour and pork. In this vicinity, and still more toward Mobile, grow in abundance the trees called "wax-trees," because means have been found to extract from their seeds a wax, which, if properly prepared, would be almost equal to French wax. If the use of this wax could be introduced into Europe, it would be a considerable branch of trade for the Colony. You will see, by all these details, that some trade can be carried on at New Orleans. In former years, when eight to ten ships entered the Mississippi, that was considered a great number; this year over forty entered, mostly from Martinique and San Domingo; they came to load cargoes chiefly of timber and bricks, to rebuild the houses destroyed by two fires, which are said to have been caused in those two islands by fire from Heaven.

Ascending the river, one finds French settlements above as well as below New Orleans. The most notable establishment is a small German Colony, 25 miles above it. Pointe coupee is 87 miles from the German settlement. A palisaded fort has been built there, in which a small garrison is maintained. There are sixty residences, spread over an extent of 12 or 15 miles, along the west bank of the river. 125 miles from la pointe toupee are the Natchez. We now have there only a garrison, -- which is kept imprisoned in a fort, through fear of the Chickasaws and other Indian enemies.

Formerly there were at that place about sixty dwellings, and an Indian Nation of considerable numbers called the Natchez, who were attached to us and rendered us great services. The tyranny which a French Commandant undertook to exercise over them drove them to extremities. One day they killed all the French, excepting a few who sought safety in flight. One of our Fathers, who was descending the Mississippi and was asked to tarry there to say Mass on Sunday, was included in the massacre. Since that time, the blow has been avenged by the almost total destruction of the Natchez Nation; only a few remain scattered among the Chickasaws and Cherokee, where they live precariously and almost as slaves.

At Pointe coupee, and still more at Natchez, excellent tobacco is grown. If, instead of obtaining from strangers the tobacco that is consumed in France, we obtained it here, we would get a better quality, and save the money that goes out of the Kingdom for that product; and the colony would be settled.

250 miles above the Natchez are the Arkansas, an Indian Nation of about four hundred warriors. We have near them a fort with a garrison, where the convoys ascending to the Illinois stop to rest. There were some settlers there but in May, 1748, the Chickasaws, our irreconcilable foes, aided by some other Indians, suddenly attacked the post; they killed several persons, and carried off thirteen into captivity. The rest escaped into the fort, in which there were at the time only a dozen soldiers. They made an attempt to attack it, but no sooner had they lost two of their people than they retreated. Their Drummer was a French deserter from the Arkansas garrison itself.

The distance from the Arkansas to the Illinois is estimated at nearly 375 miles. Throughout all that extent of country, not a single hamlet exists. Still, to secure our possession of it, it would be advisable that we should have a good fort on the Wabash, the only place by which the English can enter into the Mississippi.

The Illinois are on the parallel of 38 degrees 15 minutes of latitude. The climate, which is different from that of New Orleans, is almost similar to that of France; the great heats make themselves felt there a little earlier and more intensely; but they are neither so constant nor so lasting. The severe cold comes later. In winter, when the North wind blows, ice forms on the Mississippi sufficiently thick to bear the heaviest carts; but such cold weather does not last long. The winter here is an alternation of severe cold and quite mild weather, according as the winds blow from the North or from the South; and they succeed each other with fair regularity. This alternation is injurious to the fruit-trees. The weather may be mild, a little warm even, as early as mid-February; the sap ascends in the trees, which become covered with blossoms; then a wind from the North springs up, and destroys the brightest hopes.

The soil is fertile, and vegetables of all kinds would grow in it almost as well as in France, if they were cultivated with care. Still wheat, as a rule, yields only from five to eightfold; but it must be observed that the lands are tilled in a careless manner, and that they have never been manured during the thirty years while they have been cultivated. This poor success in growing wheat is due still more to the heavy fogs and too sudden heats. But, on the other hand, corn -- which in France is called Turkish corn -- grows marvelously; it yields more than a thousandfold; it is the food of domestic cattle, of the slaves, and of most of the natives of the country, who eat it as a treat. The country produces three times as much food as can be consumed in it. Nowhere is game more abundant; from mid-October to the end of March, the people live almost entirely on game, especially on the bison and deer.

The horned cattle have multiplied exceedingly; most of them cost nothing, either for care or for food. The working animals graze on a vast common around the village; others, in much larger numbers, which are intended for breeding, are shut up throughout the year on a peninsula over 25 miles in extent, formed by the Mississippi and the river of the Tamaroa Illinois. These animals, which are seldom approached, have become almost wild, and craftiness must be employed to catch them. If a farmer needs a pair of oxen, he goes to the peninsula. When he sees a bull large enough to be trained, he throws a handful of salt to him, and stretches out a long rope with a noose at the end; then he lies down. The animal, which is eager for salt, draws near; as soon as its foot is in the noose the man pulls the rope, and the bull is captured. The same is done for horses, calves, and colts; this is all that it costs to get a pair of oxen or of horses. Besides, these animals are not subject to any diseases; they live a long time, and, as a rule, die only of old age.

In this part of Louisiana, there are five French and three Illinois villages within a distance of 55 miles; they are situated upon a long prairie bounded on the East by a chain of mountains and the river of the Tamaroa Illinois, and on the West by the Mississippi. The five French villages contain in all about one hundred and forty families. The three villages of Indians may furnish three hundred men capable of bearing arms. There are several salt-springs in this country, one of which, 5 miles from here, supplies all the salt consumed in the surrounding country, and in many posts which are dependencies of Canada.

There are mines without number, but as no one is in a position to incur the expense necessary for opening and working them, they remain in their original condition. Certain individuals content themselves with obtaining lead from some of these, because it lies almost at the surface of the ground.

They supply this country, all the Indian Nations of the Missouri and Mississippi, and several posts of Canada. Two men who are here, a Spaniard and a Portuguese, who claim to know something about mines and minerals, assert that these mines in no way differ from those of Mexico and Peru; and that, if slightly deeper excavations were made, silver ore would be found under the lead ore. This much is certain: that the lead is fine, and that a little silver is obtained from it. Borax has also been found in these mines, and in some places gold, but in small quantities. Beyond a doubt, there are copper mines; because, from time to time, large pieces of it are found in the streams.

There is not, in all America, any special Officer who has such a province as has he who commands for the King among the Illinois. On the North and Northwest, the extent is unlimited; it spreads through the vast country watered by the Missouri and the rivers that fall into it, -- the finest country in the world. How many Indian Nations in these immense regions offer themselves to the Missionaries' fervor! They belong to the district of the Gentlemen of the Paris Foreign Missions Society, to whom the Bishop of Quebec allotted them many years ago. There are three of these Gentlemen here, who have charge of two French parishes. Nothing can be more amiable than their character, or more edifying than their conduct. We live with them as if we were members of the same body.

Among the Nations of the Missouri are some who seem to be specially disposed to receive the Gospel: as, for instance, the Pawnee. One of the Gentlemen of whom I have just spoken wrote one day to a Frenchman who traded among the Indians, and asked him in his letter to baptize dying children. When the chief of the village saw the letter, he said to the Frenchman: "What is the news?"

"There is none," replied the Frenchman.

"How," retorted the Indian, "because our color is red, can we not know the news?"

"It is the black Chief," replied the Frenchman, "who writes, asking me to baptize dying children, to send them to the great Spirit."

The Indian chief, thoroughly satisfied, said to him: "Be not anxious; I will notify you whenever a child is in danger of death." He gathered his people together and said to them: "What think you of this black Chief?" (for that is the name which they give to the Missionaries.) "We have never seen him; we have never done him any good; he dwells far from us, beyond the sun. And yet he thinks of our village; he desires to do good to us; and when our children die, he wishes to send them to the great Spirit. This black Chief must be good."

Some traders who came from his village have mentioned to me instances which prove that, savage as he is, he none the less possesses intelligence and good sense. At the death of his predecessor all the votes of his Nation were in his favor. At first, he excused himself from accepting the position of Chief; but at last, on being compelled to accept, he said to them: "You desire then that I should be your Chief; I consent, but you must bear in mind that I wish to be your Chief in reality, and that I must be faithfully obeyed in that capacity. Until now, the widows and orphans have been left destitute. I intend that in future their wants shall be provided for; and so they may not be forgotten, I desire and intend that they be the first to get their share."

Accordingly, he gave orders to his Escapia -- who is his Steward -- to set aside, whenever a hunt should take place, a quantity of meat sufficient for the widows and orphans. These people have only a few guns. They hunt on horseback with arrows and spears; they surround a herd of bison, and only a few escape them. When the animals fall to the ground, the Chief's Escapia touches a certain number of them with his hand; these are the share of the widows and orphans, and no one else can take any portion of them. One of the hunters, -- through inadvertence -- having begun to cut a piece from one of these, the Chief killed him on the spot with a shot from his gun.

This Chief receives the French with great distinction; he makes them eat with him alone, or with the chief of another Nation, if such happen to be present. He honors with the title of "sun" the most wretched Frenchman who may happen to be in his village; and he says that the sky is always serene while the Frenchman stays there. Only a month ago, he came to pay his respects to our commandant. I proceeded to fort de Chartres, 15 miles from here, for the express purpose of seeing him. He is a thoroughly fine man. He was polite to me, in his own fashion; and invited me to go to give his people sense, -- that is, to instruct them. According to the reports of the Frenchmen who have been there, his village can furnish nine hundred men capable of bearing arms.

For the rest, this country is of far greater importance than is imagined. Through its position alone, it deserves that France should spare nothing to retain it. It has not yet enriched the King's coffers, and that convoys to and fro are costly; but it is none the less true that the tranquility of Canada and the safety of the entire lower part of the Colony depend upon it. Without this post, there can be no communication by land between Louisiana and Canada. There is another consideration: several regions of the same Canada and all those on the lower part of the river would be deprived of the provisions they obtain from the Illinois, which are often a great resource to them. By founding a solid establishment here, prepared to meet all these troubles, the King would secure the possession of the most extensive and the finest country in north America. To be convinced of this, one has but to glance at the well-known map of Louisiana, and to consider the location of the Illinois country and the multitude of Nations against whom the post usually serves as a barrier.

YEAR 1757

LETTER FROM FATHER * * *, MISSIONARY TO THE ABENAKIS. SAINT FRANCOIS, OCTOBER 21, 1757.

When I arrived at Montreal, -- a day and a half distant from my Mission, -- I thought myself at the end of my journey; but Providence ordered otherwise. An expedition was planned against the enemy; and on account of the state of feeling among the Indian Tribes, the greatest success was expected. The Abenakis were to be of the group; and as all the Christian Indians are accompanied by their Missionaries, who are eager to furnish them the aid suitable to their office, the Abenakis could be sure that I would not abandon them at so critical a moment. I therefore prepared for my departure; my equipment was soon ready, -- a Chapel, the holy Oils, these were all; for everything else, I trusted the Providence that has never failed me. Two days afterward, I embarked on the great Saint Lawrence River together with two Gentlemen from Saint-Sulpice. One was Sir Picquet, Missionary of the Iroquois from la Galette; and the other was Sir Mathavet, Missionary of the Nipissings from the lake of the two Mountains.

My Abenakis were encamped at Fort Saint-Jean, one of the Colony's forts distant from Montreal a day's journey. My arrival surprised them; they had not been informed of my coming. Hardly had they perceived me when they made the woods and the neighboring mountains resound with the report of my approach; all, even the children (for, with the Indians, they are soldiers as soon as they can carry a gun), uttered shouts.

Toward evening, the kindness of an Officer obtained for me an opportunity to witness one of those savage military spectacles which many people admire, as being fitted to arouse in the most cowardly hearts that martial enthusiasm which makes warriors; as for me, I have never seen in them anything but a comic farce, capable of making anyone burst into laughter who was not on his guard. I am speaking of a war-feast.

Imagine a large assembly of Indians, decorated with every ornament most fitted to disfigure, in European eyes, their appearance. Red, white, green, yellow, and black made from soot or scrapings of the pots -- on a single Indian face are seen united all these different colors, methodically applied by the aid of a little tallow which serves as an ointment. This is the Paint that is used on these grand occasions to adorn not only the face, but also the head -- which is almost wholly shaved, excepting a little lock reserved on the top for the purpose of attaching to it feathers of birds, or a few pieces of wampum, or some other similar ornament. Each part of the head has its distinct ornaments: the nose has its ring; there are also rings for the ears, which are pierced at an early age, and so elongated by the weight with which they have been overloaded that they swing and beat against the shoulders. The rest of the paraphernalia corresponds to this grotesque decoration.

A shirt smeared with red pigment, wampum necklaces, silver bracelets, a large knife hanging over the breast, a belt of many colors but always ludicrously arranged, and shoes of elk-skin -- these are the Indian accoutrements. The Captains are distinguished only by a collar, and the Chiefs by a medallion which on one side exhibits the portrait of the King, and on the other Mars and Bellona, who are joining hands.

Imagine an assembly of people therefore decorated, and arranged in rows. In the midst are placed large kettles, filled with meat cooked and cut into pieces, so as to be more readily distributed to the spectators. After a respectful silence, which indicates the importance of the meeting, certain Captains appointed by the different Tribes that are present at the feast begin to chant in succession.

You Will easily imagine what this Indian music may be, compared with the delicacy of European music. The sounds are formed almost by chance; and sometimes they strongly resemble the cries and howlings of wolves. This is not the beginning of the meeting; it is only the announcement and the prelude, for the purpose of inviting the scattered Indians to come to the general rendezvous. When the assembly has been organized, the Orator of the Tribe begins to speak, and solemnly addresses the guests. This is the most sensible act of the ceremony. The public address of the King, the eulogy of the French Nation, the arguments that prove the lawfulness of the war, the motives of glory and of Religion, all of these are fitted to tempt the Young men to press on with joy to battle; this is the substance of that sort of address, which ordinarily bears no mark of Indian barbarism. I have more than once heard addresses which would not have been disavowed by our finest minds in France.

When the speech is finished, they proceed to name the Captains who are to command the group. As soon as one is named, he rises from his place and proceeds to seize the head of one of the animals which are to make the principal part of the feast. He raises it high enough to be seen by the whole assembly, crying aloud: "See the head of the enemy." Shouts of joy and applause are then raised on every side, and announce the satisfaction of the assembly. The Captain, with the head of the animal still in his hand, goes through the lines singing his war-song, in which he exerts all his force in boastings and insulting defiance of the enemy, and in the exaggerated eulogies which he lavishes upon himself. To hear them extolling themselves in these moments of military enthusiasm, you might believe them all to be Heroes who are able to carry off all, crush all, vanquish all. As he passes in review before the Indians, these Indians answer his chant by hollow cries, broken, drawn from the pit of the stomach, and accompanied with such ridiculous motions of the body that you must be familiar with them to witness them with composure. In the course of his song, he is careful to introduce, from time to time, some grotesque joke. Then he stops as if to applaud himself, or rather to receive the Indian plaudits that a thousand mingled shouts reecho to his ears.

He continues his warlike march as long as the sport pleases him; if it cease to please him he ends it by disdainfully throwing down the head that he has in his hand, to show by this affected contempt that food of a wholly different kind is necessary to satisfy his military appetite. He afterward resumes his place, where he is no sooner seated, than perhaps there is put on his head a pot of hot ashes; but this is an act of friendship, a mark of tenderness which is endured only from a well-known and acknowledged friend; a like familiarity from an ordinary man would be deemed an insult. This first warrior is followed by others, who protract the meeting, -- especially when it is a question of forming large parties, because with this kind of ceremony the enlistments are made. At last, the feast comes to an end with the distribution and consumption of the food.

Such was the war-feast that was given to our Indians, and such the ceremony that was observed. The Algonquins, the Abenakis, the Nipissings, and the Amenecis were at this feast. Meanwhile, more serious cares were demanding our presence elsewhere, and it was growing late; we arose, and each Missionary, followed by his Neophytes, went to close the day with the usual prayers. A part of the night was spent in making the final preparations for our departure, which was fixed for the next day. This time, the weather favored us. We embarked after having put our journey under the special protection of the Lord by a Mass, chanted solemnly, and with more precision and devotion than you could imagine; the Indians always outdo themselves at this spectacle of Religion. The tediousness of the way was alleviated by the privilege that I had every day of celebrating the holy sacrifice of the Mass, -- sometimes on an island, sometimes on the bank of a river, but always in a spot sufficiently open to favor the devotion of our little army.

We crossed lake Champlain, where the dexterity of the Indians in fishing furnished us a interesting spectacle. Placed in the front of the canoe, standing, with spear in hand, they hurled it with marvelous skill, and drew out large sturgeons, -- so adroitly that the little scales of the fish which the slightest awkward motion could displace did not appear turned the least in the world toward either the right or the left. To facilitate such profitable fishing, it was not necessary to discontinue our journey; the fisherman alone ceased to advance; but, in turn, he was assigned with providing subsistence for all the others, and he succeeded. Finally, after six days' travel we came to fort Vaudreuil, formerly named Carillon, which had been assigned as the general rendezvous of our troops. Hardly had we begun to distinguish the summit of the fortifications before our Indians drew up for battle, each Tribe under its own standard. Two hundred canoes placed in this fine order formed a sight that the French Officers, who had flocked to the shore, deemed worthy of their attention.

I learned from Sir de Montcalm, the glorious defense that was made a few days before by a Canadian Officer, named Sir de Saintout; he had been sent to reconnoiter on Lake George, with a group of ten men in a single bark canoe. In doubling a tongue of land, he was surprised by two English barges, which, lying in wait, suddenly attacked him. The numbers were unequal. One single discharge made at the right time on the canoe would have decided the victory or the defeat of the French. Sir de Saintout, as a prudent man, hastily gained an island that was formed in the Lake by a steep rock. He was closely followed by the enemy; but he soon checked their enthusiasm by a volley that, with as much prudence as success, he ordered his men to fire at them. The enemy, disconcerted for the moment, quickly returned to the charge; but they were again so well received that they decided to land on the beach, which was within gunshot. The combat recommenced with more obstinacy than before, but still proceeded with the same success for us.

Sir de Saintout, perceiving that the enemy were not inclined to come to attack him in his position, and that he could not go to them without the risk of seeing his canoe sink, decided to retreat. He did so, acting as a man of good sense, just as he had defended himself as a man of courage. He embarked in sight of the English -- who, not daring to pursue him, were satisfied with constantly firing at him. In this encounter we had three men wounded, but slightly; Sir de Saintout was of the number. Sir de Grosbois, a cadet of the Colonial troops, was killed on the spot. The enemy, by their own statement, had gone out of their fort thirty-seven strong; only seventeen returned to it. Such deeds are surprising in Europe; but here the valor of the Canadians has so often multiplied them that we would not be astonished to see them repeated more than once during a campaign.

After having taken leave of Sir de Montcalm, I went to the quarters of the Abenakis. I sent word to the Orator to call together at once his tribesmen, and announce to them that, before going in a few days to attack the English fort, I expected from their religion that they should prepare themselves for this perilous undertaking by every step fitted to assure its success before God. I gave notice also that my tent would be open at all times and to everyone; and that I would always be ready, even at the peril of my life, to furnish them the aid that my office commands. My offers were accepted. I had the comfort of seeing some of them come as Penitents to Confession; and I prepared a few of these for the reception of the august Sacrament of our Altars.

It was on the following Sunday, the twenty-fourth of July, that they enjoyed this blessing. I neglected nothing to give to this ceremony all the splendor that was in my power. I attempted to present in striking colors the motives best fitted to make an impression on them; I did not neglect to recall to them the perils inseparable from war, which their courage and their valor would only serve to multiply.

These services occupied us until late in the forenoon, but the Indian does not consider the moments that he gives to Religion; they behave with propriety and earnestness in our Temples. The liberties which the Frenchmen allow themselves there, and the weariness which they show even in their countenances, are only too often a cause of offense to our Indians. These Indians have excellent dispositions, which may some day make of them Perfect Christians.

These were the occupations to which I devoted myself during our stay in the vicinity of fort Vaudreuil; it was not long; at the end of the third day, we received orders to join the French army, encamped 2 miles higher up, near the Portage, -- that is, near the place where a great fall of water would oblige us to transport by land from Lake George the munitions necessary for the siege. Preparations were being made for departure when they were stopped by a sight that attracted all eyes.

We saw appearing in the distance, in one of the inlets of the river, a little fleet of Indian canoes which by their order and decorations announced a victory. It was Sir Marin -- a Canadian Officer of great merit -- who was returning triumphant from the expedition with which he had been assigned. At the head of a body of about two hundred Indians, he had been detached to scour the country about Fort Lydis; he had had the courage with a small flying camp to attack the outer entrenchments, and the good fortune to carry a chief part of them. The Indians had only time to cut off thirty-five scalps from the two hundred men whom they had killed; their victory was not stained with a single drop of their own blood and did not cost them a single man. The enemy, numbering three thousand men, sought in vain to have revenge by pursuing them in their retreat, but it was made without the slightest loss. They were engaged in counting the number of barbarous trophies -- that is, the English scalps -- with which the canoes were decorated, when we perceived in another part of the river a French barque, which was bringing to us five Englishmen, bound, and accompanied by some Ottawas, whose prisoners they were.

The sight of these unfortunate captives brought joy to the hearts of the spectators; but it was a ferocious joy shown by frightful yells, and by acts sad to humane men. A thousand Indians -- drawn from the thirty-six Tribes united under the French flag -- were present and lining the bank. In an instant, without any apparent consultation, I saw them run with extreme haste to the neighboring woods. I did not know what was to be the result of such a sudden and unexpected retreat; but I soon understood. A moment after, I saw these furious men return, armed with clubs, to give to these unfortunate Englishmen the most cruel reception. I could not control my feelings at the sight of these cruel preparations. Without stopping to deliberate, I went to meet these ferocious brutes in the hope of calming them; but what could my feeble voice do but utter some sounds that the tumult, the diversity of tongues, still more the ferocity of hearts, rendered unintelligible? At least the most bitter reproaches were not spared to a few Abenakis who chanced to come in my way; the Sharp tone that animated my words brought them to feelings of humanity. Confused and ashamed, they withdrew from this murderous company, throwing away the cruel instruments which they were preparing for use. But what were a few arms less out of the two thousand determined to strike without pity?

Seeing the uselessness of the agitation I was experiencing, I decided to retire, to not be a witness of the bloody tragedy which was about to take place. I had only taken a few steps when a feeling of compassion recalled me to the bank, where I cast my eyes on those unfortunate victims whom they were preparing to sacrifice. Their condition renewed my sympathy. The fright which had seized them left them hardly sufficient strength to stand upright; their dismayed and dejected faces were a true picture of death. Life was over for them: in fact, they were about to expire under a storm of blows, if their preservation had not come from the heart of barbarism, and if the sentence of death had not been revoked by those persons who ought to have been the first to pronounce it.

The French Officer who was commanding the barque had perceived the commotion which was being made on the shore; touched with that sympathy so natural to an upright man at the sight of the unfortunate, he attempted to infuse it into the hearts of the Ottawas, masters of the prisoners; he worked on their feelings so skillfully that he succeeded in rendering them sensitive, and interested them favorably in the cause of the wretched men. They took this cause up with an enthusiasm which succeeded. Hardly was the barge near enough to the shore for a voice to be heard when an Ottawa began to speak fiercely, and exclaimed in a menacing tone: "These prisoners belong to me; I wish you to respect me by respecting what belongs to me; let us have no ill treatment, of which the whole hatred would fall back upon my head."

A hundred French Officers might have spoken in the same tone, but their speech would have resulted only in drawing contempt upon themselves, and an increase of blows upon their captives; but an Indian fears his fellow-Indian, and fears him only. Their slightest disputes lead to death; therefore they seldom engage in them. Accordingly, the wishes of the Ottawa were respected as soon as announced: the prisoners were landed without tumult and led to the fort; not the slightest shout attended them. At first they were separated; they underwent examination, in which it was unnecessary to use craftiness to win from them the explanations that were desired. Their fright, from which they had not wholly recovered, loosened their tongues, and gave them a volubility which apparently would not have been the case otherwise. I visited one of them in a room of the Fort occupied by one of my friends. By signs I gave him the assurances best fitted to tranquilize him; I ordered for him some refreshments, which he appeared to receive with gratitude.

After having therefore satisfied my compassion, as well as the needs of an unfortunate man, I went to hurry the embarking of my people; it was done immediately. The passage was not long; two hours sufficed to complete it. The tent of Sir de Levis was placed at the entrance of the camp. I took the liberty of paying my respects to this Dignitary whose name announces his merit, and whose name even is his least title to respect. The conversation turned upon the act which had decided the fate of the five Englishmen whose perilous adventure I have just related. I was far from knowing the circumstances; they are somewhat surprising.

Sir de Corbiere, a French Officer serving in the Colonial troops, had been commanded, the previous night, to go to cruise on Lake George. His company numbered about fifty Frenchmen, and a little more than three hundred Indians. At the first peep of day he discovered a body of three hundred English, who had also been detached to cruise, in about fifteen Barges. The form of these boats -- high on the sides, and strongly built, when contrasted with our frail canoes -- counterbalanced the slight superiority that we might have had in the way of numbers. Still, our men did not hesitate to begin the combat; the enemy at first appeared to accept the defiance readily, but that temper did not last long. The French and Indians, who could reasonably base the hope of victory only on the boarding that their number encouraged, -- and who risked everything in fighting at a distance, -- began to draw closer to the enemy, despite the activity of their firing. The enemy no sooner saw themselves pursued than fear made them drop their arms. It was no longer a contest; it was nothing more than a defeat. Of all ways, the least honorable was to gain the beach. It was on this that they decided. In an instant, we saw them moving with haste to the shore; some of them, to reach it sooner, began to swim, flattering themselves with being able to escape to the shelter of the woods -- an ill-planned undertaking. Whatever be the speed which the increased efforts of rowers can give to boats that the science and skill of the workman have made capable of swiftness, it does not approach the fleetness of a bark canoe; this glides over the water with the rapidity of an arrow. Therefore the English were soon overtaken. In the first heat of the combat all were massacred without mercy; all were cut to pieces. Those who had already gained the woods did not meet a better fate. The woods are the element of the Indians; they run through them with the swiftness of a deer. The enemy were overtaken there and cut to pieces.

Meanwhile, the Ottawas, seeing that they were no longer dealing with warriors, but with people who allowed themselves to be slaughtered without resistance, decided to take them prisoners. The number of these amounted to a hundred and fifty-seven; that of the dead, to a hundred and thirty-one; only twelve were fortunate enough to escape captivity and death. The barges, the equipments, the stores, -- everything was taken and pillaged. By this time, you doubtless suppose that so undeniable a victory cost us dear. The combat took place on the water, -- that is, in a place wholly open; the enemy were not taken by surprise. They had every leisure to make their preparations; they fought mostly downward, from the tops of their barges they discharged their musketry on frail barques, which a little skill -- or, rather, a little presence of mind -- would easily have sunk, with all those men who were defending them. Still, such a complete success was purchased at the price of one single Indian wounded, whose wrist was put out of joint by a shot. Such was the fate of the detachment of the unfortunate Sir Copperelh, who was the commander; and the general report is that he perished in the water.

The enemy express themselves, on the disasters of that day, only in terms that indicate equally their grief and their surprise. They admit the greatness of their loss. Really, it would be difficult to deny it in the slightest particular; the bodies of the Officers and their soldiers -- some floating on the water of Lake George, some still stretched out on the shore -- would bear witness against that denial. As for their prisoners, most are still suffering in the chains of Sir de Levis. I saw them go by in squads escorted by their victors, -- who, barbarian-like, engrossed with their triumph, showed little inclination to alleviate the defeat of the vanquished. In the space of 2 miles, which I had to make to rejoin my Abenakis, I met several little companies of these captives. More than one Indian stopped me on my way to parade his captives before me, and to enjoy, in passing, my commendation. Love of Country did not permit me to be insensible to a success which concerned the Nation. But the title of "unfortunate" is worthy of respect, according not only to Religion but to simple nature. Besides, these prisoners were presented to me in a wretched state, their eyes bathed in tears, their faces covered with perspiration and even with blood, and with ropes around their necks; at this sight feelings of compassion and humanity certainly had a right over my heart. The rum with which their new masters were filled had excited their brains, and increased their natural ferocity.

I feared each instant to see some prisoner, a victim to both cruelty and drunkenness, murdered before my eyes and falling dead at my feet; so that I hardly dared to raise my head, for fear of meeting the gaze of one of these unfortunate victims. I was soon compelled to be witness of a spectacle much more horrible than what I had until now seen.

My tent had been placed in the midst of the Ottawas' camp. The first object that appeared to my eyes on arriving there was a large fire; and the stakes of wood set in the ground showed a feast. There was one indeed. But what a feast! The remains of an English body, more than half stripped of the skin and flesh. I saw, a moment after, these inhuman creatures eating, with a famished eagerness, this human flesh; I saw them taking large spoonfuls of this detestable broth, without being able to satisfy themselves. I was told that they prepared themselves for this treat by drinking skullfuls of human blood: their still besmeared faces and their stained lips attested the truth of the report. The saddest thing was that they had placed near them about ten Englishmen, to be spectators of their infamous meal.

The Ottawa resembles the Abenaki; I believed that by mildly expostulating with these monsters of inhumanity I should gain some influence over them. But I flattered myself. A Young man began to speak, and said to me in bad French: "You have French taste; me Indian, this meat good for me." He accompanied his remark by offering to me a piece of this English roast. I made no response to his argument, which was worthy of a barbarian; as to his offer, you may easily imagine with what horror I rejected it.

Having learned, by the uselessness of this attempt, that my services were wholly fruitless in behalf of the dead, I turned to the living, whose fate seemed to me a hundred times more to be pitied; and I approached the Englishmen. One of the company attracted my attention; from the military ornaments with which he was still decorated, I recognized him as an Officer; immediately I decided to purchase him, and assure him of liberty and life. With this in view, I approached an aged Ottawa, fully believing that the insensibility of old age having softened his ferocity, I would find him more favorable to my plan; I held out my hand, saluting him politely, in the hope of winning him by courteous manners. But it was not a man with whom I had to deal; he was worse than a ferocious beast, which is at least appeased by caresses.

"No," said he in a thundering and threatening tone, -- well fitted to fill me with dread, if I had been at that moment susceptible of any other feelings than those inspired by compassion and horror, "No, I do not wish your friendship; go away!" I did not think I ought to wait until he reiterated a compliment of that kind, and I obeyed him.

I went to shut myself in my tent, and give myself up to the reflections that Religion can suggest in circumstances of this kind. I had not thought of taking measures to warn my Abenakis against such shocking excesses. Although example is a formidable stumbling-block in matters of temperance and morals, they were incapable of proceeding to these excesses; I owe them this justice, that at the time when they were plunged deepest in the darkness of paganism, they never deserved the vile name of cannibals. Their humane and docile temper on this point distinguished them even then from the greater part of the Indians on this continent. These reflections occupied me until far into the night.

The next day, on awaking, I believed there would no longer remain about my tent a vestige of the preceding night's meal. I flattered myself that when the fumes of liquor had been dissipated, and the excitement inseparable from such an affair having been quieted, their brains would have become more calm and their hearts more human. I did not know the Ottawa nature and inclination. It was from choice -- for the sake of delicacy, of daintiness -- that they fed on human flesh. From the break of day they had had nothing so urgent as the re-commencing of their execrable cooking. Already they were awaiting only the longed-for moment when they could satisfy their more than canine hunger by devouring the wretched remains of their enemy's body.

There were three Missionaries devoted to the service of the Indians. During the whole campaign, our quarters were common, our decisions unanimous, our measures harmonious, and our wishes perfectly in accord. This understanding served to alleviate the hardships inseparable from a military journey. After having consulted together, we all deemed that the respect due to the sacredness of our mysteries did not permit us to celebrate, in the center of barbarism, the sacrifice of the Lamb without spot; and the more so, as these people, devoted to the most grotesque superstitions, might take advantage of our most solemn ceremonies to make them the substance, or even the ornament, of their trickeries. On this ground, we abandoned that place, condemned by so many abominations, to bury ourselves in the woods. I could not make this move without separating myself somewhat from my Abenakis. It seemed that I was authorized in doing so; still I almost had reason to regret my first camping-place.

I was no sooner settled in my new abode than I saw reviving in the hearts of my Neophytes their eagerness to come to Confession. The crowd increased so much that I had difficulty in satisfying their enthusiasm. These occupations, joined to the other duties of my Office, filled some of my days so full that they passed by almost without my perceiving it. How happy should I have been if I could have given myself only to such worthy duties.

While many of my Abenakis were striving like Christians for reconciliation and favor with God, others were seeking, in reckless fashion, to excite his anger and provoke his vengeance. An appetite for liquor is the favorite passion, the universal weakness of all the Indian Tribes; and unfortunately there are only too many hands eager to pour liquor out for them, in spite of divine and human laws. Unquestionably, the presence of the Missionary, by the influence due to his character, prevents many disorders.

For reasons that I have related above, I was somewhat distant from my people; I was separated from them by a little wood. I could not think of passing through it at night, to go to see if good order were reigning in their camp, without being exposed to some sinister adventure, not only on the part of the Iroquois attached to the English army, -- who, at the entrance of the camp, a few days before, had torn off the scalp of one of our grenadiers, -- but also on the part of our own idolaters, on whom experience had taught me that we could not depend. Some Young Abenakis, joined with Indians of different Tribes, took advantage of my absence and the darkness of the night to go noiselessly to steal some liquor from the French tents. After they were in possession of their precious treasure, they hurried to make use of it; and soon their brains were upset. Indian drunkenness is rarely quiet, nearly always boisterous.

This time it burst forth instantly into songs, dances, and noise; and it ended with blows. At daybreak it was at the height of its wildness; this was the first news brought to me on awaking. I promptly ran to the place from where the tumult proceeded. There everything was in alarm and agitation. This was the work of the drunken men. Everything was soon restored to order by the docility of my people. I took them without ceremony by the hand, one after another, and led them unresisting to their tents, where I ordered them to rest.

The tumult seemed to be quieted, when a Mohegan, naturalized and adopted by the Abenakis Tribe, renewed the uproar in a more serious manner; after having had words with an Iroquois, they came to blows. The Mohegan, who was more vigorous, having thrown his adversary to the ground, dealt him a storm of blows, and tore with his teeth his enemy's shoulders. The contest was at the hottest point when I reached them; I could not obtain other help than that of my own arms to separate the contestants, the Indians fearing each other too much to intrude in disputes among themselves. But my strength did not correspond to the greatness of the undertaking, and the victor was too excited to release his prey immediately. I was tempted to let these furious creatures be punished by their own hands for their drinking; but I feared that the scene might be stained with blood by the death of one of the champions.

I redoubled my efforts, and by force of shaking the Abenaki, he at last perceived that he was being shaken; then he turned his head, but it was only with much difficulty that he recognized me. Still, he did not recover his senses; he needed a few moments to come to himself, after which he gave the Iroquois full liberty to escape, which the Iroquois readily did.

After having taken measures to prevent the renewal of the affair, I went away, more fatigued than you could believe by the efforts that I had just made; but I was soon forced to renew them. I was informed that a company of my warriors assembled on the shore, near the boats in which the supply of gunpowder was located, were amusing themselves with firing their guns. They did this in spite of the guard, and even in contempt of the orders, or rather the prayers, of the Officers; for the Indian is his own Master and his own King, and he takes with him everywhere his independence. This time, I did not have to struggle against drunkenness; it was only a question of curbing the inconsiderate youthfulness of a few reckless creatures; therefore, my resolution was quickly formed. Imagine a crowd of pupils who fear the gaze of their masters. Such were in my presence those formidable warriors; they disappeared at my approach, to the great astonishment of the French. With difficulty, I was able to overtake one of them, of whom I asked in an indignant tone if he were weary of life or if he had plotted our destruction.

He answered in a subdued tone: "No, my Father."

"So then," I added, "were you exposing yourselves and also us to be blown into the air, by the explosion of the gunpowder?"

"Accuse us of ignorance," he replied, "but not with malice; we were not aware that it was so near." It was a great deal that he was willing to descend to a justification, and still more that he was willing to stop his dangerous joking, which he did immediately.

The inaction to which I saw our Christian Indians condemned, joined to their association with so many idolatrous Tribes, made me tremble, not for Religion, but for their conduct. I longed for the day when the necessary preparations for the expedition should be at last completed, so that we might be able to move. When the mind is occupied, the heart is in greater safety.

At last the moment so much desired arrived. Sir de Levis, at the head of three thousand men, had made the journey by land, on Friday the 29th of July, so that he might protect the descent of the army that was to go by water. His march had none of those facilities that are furnished in Europe by those great roads, made with a Royal magnificence, for the convenience of troops. Here were dense forests to pierce, steep mountains to climb, muddy swamps to traverse. After a forced march of a whole day, it was a great thing if they found themselves advanced 7 miles; so that five days were needed to make 30 miles. On account of these obstacles, which had been well foreseen, the departure of this body had preceded our own by a few days. It was on Sunday that we embarked with the Indians alone, who made a body of perhaps 1200 men, the rest having gone by land.

We had hardly made 10 or 12 miles on the lake before we observed painful signs of our late victory; these were the abandoned English barges, which, after having floated a long time at the Will of the winds and waves, had at last run aground on the beach. But the most striking spectacle was a somewhat large number of English bodies stretched out on the shore, or scattered in the woods. Some were cut into pieces, and nearly all were mutilated in the most frightful manner.

It would have been consoling to me to procure burial for these wretched remains of our enemies; but it was only by favor that we had landed in this bay. It was a necessity for us to resume immediately our journey according to the orders, which urged us to go on. About evening, we landed at the place which had been assigned to us for a camp. It was a shore overspread with brambles and briers and was the haunt of an immense number of rattlesnakes. Our Indians, who chased them, caught several, which they brought to me.

If ever there was a venomous reptile, this is one. It has a head the smallness of which does not correspond with the size of its body; its skin is sometimes regularly spotted with deep black and pale yellow; at other times it is entirely black. It is not armed with any sting, but its teeth are extremely Sharp. It has a quick and shining eye, it has under the tail several little horny pieces which it raises high and shakes violently against one another when it is irritated. The noise resulting from this has given rise to the name by which it is known. Its gall, smoke-dried, is a specific for toothache. Its flesh, also smoke-dried and reduced to powder, is considered an excellent medicine to reduce fever. Salt moistened with saliva and applied to the wound is a certain remedy for its bite, of which the venom is so active that it causes death in less than an hour.

The next day, about four o'clock in the afternoon, Sir de Montcalm arrived with the rest of the army. We had to continue our way, despite a deluge of rain that drenched us. We marched nearly the whole night, until we distinguished the camp of Sir de Levis by three fires placed triangularly on the top of a mountain. We halted at this place, where a general council was held, after which the land troops began again to march toward fort George, only 10 miles away. It was not until about noon that we again entered our canoes. We paddled slowly, to give the boats loaded with artillery time to follow us. They were far from being able to do it.

By evening, we were more than a full 2 miles ahead. However, as we had come to a bay the point of which we could not double without wholly exposing ourselves to the enemy, we decided to spend the night there, while waiting for new orders. It was marked by an unimportant fight, which was the prelude to the siege.

About eleven o'clock, two barges, which had left the fort, appeared on the lake. They were sailing with a confidence and composure which they soon gave up. One of my neighbors, who was watching over the general safety, caught sight of them at a considerable distance. The news was carried to all the Indians, and preparations for receiving them were concluded with admirable activity and silence. I was at once called upon to attend to my own safety by going to the land, and from there to the heart of the woods. It was not from a bravery inappropriate to a man of my profession that I turned a deaf ear to the advice which they had the goodness to give me; but I did not think the matter serious, because I thought that I had reason to doubt the truth of the news.

Four hundred boats or canoes, which for two days had covered the surface of lake George, made too great a show to have escaped the watchful and far-sighted eyes of an enemy. Holding this opinion, I had difficulty in persuading myself that two barges would have the audacity to appear before them; I was arguing, and it was only necessary to open my eyes. One of my friends, a witness of everything, warned me again, in a tone too serious for me not to yield, that I was out of place. He was right.

All the Missionaries were together on a somewhat large boat. A tent had been put on this to protect us from the injurious effects of the air during the nights, which in that climate were somewhat chilly; this awning, therefore set up, made in the air a sort of shadow that was easily discovered by the light of the stars. Eager to inquire into it, the English steered directly toward us. To take such a course and to own to death was almost the same thing. Few would have escaped it, if, fortunately for them, a slight circumstance had not betrayed us a few moments too soon. A sheep belonging to our people began to bleat; at this cry, which disclosed the ambush, the enemy faced about, steered for the opposite shore, and plied their oars so they could escape under cover of the darkness and the woods. This maneuver being immediately understood, what was to be done?

Twelve hundred Indians began to move, and flew in pursuit of them, with yells as terrifying by their duration as by their number. Still, both sides seemed at first to respect each other; not a single gunshot was fired. The aggressors, not having had time to form themselves, were fearful of shooting each other; and they wished to take prisoners. The fugitives were using their arms in accelerating their flight. They had nearly reached their point when the Indians, who perceived that their prey was escaping them, fired. The English, pressed too closely by some canoes in advance, were forced to answer. Soon a gloomy silence followed all this uproar. We were in expectation of success when a pretended brave did himself honor by a fabulous Account of the combat, at which he had not been present. He began by asserting that the action had been deadly for the Abenakis.

That was sufficient to make me set out. Supplied with the Holy Oils, I leaped hastily into a canoe to go to meet the combatants; and at every instant, I implored my guides to make all possible haste. There was no need. I met an Abenaki, who -- better informed, because he had been braver -- told me that this deadly action had ended with one Nipissing killed and another wounded in the boarding. I did not wait for the rest of his story; I hurried to rejoin our people, to cede my place to Sir Mathavet, the Missionary of the Nipissing Tribe. I was arriving by water when Sir de Montcalm -- who, at the report of the Musketry, had landed a little above -- came through the woods; he learned that I had come with news from the place, and asked assistance of me that he might better understand the affair; my Abenaki, whom I recalled, gave him a short report of the combat. The darkness of the night did not permit us to learn the number of the enemy's dead; their barge had been seized and three men had been taken prisoner. The rest were wandering at random in the woods. Sir de Montcalm, delighted with these details, retired, so he could, with his accustomed prudence, consider the operations of the next day.

The day had hardly begun to dawn when the group from the Nipissing Tribe proceeded to the funeral ceremony of their brother who had been killed on the spot in the action of the preceding night. These funeral rites were celebrated with all Indian pomp and splendor. The body had been adorned with all the ornaments that the most whimsical vanity could use on occasions sad enough in themselves; wampum necklaces, silver bracelets, ear and nose rings, magnificent garments, -- everything had been lavished on him; they had borrowed the aid of Paint and red pigment to make the paleness of death disappear under these brilliant colors, and give the face an air of life that it did not possess. None of the decorations of a military Indian had been forgotten: a collar, tied with a flame-colored ribbon, hung carelessly over his breast; the gun resting on his arm, and the war-club in his belt; the calumet (tobacco pipe) in the mouth, the lance in the hand; at his side the kettle, filled. In this lifelike and war-like attitude they had seated him on an eminence covered with grass, which served as a bed of state. The Indians, ranged in a circle around the body, maintained for a few moments a gloomy silence, which somewhat resembled grief. The Orator broke this by pronouncing the funeral Oration for the dead; then followed chants and dances, accompanied with the sound of tambourines set around with little bells. In all this appeared an indescribable sadness, sufficiently in accordance with a mournful ceremony. At last, the funeral rites were finished by interring the dead man, with whom they took good care to bury an abundant supply of provisions, fearing that for lack of food he might die a second time. It is not as an eye-witness that I speak; the presence of a Missionary would hardly be in keeping with this sort of ceremony, which is dictated by superstition and adopted by a stupid credulity; I am indebted to the spectators for this account.

Meanwhile, the bay in which we had anchored resounded on all sides with noises of war. Everyone was in motion and action. Our artillery, which consisted of thirty-two guns and five mortars, put on platforms which had been laid on boats fastened together, took the lead. In passing the tongue of land which concealed us from the sight of the enemy, we took care to salute the fort by firing a volley -- which was, to begin with, but mere ceremony, but which announced more serious volleys. The rest of the little fleet followed, but slowly.

Already a body of Indians had established their camp in the rear of fort George, or on the way to fort Lydis, to cut off all communication between the two English forts. The force of Sir de Levis occupied the defiles of the mountains, which led to the place chosen for our landing. Favored by such wise measures, our descent was made without opposition to a good mile below the fort. The enemy had too many affairs of their own to undertake throwing obstacles in our way. They were expecting anything rather than a siege; but I hardly know from what cause their confidence sprang.

The vicinity of the forts was occupied by a multitude of tents, which at our arrival were still standing. We observed there a number of barracks, well fitted to favor the besiegers. The enemy had to clear the outworks, take down the tents and burn the barracks; these movements could not be made without their being exposed to many volleys on the part of the Indians, who are always ready to use the advantages that are given to them. Their fire would have been move active and more deadly if another object had not attracted part of their attention. Herds of cattle and horses, which the enemy had not had time to put in safety, were roving on the lowlands situated in the neighborhood of the fort. The Indians at once gave their whole attention to chasing these animals; a hundred and fifty oxen killed or taken, and fifty horses, were the first fruits of this little war; but this was only one of the precursors and preparations of the siege.

Fort George was a square flanked by four bastions; the curtain-walls had pointed stakes projecting in an inclined position, the ditches were dug to the depth of eighteen or twenty feet, and the scarp and counter-scarp were embanked with moving Sand. The walls were formed of large pine-trees, filled in with earthwork, and sustained by extremely heavy stakes; this gave them a top platform of fifteen to eighteen feet, which they had taken care to sand entirely. Four or five hundred men defended the fort, with the aid of nineteen guns -- two of which were of thirty-six, the others of less caliber, -- and with four or five mortars. The place was not protected by any other outwork than a fortified rock faced with palisades secured by heaps of stones. The garrison consisted of seventeen hundred men, and continually relieved that of the fort. The chief defense of this entrenchment was its position, which overlooked the surrounding country, and which was accessible to artillery only on the side of the fort, as mountains and swamps skirted the different avenues leading to it. Such was fort George, according to the information which I gained on the spot after the surrender of the place; it was not possible to besiege it and entirely block all the ways to it.

Six thousand Frenchmen or Canadians and seventeen hundred Indians, who formed our whole force, were not sufficient for the immense amount of ground that it would have been necessary to encircle to succeed in this; hardly would twenty thousand men have been able to do it. Accordingly, the enemy always possessed a back door by which they could slip into the woods, -- which could have served them as an advantageous resource if they had not had the Indians in front: but a person rarely escapes from their hands in this way. Besides, the quarters of the Indians were placed on the Lydis road, -- so close to the neighborhood of the woods, and where they were so often on the scout, that it would have been risking life to seek sanctuary in that direction.

At a short distance were quartered the Canadians, holding the summit of the mountains, and always in condition to assist the Indians. Lastly the regular troops who came from France -- to whom properly belonged the hardships of the siege -- occupied the edge of the wood, near the ground where the trenches were to be opened; then followed the reserve, composed of sufficient troops to protect it from every attack.

These arrangements having been made, Sir de Montcalm sent to the enemy some propositions, which would have spared them much blood and many tears had they been accepted. The summons was couched in nearly the following words, and was addressed to Sir Moreau, Commandant of the fort in the name of His Britannic Majesty.

"Sir: I have come with troops sufficient to carry the place you hold, and to cut off all aid which might come to you from elsewhere. I number among my soldiers a crowd of Indian Tribes, whom the least shedding of blood might exasperate to the point of rooting out in them forever all feelings of moderation and clemency. Love of humanity urges me to summon you to yield at a time when it will not be impossible for me to make them agree to terms honorable for you and advantageous for all. I have, etc. Signed, Montcalm."

The bearer of the letter was Sir Fontbrane, Aide-de-camp of Sir de Levis. He was received by the English Officers, several of whom were his acquaintances, with a politeness from which the laws of honor excuse no person when he makes war like an honest man. But this favorable reception decided nothing as to the surrender of the fort, as was shown by the answer. Here it is:

"the General Montcalm: I am especially obliged to you for the kind offers that you make me, but I cannot accept them. I am little afraid of barbarity; besides, I have under my orders Soldiers who are determined, like myself, to die or to conquer. I have, etc. Signed, Moreau."

The arrogance of this answer was soon proclaimed by the noise of a volley from the enemy's artillery. We were far from being in condition to reply immediately. Before we were able to plant a cannon battery, it was necessary to drag our cannons for a full mile over rocks and through the forests. Thanks to the voracity of the Indians, we did not have the aid of any of our beasts of burden; being weary of Salt meat, they had not hesitated to seize these animals and feast on them some days previously, without considering anything but their own appetite. But, instead of that aid, so many hands lent themselves to the toil that obstacles were soon conquered and removed, and the work brought to completion.

During all this commotion, I was staying near the Hospital, where I hoped to be within call so that I might perform the duties of my office for the dying and for the dead. I remained there some time without having the least news of my Indians. This silence disturbed me; I had a great desire to assemble them once more, so I could bring them all to feelings approved by religion. Then I decided to go in search of them. The trip had its difficulties and dangers, in addition to its length; I had to pass near the trenches, where a Soldier -- occupied in marveling at the extraordinary effect of a cannon-ball on a tree -- was soon himself, at a few steps from me, the victim of his own indiscretion.

In making my way, I was struck by the manner with which the French and the Canadians bore themselves in the difficult and dangerous labor to which they had been assigned. On seeing the joyous manner with which they carried to the trenches the fascines and the gabions, you would have taken them for men invulnerable to the rapid and continual fire of the enemy. I went through all the quarters, finding only a few platoons of Abenakis scattered here and there; I therefore returned from my trip without having any other merit than that of good Will.

Thus separated from my people, I could scarcely be of great use to them; but at least my services in behalf of a Mahican prisoner were of some use; his Tribe is friendly to England, and almost wholly under her authority. He was a man whose appearance was neither prepossessing nor pleasing. A head enormous in its size, with small eyes, a bulky and ponderous corpulence joined to a stunted stature, large and short legs, all these marks and many others would have given him a just title to be classed among deformed men; but, although disfigured by nature, he was no less a man; still he was the victim of his repulsive appearance, as well as of his unhappy fortune.

He was tied to the trunk of a tree, where his grotesque figure attracted the inquisitive attention of the passersby; yells were not spared in the beginning, but the bad treatment came afterward, -- to such a degree, that by a blow, roughly dealt, one of his eyes was nearly torn from its socket. This shocked me; I went to the help of the distressed man, from whom I drove away all the spectators, with a tone of authority which I would never have dared to take had I been less impressible to his misfortune. I stood guard by his side part of the day; finally I succeeded in interesting the Indians (his masters) in his favor, so that there was no longer need of my presence to shield him from persecution. I hardly know if he were conscious of my services, -- a dull glance was all that I could obtain from him.

There were other people whose fate was also to be pitied. Every day, Indian activity and bravery multiplied the prisoners, -- that is, the wretched. It was not possible for the enemy to take a step beyond the fort without being exposed either to captivity or to death, so alert were the Indians. You may judge of it by this single account. An English woman ventured to go to gather vegetables in a kitchen-garden almost adjoining the trenches. Her boldness cost her dear; an Indian concealed in a bed of cabbages perceived her, and with his gun killed her on the spot. The enemy had no opportunity of coming to take away her body; the victor, still concealed, kept guard all day long, and took off her scalp.

Meanwhile, all the Indian Tribes were weary of the silence of our "great muskets," -- it is how they designate our cannon; they were anxious to no longer alone bear the brunt of the war. In order, therefore, to satisfy them, it was necessary to hurry the work on the entrenchments, and plant our first battery. The first time when it was fired there were cries of joy, and all the mountains resounded with the uproar. It was not necessary during the whole course of the siege to make great efforts to be aware of the success of our artillery; the shouts of the Indians every moment brought news of it to all the quarters. I thought seriously of leaving mine; the inaction to which I was condemned there, on account of the separation from my Neophytes, influenced me in this; but, before this change, we had to endure a great fright.

The frequent journeys that the enemy had made to their boats during the day had aroused suspicions that they were getting ready for some decisive blow. The report spread that their plan was to come to set fire to our supplies of food and ammunition; and Sir de Launay, Captain of Grenadiers in a French Regiment, was ordered to watch over the safety of the boats in which these were stored. The preparations that he had made, as a man who knew his profession, almost led us to regret that the enemy did not show themselves. When this alarm was dispelled, I rejoined my Abenakis, with the purpose of not separating myself from them again in the whole course of the campaign. No other remarkable event took place for some days, unless it were the eagerness and the activity with which the work on the entrenchments was advanced. The second battery was placed in two days. This was a new holiday which the Indians celebrated in military fashion. They were continually around our gunners whose dexterity they admired. But their admiration was neither inactive nor fruitless.

They wished to try everything, so as to make themselves more useful. They aspired to become gunners and one of the number distinguished himself; after having himself pointed his gun, he shot accurately into the reentrant angle that had been assigned to him for a mark. But he refused to repeat it, despite the requests of the French, -- alleging as reason for his refusal that, having attained in his first attempt that degree of perfection to which he could aspire, he should not hazard his fame by a second trial. But the cause of their chief astonishment was those several zigzags which, forming the different branches of a trench, are so many covered ways, useful for protecting the besiegers against the guns of the besieged. They examined with an eager curiosity how our French grenadiers proceeded to give to this sort of work the perfection which it required. Having been taught by their eyes, they soon tried their hands at the practical part.

Armed with shovels and pickaxes they were seen making a covered way to the fortified rock, the attack on which had fallen to their lot. They pushed it forward so well that they were soon within gunshot. Sir de Villiers, brother of Sir de Jumonville, -- an Officer whose mere name is a eulogy, -- improved these advances by coming, at the head of a Body of Canadians, to attack the outer entrenchments. The action was Sharp, disputed for a long time, and deadly for the enemy. They were driven from their first position, and it is to be presumed that the great entrenchments would have been carried that day if their capture could have decided the surrender of the fort. Every day was marked by some Splendid act on the part of the French, the Canadians, and the Indians.

Meanwhile, the enemy were continually sustained by the hope of speedy aid. A little event that happened at this time, ought to have diminished their confidence. Our scouts met in the woods three messengers coming from Fort Lydis; they killed the first, took the second, and the third escaped by his swiftness in running. They seized a letter put into a hollow ball and so well concealed on the body of the dead man that it would have escaped the scrutiny of any other than that of a military man who knows this sort of stratagem of war. The letter was signed by the Commandant of Fort Lydis and addressed to the Commandant of Fort George. It contained in substance the deposition of a Canadian, taken prisoner on the first night of our arrival.

According to his declaration, our army numbered eleven thousand men, and the Corps of our Indians two thousand; and our artillery was most formidable. There was a mistake in this estimating. Our forces were in this letter exaggerated far beyond the truth. This error should not be attributed to fraud and deceit; before this war, the most numerous armies of Canada had scarcely exceeded eight hundred men; surprise and astonishment magnify objects to eyes unaccustomed to see large ones. During this campaign, I have been witness of greater mistakes of this kind. The Commandant of Lydis concluded his letter by telling his colleague that the interests of the King not permitting him to dismantle his fort, the other had better capitulate, and procure as advantageous conditions as possible.

Sir de Montcalm did not think that he could put this letter to better use than to forward it as addressed, by the messenger who had fallen living into our hands. He received from the English Officer thanks, accompanied by the modest request that he would continue to him, for a long time, the same civilities. Such a compliment either partook of the nature of trifling, or it promised a long resistance. The actual state of the fort did not indicate this: part of its batteries dismounted and out of service, through the success of our own; the fear prevalent among the besieged, who were now retained as soldiers only by means of a liberal supply of rum; and lastly, the frequent desertions, -- all these tokens announced its approaching fall. Such, at least, was the general opinion of the deserters, the number of whom would have been much greater than it was if the Indian troops had not multiplied the dangers of desertion.

I had hardly returned from a trip to the hospital, which had cost me a walk of 7 miles, when I perceived a general commotion in all the quarters of our camp. Every Corps was in motion, -- French, Canadians, and Indians; all were running to arms, all were preparing to fight. A reported arrival of the help so long expected by the enemy had produced this sudden and general activity. In this moment of alarm, Sir de Montcalm attended to the safety of our entrenchments, the service of our batteries, and the defense of our boats. He then went to take his place again at the head of the army.

I was sitting calmly at the door of my tent, from which I saw the troops marching by, when one of my Abenakis came to disturb my tranquility. Without any ceremony, he said to me: "My father, you have promised us that even at the peril of your life you would not hesitate to give us the help of your ministrations; could our wounded come to you here across the mountains which separate you from the place of combat? We are going away, and we expect the performance of your promises." So energetic an appeal made me forget my fatigue. I hurried my steps; I made my way through the regular troops; finally, after a forced march, I reached a piece of ground where my people, at the head of all the Corps, were awaiting the combat. I immediately sent a few of them to collect those who were scattered. I was prepared to suggest to them religious acts suitable to the circumstances, and to confer upon them a general absolution at the approach of the enemy; but the enemy did not appear.

Sir de Montcalm contrived a stratagem; he decided to order the French and the Canadians to fight with each other a mock battle. The Indians, concealed in the woods, were to face the enemy, who would make a vigorous sally. The solution laid before our Iroquois was an admirable craftiness; but they pleaded that the day was too far advanced. The rest of the Indians vainly challenged this opinion, but the excuse was judged admissible, and accepted; therefore each one went back to his place without having seen anything but the preparations for a combat. Finally, the next day, -- the eve of Saint Lawrence's day, and the seventh day after our arrival, -- the entrenchments having been pushed forward as far as the gardens, we prepared to plant our third and last battery. The proximity of the Fort led us to hope that in three or four days we should be able to make a general assault, by means of a suitable breach; but the enemy spared us the trouble and the danger; they hoisted a French flag, and asked to capitulate.

We are near the surrender of the fort and the bloody catastrophe which followed. Doubtless every corner of Europe has resounded with this sad occurrence, as with a crime the hatred of which falls back on the Nation and disgraces it. I shall relate only facts of such incontestable publicity and authenticity that I could support them by the testimony of even the English Officers, who were the witnesses and victims of them.

Sir de Montcalm thought that he ought, before consenting to any terms, to take the opinion of all the Indian Tribes, to appease them, and to render the treaty unbreakable by their assent. He assembled all the chiefs, to whom he communicated the conditions of capitulation, which granted to the enemy the right of going out of the fort with all the honors of war; and imposed on them, with the obligation of not serving against the King of France for eighteen months, the obligation of restoring liberty to all Canadians taken in this war. All these articles were universally approved: stamped with the seal of general approval, the treaty was signed by the Generals of the two Crowns. Accordingly, the French army, in order of battle, advanced to the fort to take possession of it in the name of the King of France; while the English troops, ranged in good order, went out to take refuge until the next day in the entrenchments. Their march was not marked by any contravention of the law of nations; but the Indians lost no time in violating it.

During the military ceremony which accompanied taking possession, crowds of them had penetrated into the fort through the gun-ports, so they could pillage what we had agreed to give up to them, but they were not content with pillaging. A few sick soldiers had remained in the bunkers, their condition not permitting them to follow their fellow-countrymen in the honorable retreat. These were the victims upon whom they pitilessly rushed, and whom they sacrificed to their cruelty. I was a witness of this spectacle. I saw one of these Indians come out of the bunkers into which nothing less than an insatiable eagerness for blood could make anyone enter, so unbearable was the stench which exhaled from them. He carried in his hand a human head, from which trickled streams of blood, and which he displayed as the most Splendid prize that he could have secured.

This was only a faint prelude to the cruel tragedy of the next day. At the dawn of day, the Indians reassembled about the entrenchments. They began by asking the English for goods, provisions, -- for all the riches that their greedy eyes could see; but these demands were made in a tone that foretold a blow with a spear as the price of a refusal. The English plundered themselves, and reduced themselves to nothing, so they might buy life by this general renunciation. Such compliance ought to soften any heart; but the heart of the Indian does not seem to be made like that of other men: you would say that it is the seat of inhumanity.

The body of four hundred men of the French troops, selected to protect the retreat of the enemy, arrived, and drew up in a line on both sides. The English began to defile. Woe to all those who brought up the rear, or to stragglers separated, however little, from the troop. They were so many dead whose bodies soon strewed the ground and covered the enclosure of the entrenchments. This butchery, which in the beginning was the work of only a few Indians, was the signal which made nearly all of them so many ferocious beasts. They struck, right and left, heavy blows of the hatchet on those who fell into their hands. However, the massacre was not of long continuance, or so great as such fury gave us cause to fear; the number of men killed was hardly more than forty or fifty. The patience of the English, who were content to bend the head under the sword of their executioners, did not bring the tormentors to reason and equity. Continually uttering loud cries, these began to take them prisoners.

In the midst of all this, I arrived. No, I do not believe that anyone can be a man and be insensible in such sorrowful circumstances. The son torn from the arms of the father, the daughter snatched from the bosom of the mother, the husband separated from the wife; Officers stripped even to their shirts, without regard for their rank or for decency; a crowd of unfortunate people who were running at random, -- some toward the woods, some toward the French tents; these toward the fort, others to every place that seemed to promise a sanctuary, -- such were the pitiable objects that were presented to my sight; still the French were not inactive and insensible spectators of the catastrophe.

Sir de Levis was running wherever the tumult appeared the most violent, attempting to stop it. A thousand times he faced death. The French Officers and the Canadians imitated his example; but the main part of our troops, occupied in guarding our batteries and the fort, was, on account of the distance, unable to give them aid. Of what help could four hundred men be against about fifteen hundred furious Indians who were not distinguishing us from the enemy? One of our Sergeants, who had strongly opposed their violence, was thrown to the ground by a blow from a spear. One of our French Officers, in reward for the same fervor, received a severe wound which brought him to the gate of death; besides, in this time of alarm people did not know in what direction to turn. Measures which seemed dictated by the greatest prudence led to disastrous and sinister ends.

Sir de Montcalm -- who was not told of the affair for some time, on account of the distance to his tent -- came at the first notice to the place of the uproar, with a swiftness which showed the goodness and nobility of his heart. He seemed to be in several places at once, he would reappear, he was everywhere; he used prayers, menaces, promises; he tried everything, and at last resorted to force. He thought it due to the birth and the merits of the Colonel Yonn to rescue his nephew, with authority and with violence, from the hands of an Indian; but his deliverance cost the life of some prisoners, whom their tyrants immediately massacred, through fear of a similar vigorous act. Meanwhile, the tumult was continually increasing, when happily someone thought of calling out to the English, who formed a large body, to hurry their march. This forced march had its effect; the Indians -- partly through the futility of their pursuit, partly satisfied with their captures -- retired; the few who remained were easily dispersed. The English continued their way in peace to fort Lydis, where they arrived -- numbering, at first, only three or four hundred. I do not know the number of those who, having gained the woods, were fortunate enough to reach the fort by the help of a cannon which our people took care to fire, for several days, to guide them. The remainder of the garrison, however, had not perished by the sword, neither were they suffering under the weight of chains. Many of them had found safety in the French tents, or in the fort, where I went, after the disorder had been quieted. A crowd of women came and, with tears and groans surrounding me, threw themselves at my feet; they kissed the hem of my robe, uttering from time to time lamentable cries that pierced my heart. It was not in my power to dry up the source of their tears; they asked the return of their sons, their daughters, their husbands, whose capture they were deploring.

A French Officer informed me that a Huron, at that time in his camp, was in possession of an infant six months old, whose death was certain if I did not immediately go to its rescue. I did not hesitate. I ran hurriedly to the tent of the Indian, in whose arms I perceived the innocent victim, who was tenderly kissing the hands of its captor and playing with some wampum necklaces that adorned him. I began by flattering the Huron, with all the eulogies that truth could permit me to give to the bravery of his Tribe. He understood me at once: "Here," said he to me civilly, "do you see this infant? I have not stolen it; I found it deserted in a hedge; you wish it, but you will not have it."

It was in vain that I pointed out to him the uselessness of his prisoner, its certain death for lack of food suitable to the tenderness of its age; he showed me some tallow with which he would feed it, adding that after all, in case of death, he would find a spot for burying it, and that I should then be free to give it my blessing. I replied to his remarks by making an offer to give him a comparatively large sum of money if he would relinquish his little captive, but he persisted in the negative; afterward, he unbent so far as to exact in exchange another Englishman. If he had in no way diminished his claims, the life of the Child would have been lost. I believed the death-sentence already pronounced, but then I perceived that the man was consulting in Huron with his companions; until then, the conversation had been held in French, which he understood. This conference made a ray of hope dawn on my eyes: this hope was not deceived.

The result was that the infant belonged to me, if I would hand over to him an enemy's scalp. The proposition did not embarrass me: "It will soon be seen," I replied to him on rising, "if you are a man of honor." I set out in haste for the camp of the Abenakis. I asked the first one I met if he were the possessor of any scalp, and if he would do me the favor of giving it to me. I had every reason to rejoice at his readiness to oblige me; he untied his bag, and gave me my choice. Supplied with one of those barbarous trophies, I carried it in triumph, followed by a crowd of French and Canadians eager to know the outcome of the adventure. In a moment, I was with my Huron. "Here," said I on meeting him, "here is your payment."

"You are right," he answered me, "it is an English scalp, for it is red." It is this color which more commonly designates the English Colonists of these districts. "Well then! here is the infant, take it away; it belongs to you."

I did not give him time to withdraw from his agreement. I immediately took into my hands the little unfortunate creature. As it was nearly naked, I wrapped it up in my robe. It was not accustomed to be carried by hands so unskillful as mine. The poor child uttered cries that told me as well of my clumsiness as of its sufferings; but I consoled myself with the hope of soon quieting it, by holding it out to more tender hands. I reached the fort; at the cries of the little one, all the women came to me hurriedly. Each one hoped to find the object of her maternal tenderness.

They examined it eagerly; but neither the eyes nor the heart of any of them recognized in it her son. They withdrew apart, to give again free vent to their suffering and lamentation. I found myself in no slight embarrassment by this retreat, separated as I was 100 or 125 miles from any French dwelling: how was it possible to feed a Child of so tender an age? I was buried in my reflections when I saw an English Officer, who spoke the French language well, pass by. I said to him in a decided tone: "Sir, I have just rescued this infant from slavery, but it Will not escape death unless you order one of these women to take the place of its mother and nurse it, until I can provide for having it brought up elsewhere." The French Officers who were present seconded my request. Then he spoke to those English women. One of them offered to render this service if I would answer for her life and that of her husband, be responsible for their maintenance, and have them taken to Boston by way of Montreal. I immediately accepted the proposal; I asked Sir du Bourg-la-Marque to detach three Grenadiers for the purpose of escorting my English people as far as the camp of the Canadians, where I hoped to find help in fulfilling my new engagements; that worthy Officer responded to my request with kindness.

I was preparing to leave the fort when the father of the infant was found; he had been wounded by the explosion of a shell, and was unable to help himself; he could only agree with pleasure in the arrangements that I had made for the safety of his son. Accordingly I set out, accompanied by my English people under the safeguard of three grenadiers. After a fatiguing, but safe, walk of two hours, we came to the place where the Canadians were encamped.

We were hardly at the first entrance to the camp when a quick and Sharp cry suddenly struck my ears; was it grief? was it joy? It was all that and much more; for it was the mother, who from far away had recognized her son, so clear-sighted are the eyes of maternal tenderness. She ran up with a haste which showed what she was to that Child. She snatched it from the hands of the English woman, with an eagerness that seemed to indicate her fear in case it should be taken away from her a second time. It is easy to imagine the joy to which she abandoned herself, especially when she was assured of the life and liberty of her husband, to whom she thought she had spoken her last farewells; their happiness lacked only their reunion. I believed that I owed that also to the completion of my work.

I again took the way to the fort. My strength scarcely sufficed for me to reach it; it was more than an hour after noon, and I had taken no food, so I nearly fainted on arriving there. The politeness and benevolence of the French Officers soon helped me to continue my good work. I sent for the Englishman in question, but for several hours the search was unsuccessful.

The suffering from his wound had caused him to retire into the most solitary part of the fort, so he could obtain some rest; at last, he was found. I was preparing to lead him away, when his wife and Child appeared. Orders had been given to collect all the English scattered through the different quarters, to the number of nearly five hundred, and conduct them to the fort, so that their food could be more certainly supplied until they could be taken to Albany; this last was successfully accomplished some days afterward. Hearty thanks were given me, not only by those interested, but also by the English Officers, who had the goodness to repeat them to me more than once.

I should not pass over the reward that the other English woman received for her kindness, she who had to serve as mother to the infant in the absence of the true mother; Providence brought about for her through the agency of Sir Picquet the recovery of her son, who had been unfairly taken from her. I remained a few days longer in the vicinity of the fort where my ministrations were not fruitless, -- either to some prisoners, whose chains I was happy enough to break; or to some French Officers whose lives were threatened by Indian drunkenness, and whom I succeeded in protecting.

Such were the circumstances of the unfortunate expedition which dishonored the bravery that the Indians had displayed throughout the course of the siege, and which have made even their services burdensome to us. They pretend to justify their deeds, -- the Abenakis, by the law of retaliation, alleging that more than once in the midst of peace, or of conferences, their warriors had come to death by treacherous blows in the English Forts of Acadia. I have neither the ability nor the information that would permit me to judge a Nation, which, although our enemy, is not on that account less worthy of respect.

We had assigned to the enemy, to guarantee their retreat, an escort of four hundred men, -- some of whom had even been victims of a too lively fervor in repressing the disorder; could we more efficaciously hinder the nonobservance of the treaty? Finally, we went so far as to ransom the English, at great expense, and take them from the hands of the Indians by paying money; so that nearly four hundred of them are in Quebec, ready to embark for Boston. Could we more sincerely make amends for the violation of the treaty? These statements seem to me unanswerable.

The Indians are alone responsible for the infringement of the law of nations; and it is only to their insatiable ferocity and their independence that the cause of it can be attributed. The news of that fatal deed, having spread abroad through the English colonies, produced in them such grief and dread that one single Indian actually dared to go to carry away captives almost at the gates of Albany, without having been disturbed either in his expedition or in his retreat. Therefore the enemy planned no undertaking against us at the time which followed the capture of the fort. The Indians, with the exception of the Abenakis and Nipissings, had disappeared on the day of their wretched expedition; twelve hundred men were occupied in demolishing the fort; and nearly a thousand were employed in transporting the immense supplies of food and ammunition that we had seized. Hardly a handful of men remained to cope with the enemy, if they had assumed the offensive. Their tranquility gave us the opportunity of accomplishing our work. Fort George has been destroyed and razed to the ground and the ruins consumed by fire. It was only during the burning that we comprehended the greatness of the enemy's loss. Bunkers and secret underground passages were found filled with dead bodies, which for several days furnished fresh fuel for the activity of the flames. As for our loss, it consisted of twenty-one dead -- three of whom were Indians -- and of about twenty-five wounded; that was all.

Finally, on the day of the Assumption, I entered a boat going to Montreal; the weather was rainy and cold. This voyage was marked only by the continuity of storms and tempests, which almost submerged one of our barges, and nearly caused its guides to perish. But the anxieties of the journey were alleviated not only by the society of the other Missionaries, but also by that of Sir Fiesch, who was sent to Montreal as a hostage. This Officer, a Swiss by birth, and formerly in the service of France, is one of the most honest men that can be found. During his stay in the midst of the Colony, he served the Nation to which he is bound with a dependability worthy of all praise.

When I arrived at Montreal, I intended to take some necessary rest; but the Indians so increased my occupations there, and these were all so little satisfying to my profession, that I hurried my departure to my Mission. I had another reason to press on; it was to fulfill the promise which I had given to the English Officers, not to spare myself in this village in urging the Indians to make a restitution of the remaining prisoners. It was time to come to begin the work. One of our Canadians, who had escaped from the prisons of New England, was incessantly talking of the bad treatment that he had experienced there; he even reported that an Abenaki, taken in the action of Sir de Dieskau, had perished from hunger that winter in the prisons of Albany. If this report had been noised abroad it might have caused many innocent people to perish. I succeeded in burying it in a profound silence, which furthered the departure of all the English unjustly detained in captivity.

YEAR 1764

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS FROM LOUISIANA. 1764

YOU write me that you were surprised to learn of the arrival at Paris of Jesuits banished from Louisiana by a decree pronounced against them in that colony. You wish to know the reasons for this decree, and what followed its execution. I am familiar with the affair that interests you, and likewise with all that can in any way relate to that. I lived for almost thirty years in Louisiana, and only departed from there at the beginning of this year.

In June, 1763, the Jesuits of New Orleans, the capital of Louisiana, were still between hope and fear as to their future fate. As early as the preceding year, they had seen their enemies distribute with a triumphant air, manuscript copies of the decree given by the Parliament of Paris, August 6, 1761. They finally learned what they were to expect, at the arrival of the ship, which brought, with the news of peace, orders for their destruction.

There came upon the ship Sir d'Albadie, commissary-general of the navy and controller of Louisiana, and with him Sir de la Freniere, procurator-general of the superior council of this colony -- both newly appointed to their positions. The commissary did not delay to notify the superior of the Jesuits of what was brewing against them. "I believe," he said to him, "that the procurator-general is assigned with some order that concerns you." This was a sufficient warning, for anyone who could have understood him; but the Jesuits, too confident, were disposed to believe that, in spite of the example of so many Parliaments of France, nothing would be done against them in Louisiana, and they did not take the slightest precaution about protecting their property.

Proceedings were begun. It was decreed that the Institute of the Jesuits should be brought to the council, to be examined. It was a great undertaking for the council of New Orleans to pronounce upon the Institute of the Jesuits. To these Gentlemen, it was enough to believe themselves well informed. The requisition was announced by the procurator-general; the decree which we are about to report will show what was demanded. The matter came to judgment; it is not certain whether the votes of the councilors-in-ordinary were entirely unanimous, but besides this number there was one vote favorable to the Jesuits; it was that of Sir de Chatillon, lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of Angoumois. In this capacity he had the right to be present at and vote in the council. This worthy old man did not fear to declare himself for those to whom so little protection then remained.

The decree was declared on the 9th of July. It was said that the Institute of the Jesuits was hostile to the royal authority, the rights of the bishops, and the public peace and safety; and that the vows uttered according to this institute were null. It was prohibited to these Jesuits to take that name subsequently, or to wear their customary garb, orders being given them to assume that of priests.

Excepting their books and some clothing, all their property, real and personal, was to be seized and sold at auction. It was decreed that the chapel ornaments and the sacred vessels of New Orleans should be delivered up to the Reverend Capuchin Fathers; that the chapel ornaments and sacred vessels of the Jesuits living in the country of the Illinois should be delivered up to the Royal procurator for that country, and that the chapels should then be demolished; and that, finally, the Jesuits should return to France, embarking upon the first ships ready to depart, prohibiting them, meanwhile, from remaining together. A sum of three hundred gold coins was assigned to pay each one's passage, and another, of 3,000 silver coins, for their sustenance and support for six months. They were urged to present themselves, after that term, to the duke de Choiseul, secretary of State in the department of marine, to ask him for the pensions which would be assigned from the proceeds of the sale of their property.

The general motives for the condemnation of the Jesuits of Louisiana were motives copied from the decrees of the Parliaments of France; but, in what the council of New Orleans issued, it inserted something special and new. It stated that the Jesuits had not taken any care of their missions; that they had thought only of making their estates valuable.

There is today hardly any province in France where there is not some prominent person who has lived in Louisiana; of these persons, there is not one who has not known Jesuits there, and most of them have even been able to scrutinize these Jesuits closely. The Jesuits await with confidence the testimony that can be rendered concerning them, upon the points in question here; still more, they dare to cite, as witnesses of their conduct, three governors of Louisiana, and a vicar-general of the episcopate of Quebec for this same colony. All were still living in this month of June of this year, 1764; no one has asked for their votes; no one has even informed these gentlemen of what is about to be cited from them.

The first witness Will be Sir de Bienville, now captain of the Royal ships, who twenty-two years ago retired to Paris. He must be regarded as the founder of the colony of Louisiana; it was he who in 1698 accompanied his brother, Sir d'Iberville, when that illustrious naval officer discovered the mouth of the Mississippi, which Sir de la Salle, that famous adventurer, had missed. Sir de Bienville was then left upon the shores of this river, to begin a settlement there; it was he who governed this colony for 44 years, with the exception of a few intervals; it was he who put it nearly in the condition in which it is today, by building New Orleans and Fort Conde, and by forming the other posts that are seen in Louisiana. No one in this country can have forgotten the special kindness with which he honored the Jesuits of this colony; would he have acted therefore toward missionaries who, failing in the care of their mission, had failed in the most essential of their duties?

The second witness Will be Sir de Vaudreuil, late governor of New France; he succeeded Sir de Bienville in the government of Louisiana. The Jesuits found in him also a protector, and even an openly declared friend; it would be difficult to add anything to the tokens of kindness which he constantly conferred upon them. But what was it that could win for them such kindness? It was the impression which they made upon him by their fidelity to their principal duties. The integrity of Sir de Vaudreuil would not have permitted him to treat so honorably missionaries who, neglecting the duties of their occupation, would have deserved from him only reproaches and coldness.

A third witness for the Jesuits of Louisiana is Sir de Kerlerec, captain of a ship, and last governor of this colony; a single proof suffices to show what he thought of them. It is a letter which he wrote to them, a little before their ruin.

Finally, a fourth witness will be the Abbot de L'Isle Dieu; for more than 30 years he has been in Paris, vicar-general of the episcopate of Quebec, and especially assigned with the affairs of that diocese which concern Louisiana, It is also this Abbot who has shown what he thought of the Jesuits of Louisiana when he wrote to them after the decree of the 6th of August, 1762 -- that they were passing away with the regrets of the episcopal body and of all good people. In writing therefore, it is probable that he did not regard them as people who had failed to care for their missions.

To show what the Jesuits accomplished in their missions, I am going to separate these missions into two portions. The first includes the missions of the Illinois country, which are the older; the second comprises the mission of New Orleans, with that of the Choctaws and the Alabamas.

In the country named Illinois, the Jesuits had four permanent missions. The first was that one where the Indians called Kaskaskias were instructed, and these are the exercises which were carried on there: At sunrise, the bell rang for prayer and mass: the Indians said prayers in their own language, and during the mass they chanted, to the air of the Roman chant, hymns and canticles, also translated into their language, with the suitable prayers; at the end of the mass, the missionary instructed the children. Having returned to his house, he was occupied in instructing the adult neophytes and Christian trainees, to prepare them for baptism or for penitence, for communion or for marriage; as soon as he was free, he went through the village to arouse the believers to fervor, and to urge unbelievers to embrace Christianity. The rest of the day was needed for reciting the divine office, studying the language of the Indians, and preparing the instructions for Sundays and feast-days; for so many exercises, so varied and so continual, there was surely needed care, and a great deal of care. The Indians, at least, certainly believe that the Jesuits took care of them; as for the first news of the decree declared against their missionaries, they wished to go to find the officer who commanded in that country, to ask him at least to leave them Father Meurin, who was assigned with their mission.

At 3 miles from the village of the Illinois Indians, there was a French village also named Kaskaskia; for 44 years there has been in this village a parish, which has always been governed by the Jesuits. There is hardly any province in France where there are not still witnesses of the exactness of these pastors in discharging their functions, that is, in visiting the sick and in relieving the poor, and the instruction of the negroes and the Indians, slaves of the French, to prepare them for baptism and for the reception of the other sacraments.

Since the year 1753, there has been in the French village of Kaskaskia a newly-built parochial church; this church is 104 feet long and 44 wide. It never could have been finished if the expense of the building had not been drawn from the building fund and from the contributions of the parishioners.

But here is yet another proof of the care that the Jesuits have taken of this parish: fifteen years ago, at 2 miles from the old village, on the other bank of the Mississippi, there was established a new village under the name of Saint Genevieve. Then the pastor of Kaskaskia found himself obliged to go there to administer the sacraments, at least to the sick; and when the new inhabitants saw their houses multiplying, they asked to have a church built there. This being granted them, the journeys of the missionary became still more frequent, because he thought that he ought then to yield himself still more to the willingness of his new parishioners, and to their needs.

However, to go to this new church, he must cross the Mississippi, which, in this place, is three quarters of a mile wide; he sometimes had to trust himself to a slave, who alone guided the canoe; it was necessary to expose himself to the danger of perishing, if in the middle of the river they had been overtaken by a violent storm. None of all these inconveniences ever prevented the pastor of Kaskaskia from going to Saint Genevieve when charity called him there, and he was always assigned with this care until means were found to place at Saint Genevieve a special pastor, -- which occurred only a few years ago, when the inhabitants of the place built a house for the pastor. These two villages, that of Kaskaskia and that of Saint Genevieve, made the second and the third establishment of the Jesuits in the Illinois country.

At 200 miles from the Illinois was the post called Vincennes or Saint Ange, from the names of the officers who commanded there. This post is upon the river Wabash, which, about 175 miles lower down, together with the Ohio, which it has joined, discharges its waters into the Mississippi. There were in this village at least sixty houses of French people, without counting the Miami Indians, who were quite near. This post was every day increasing in population. Most of its new inhabitants, having long been French traders, were little accustomed to the duties of Christians; and many instructions and urgings, private and public, were necessary. The proof that the Jesuits acquitted themselves of their duty in this respect is proved by the complaints that the parishioners made against them; for these people claimed that their pastors went beyond their duty, and assumed too much care. This is precisely the opposite of what the council of Louisiana stated.

But what did the Jesuits do for the Alabamas and the Choctaws? For the Alabamas: The French were established near the Indians; the missionary discharged the duties of pastor toward them. In this capacity, Father Leroi had pledged them not to trade any more brandy to the Indians, that promise being made by them publicly. That resolve did not last long, the old custom being soon reestablished; the hope of sordid gain prevailed over the most righteous arguments.

And what did he do for the Indians? He lived with them; he kept them in alliance and friendship with the French. These people saw clearly, by his conduct, that he was not in their midst to make a fortune. This disinterestedness established his credit, and through that he became useful -- we dare say, even necessary -- to the colony.

It was especially in the Choctaw nation that the missionaries rendered this essential service; those who know Louisiana know of what importance it was to maintain an alliance between this nation and ours. If alienated from our interests and excited against us, they could some day destroy the colony by sacking New Orleans, a City which is without defense. It was to prevent such acts that the missionaries endured the burden of living with the Choctaws, so barbarous a people, and made them feel how advantageous was the friendship of the French, and of what value ought to be the presents brought to them regularly every year. If these presents were to fail, as happened during the war, it was for the missionary to keep up their good Will by promising to indemnify them. What services did the Jesuits not render also when every year they went with the Governors to Fort Conde, where the Choctaws assembled for the distribution of presents? To distribute usefully and judiciously, it was necessary for the Governor to know at least the principal individuals of the nation, and among them the most friendly and the most important. Who could give them these ideas, if not the missionary who lived with them, -- who kept in touch with the most trustworthy, and who, to learn what was going on in the thirty villages of the Choctaws, visited them regularly?

If it had only been necessary to visit the villages! But, either in going through them, or in remaining in his cabin, during how many years was the missionary exposed to death, when the Choctaws, divided among themselves, -- some being in favor of, others against, the French, -- were killing one another! How much did the missionary then not have to fear for his life, from those who would have willingly avenged upon a Frenchman the deaths of their compatriots, killed by the partisans of the French? That was the price at which the missionary then rendered services to the colony. That is what was done for twenty years by Father Baudoin, -- who, having become superior at New Orleans, was condemned with not having taken any care of their missions.

In 1763, there were no more missionaries among the Arkansas, where the Jesuits had been obliged, by the terms of their foundation, to furnish one. Several years before, Father Carette had left this post; his brothers had decided that he ought to have left it sooner. In spite of the little hope that there was of leading the Indians of the place to Christianity, the Father studied their language a long time, and labored to correct the morals of the French, but reaped hardly any fruit from his toil. He still followed both the French and the Indians in their various changes of location, caused by the overflowing of the Mississippi, near which the post is situated. Despite so many annoyances, the missionary was not discouraged at seeing his efforts rendered useless; he continued in patience, until the event which we are about to describe.

In the fort of the Arkansas there was no longer any chapel, except the room where the commandant took his meals. This was not a suitable place, not only because it was a dining-room, but on account of the bad conduct and freedom of language of those who frequented it; everything that was in the fort entered there, even the fowls. A chicken, flying over the altar, overturned the chalice, which had been left there at the end of the mass. The spectators were not affected by this; one of those who ought to have been most concerned about it, exclaimed: "Ah! see the shop of God thrown down!" To these sentiments, so little religious, corresponded a life as little Christian. Father Carette at last concluded that he must withdraw, at least until he should see a chapel built in the fort, and until they were disposed to respect religion there.

In New Orleans there is a royal hospital, established for the troops. The title of chaplain of this hospital was given to Father d'outreleau in 1737, and it has ever since been continued to the Jesuits of New Orleans; it was a duty sufficient to occupy one missionary. In the same City is a monastery of Ursuline nuns; by their endowments, they are assigned with the education of thirty orphan girls maintained at the expense of the King, and there were always many residents besides; it is known that the Ursulines are bound by their institute to instruct also girls from outside, and in their house they received many Young ladies as boarders. The superior of the Jesuits has also been, for thirty years, Superior of this house; and not being able alone to render all the services needed there, it was necessary that he should be assisted by one of his Jesuits.

Finally, the Jesuits had upon their estates a hundred and twenty or a hundred and thirty slaves; should not the care of instructing and governing these give some of these missionaries enough to do? Fourteen families suffice for the formation of a parish.

In 1729, Father du Poisson, living among the Arkansas, being present at the fort of the Natchez on the day which they had chosen for slaughtering the French, was included in the general massacre. The French living at that post treated with the utmost insolence this nation of the Natchez, the most useful and the most devoted to the colony; and the Natchez avenged themselves. Father du Poisson had been requested to remain one day for some ministerial function; he consented to do it, and was the victim of his devotion and his charity.

One month afterward, the Yazoo, another Indian nation, having entered into the same conspiracy, also slew the French who lived near them. Father Souel, their missionary, was not spared; he was so beloved by the negro who served him that this faithful slave was killed in trying to defend or avenge his master. About the same time, Father d'Outreleau descended with several French traders from the Illinois country, for the affairs of the mission, and halted upon the banks of the Mississippi, to say mass. A band of these same Yazoo, who had killed Father Souel, arrived at the same place, with other Indians, their allies; they watched for the time when the French, and especially the Father, were occupied with the holy sacrifice, and they fired a volley from their guns, which killed some Frenchmen and wounded others. Father d'outreleau received a wound in the arm and several grains of coarse shot in his mouth; it was regarded as remarkable that he was only slightly wounded. This disaster did not dismay him; his firmness reassured his fellow-travelers, and they escaped the Indians and proceeded to New Orleans.

Soon afterward, it was a question of avenging upon the Indians the deaths of the French, especially of all those who had perished among the Natchez; an army was sent there, of which Father d'outreleau was the chaplain, and in that employ he always conducted himself in the same resolute manner.

In 1736, Father Senat, missionary to the Illinois, was appointed to accompany Sir d'Artaguiette, who conducted a group of French against the Chickasaws. The enterprise was a failure; the French were upon the point of being surrounded by the Indians, when the missionary was warned that he still had time to escape; he was offered a horse, but refused it, remembering the purpose of his voyage, and the need that the French captives would soon have of his aid. He was seized with them, and led, as they were, to the torture; an Indian woman, utterly ignorant of the Christian religion, was a witness of their death; She reported, a little while afterward, that the French who were captured by the Chickasaws had been thrown upon a lighted pile of wood in a large cabin, after they had sung to on high. Seeing their manner and their gestures, she had comprehended that the prayers which they were singing were to guide them to heaven.

Four years before, in 1732, Father Aulneau was with Sir de la Verenderie, Jr., who commanded a group of French traders, seeking to discover the Western sea. This Young officer had joined a band of Cree Indians who were going to war against the Sioux, another barbarous nation; the Sioux recognized the French mingled with their enemies, and decided to be revenged upon them. Some time afterward, they arranged an ambush for other Frenchmen, who were also on a journey, and killed twenty-two of them. Father Aulneau was among the number of the dead.

In July, 1759, when the fort of Niagara was closely pressed by an English army which was besieging it, one thousand two hundred Frenchmen were sent to the help of this post, so important for the preservation of Canada. Father Virot was chaplain of the French army; it was put to rout, and the missionary, having fallen into the hands of the Iroquois, was cut to pieces.

Finally, in July, 1763, at the time of the revolt of the Indians of Canada against the English, the Ojibwes of Mackinac threw themselves upon the English garrison which occupied that post. They had already destroyed a large part of it, when Father du Jaunay, a Jesuit, opened his house to serve as a sanctuary to what remained of the soldiers and of the English traders; but to save their lives, he endangered his own. The Indian youth, irritated at seeing half of their prey snatched away from them, tried to make amends for their loss at the expense of Father du Jaunay; and the old men of the nation had difficulty in pacifying them. Such trials must be expected by all those who establish themselves in the midst of barbarians, especially when they journey upon the Mississippi.

Since the revolt of the Natchez in 1729, there is no longer any safety in ascending that river, -- almost every year is marked by the death of some Frenchmen; and the precautions which must be taken during that voyage -- which, to reach the Illinois, occupies three months -- cannot be sufficient to avert the danger. Since the melancholy period of 1729, one can count at least twenty-six or twenty-seven voyages made by the Jesuits upon the Mississippi. Besides, the Missions of Louisiana have been joined here with those of Canada, because formerly these missions were united, and because today the same functions are still exercised there, and the same risks are run.

But if anyone persists in asking the Jesuits of Louisiana for those results that are desired and expected from these missions, see what they are: In the three French parishes of the country of the Illinois we could Count a quite large number of true Christians. It was they who resisted the evil examples and immoral maxims which the proximity of other colonies had begun to spread in Louisiana; but among the Illinois, the missionaries checked the progress of these. Many thoroughly temperate people were seen there, in spite of the crowd of drunkards, among those who were perverting the Indians by the brandy which they furnished to them. There were many others who preferred to deprive themselves of the most necessary provisions rather than to engage in so harmful a trade. There were some heads of families who neglected the care of their children and of their slaves; but there were also many others who themselves gave to these, or procured for them the necessary instructions, and who knew how to keep them within the bounds of duty. There were Christians who seemed to have forgotten the rules of fasting and abstinence, of communion and confession, and even the obligation to attend mass; but others, in great numbers, were faithful to these duties and frequented the sacraments.

As for the mission of the Illinois Indians, the word of God was not announced there without result. Despite the inconstancy of this people, the religion that was long ago established there has been preserved up to the present, the superstition called trickery having been almost destroyed. Even the unbelievers were zealous in having their children baptized; many neophytes, judged worthy of the communion, did not dishonor, by their conduct, the opinion that had been formed of them; and many resisted the passion, so strong among these tribes, for brandy, and kept themselves within the bounds of temperance, even when they could drink without any cost to themselves. How much other fruit would have been produced in this mission if serious effort had been made to stop the trade in brandy! -- Which, in this country, is the ruin of religion. This commerce was prohibited by the law of the Church and by the orders of the King; but several of those who made public the King's prohibitions, and who ought to have enforced their observance, were the first to distribute the forbidden liquor.

The first complaint noted in the decree of the council of Louisiana which condemns the Jesuits, is this: That they have not taken care of their missions. By all that has just been said, ascertain whether this accusation was well founded.

The second grievance: That the Jesuits of this colony have only taken care to extend their estates. But in answering the first complaint, has not the second one been answered at the same time? For, if the Jesuits have taken care of their missions, as has been proved, they have had other cares than those of their estates. But perhaps someone says that it is not becoming for missionaries to possess great estates, because these are a distraction to the spiritual ministry. This may readily be granted; but, to avoid this embarrassment it would have been necessary to provide otherwise for their subsistence, for the expenses of their journeys, for the construction and maintenance of their houses and their chapels. From their endowment, the Jesuits received, perhaps each one a pension of four hundred gold coins (he who writes this letter is not quite sure on this point); and to build and maintain six houses and six chapels, they had received 7,500 gold coins.

This was once repaid by a contract -- hazardous, but one from which they were no longer at liberty to release themselves. Where would they have found funds for these expenses, even for their food and clothes, when the treasurers of the colony no longer paid the debts? When a yard and a half of cloth or a yard and a half of common linen cloth cost fifty gold coins at New Orleans, an ordinary handkerchief 200 silver coins; and a cask of wine was sold at 5,000 silver coins, and was not delivered at Illinois without the payment of 250 or 300 gold coins, which was demanded for the freight? Was it not then necessary to have an estate, and to take care of it, to obtain the means of subsistence? How then has the council of New Orleans made it a crime?

We have finished the examination of the several reasons stated in the condemnation of the Jesuits. It is time to speak of the execution of the decree; it was to be carried out first at New Orleans, and afterward in the Illinois country, at a distance of 1000 or 1250 miles. There was in that country a mission of the Jesuits, established at four different posts. They were not forgotten, and a courier was sent to carry the decree of destruction. Meanwhile, it was executed promptly against those of New Orleans.

Their establishment was quite near this town, and proportioned to the needs of twelve missionaries; there was a quite large gang of Slaves for cultivating the land, and for plying other trades, as is the custom in the colonies; there were also various buildings, with herds of cattle and suitable works.

Everything was seized, inventoried, and sold at auction, and this execution lasted a long time; those who were employed there took their meals in the house. These were the higher officers of justice, with the lesser agents; it is right to suppose that the higher officers kept themselves within the decent behavior that beseemed them, but the lesser agents did not consider themselves obliged to assume any disguise. They found themselves well feasted, and they were sure that their employment was a lucrative one; so they did not disguise their feelings.

The superior of the Jesuits had to be present at the great feasts which were given at his house during the depredation, and he saw the joy that was shown there. After the sale of the real and personal property, there remained the Chapel, with its ornaments and sacred vessels: it was stated in the decree that these effects should be taken to the Reverend Capuchin Fathers; this was done, and it was the least objectionable use that could be made of them. After that, the chapel was razed to the ground, and the sepulchers of the bodies buried for thirty years in this place, and in the neighboring cemetery, remained exposed to profanation. The Jesuits who came back from Louisiana to France have often been asked the reason for this proceeding; they have been told what astonishment and horror was felt at this event; it has been said to them that this was only to be expected from enemies of the Catholic religion: the Jesuits could only answer these sayings by silence.

The execution of the decree lacked nothing, save to send back the condemned to France; those who were at New Orleans did not wait to be notified of the order to depart. Father Carette embarked to cross over to San Domingo; Father Roy took refuge at Pensacola at the time when the English entered this port to take possession of it, and the Spaniards evacuated it by virtue of the treaty of Peace; he entered the ship which was to bear the Governor of that place to Vera Cruz. The Father was welcomed there, by the Spanish Fathers of the college, with the greatest kindness; a little while afterward he was made an associate in the province that the Jesuits have in Mexico, by Father Francois Zeballos, superior of that province. All the Jesuits banished from the lands under French domination were invited there.

Father Le Predour was among the Alabamas, at a distance of about 500 miles, and much time was necessary for transmitting a copy of the decree to him. Then, after he had received it, he had to await an opportunity to reach Fort Conde, and from that place, New Orleans; we have recently learned that he has returned to France. There were no more to send away but Father Baudoin, superior of all the missions; but he was seventy-two years old, and infirm, -- as one may expect of a man who had passed thirty-five years in Louisiana, and of those thirty-five years, about twenty in the midst of the forests with the Choctaws; he had no relatives in France, nor was he accustomed to this country; as he was born in Canada, he was permitted to remain. He was assigned a pension of 450 gold coins, which would be equivalent in France to the sum of six or eight hundred silver coins. Sir Bore, an old resident of the country, offered him a sanctuary with himself, upon his estate, and therefore proved the sincerity of the friendship which he had always shown toward the Jesuits.

Meanwhile, the courier dispatched to Illinois to bear the decree, arrived on the night of September 23 at Fort de Chartres, distant 15 miles from the residence of the Jesuits. He delivered to the procurator of the king, the commission which assigned him to execute the decree; and on the next day, about eight or nine o'clock in the morning, that officer of justice went to the house of the Jesuits, accompanied by the registrar and the bailiff of that jurisdiction.

Some days afterward, he tried to turn to account the moderation that he had used in not arriving during the night, "as his orders directed," said he; with that exception, they ought to have been satisfied with his exactness. He read to Father Watrin, the superior, the decree of condemnation, and, having given him a copy of it, he made him at once leave his room to put the seal upon it; the same thing was done with the other missionaries who happened to be in the house. There remained one hall where they could remain together, although with great inconvenience; but this favor was refused them, because the guards placed in custody of the seized property opposed this; they were unwilling that the Jesuits should be able to watch their conduct so closely. The procurator of the King feared to displease these guardians, and would not even permit the Jesuits to remain at the house of one of their colleagues, -- who, being pastor of the place, had his private lodging near the parish church; they did not put the seal on it, because there was nothing there to seize. The missionaries, driven from their own house, found quarters as best they could. The superior, sixty-seven years old, departed on foot to find a lodging, a long 2 miles away, with a colleague of his, a missionary to the Indians; and the French who met him on this journey groaned to see persecution begin with him.

As soon as the Indians learned that he had arrived among them, they came to show to him and to Father Meurin, his associate, the share which they took in the distress of their Fathers; the news of their condemnation had already caused much sadness in the village. They were asked why they were therefore treated, especially in a country where so many disorders had been so long allowed. The old missionary, after several repeated interrogations, finally replied: Arechi Kiecouegane tchichi ki canta manghi, -- It is because we sternly condemn their follies. They comprehended the meaning of this answer, -- indeed, they knew that the Jesuits, in whatever place they may be established, consider themselves bound by their profession to combat vice; and that, in fighting it, they make enemies for themselves.

The Christian Indians proposed then to send their chief men to Sir Neyon, commandant, and to Sir Bobe subdeputy-commissary of the country, to ask that at least Father Meurin, their missionary, be kept in his mission. The two Jesuits told them plainly to do nothing of the kind, because this proceeding would be scoffed at and ineffectual. They wished to ask that at least the chapel and the house of the missionary be preserved, so the best instructed person among them might assemble the children and repeat the prayers to them; and that every Sunday and feast-day he might summon the Christians by the ringing of the bell, to fulfill as well as possible the duties of religion. They did make such a request, and obtained what they asked.

Meanwhile, the Procurator of the King relaxed a little in his severity. About the same time, he received in a single day four letters from Sir Bobe, the commissary, who asked him to moderate his fervor, and allowed the Jesuits to live together with their brothers, the pastors of the French. They were closely crowded there, in a house that was built for only one man. Their rooms had been opened, so each one might be able to take out his mattress and blankets, which they spread upon the floor in the house of the pastor. This way of taking their rest, which lasted nearly a month, prepared them for the voyage which they were soon to make upon the Mississippi, for upon the banks of that river one encamps in similar fashion. The Jesuits were also permitted to take their clothes and their books, which the decree had left to them. At last, the support of these Fathers was provided for until the time when they should embark to go down to New Orleans. Most of the food that was found in their house, was given up to them, and this provision was sufficient for the rest of the time that they passed in Illinois.

Finally, it came to making the inventory; time was necessary to collect and put in order the furniture of a large house, the possessions of an important estate, and the cattle scattered in the fields and woods. Besides, there was reason for not hurrying too much; the longer the delays, the better they paid those who were employed in that task.

The news of the condemnation of the Jesuits had made the Indians groan; it threw most of the French people into consternation, and was regarded as a public calamity. Parishioners justly attached to their pastor saw themselves upon the point of losing him, without even a thought being given to providing a successor. There was no delay in presenting, in the name of nearly all the inhabitants, a petition addressed to the commandant and the commissary of the country, to secure the retention of at least Father Aubert, the pastor of French Kaskaskias; and as the answer was deferred too long a time, a little while afterward a second petition was sent.

While waiting for an answer to this, the more intelligent of the inhabitants asked by what right the government had taken possession of the property of the Jesuits; and what power it had over their persons in a country ceded by the treaty of peace to the crown of England. It was also asked by what reason the Jesuits were excepted from the privilege, granted without distinction to all the inhabitants of Illinois, of having eighteen months to choose either to remain in this country, or to go elsewhere. Above all, they were indignant at the seizure made of the sacred vessels of a chapel belonging to the Hurons of Detroit, which Father Salleneuve, missionary to that nation, had brought to the Illinois country when he had taken refuge there, two and a half years before.

There was another cause for astonishment: this Father, who had come from Detroit, and Father de la Morinie, from the post of Saint Joseph, did not belong to Louisiana, but to Canada; it was extreme want that had compelled them to withdraw to the country of the Illinois, and they had remained there only for lack of the necessary opportunities to return to their posts. Father Salleneuve had no work in the Illinois mission, and Father de la Morinie had only taken charge of the church of Saint Genevieve through the motive of fervor; it was plain that the council of New Orleans ought to have neither known nor thought of them.

But those who had the authority in Illinois did not think this way, and the Jesuits submitted to every interpretation that the officials chose to give to the decree; they did not say anything for their defense. What could they have done? Protest against the decree and its execution? The notary who would have had to receive their protest was interested in their destruction; he acted as registrar in the execution of the decree; and he did not even keep within the bounds of decorum. Should they have given public notice of their protest? They would have been treated as people revolting against public authority; they would have been seized, and perhaps placed in irons, as malefactors; orders had been given on that point. And so, the Jesuits' only care was to carry out the order given them by their superior at New Orleans, or rather to yield to the request which he had made them, to submit to everything, and all to proceed to that town, without regard to any reason which might seem to excuse them from doing so.

They did more: fearing that the requests presented by the inhabitants might arouse against them the suspicion of a plot and of instigating revolt, they wrote to the Commandant and to the Commissary, urging them not to have any regard to the representations that were being made to them, and to hurry the departure ordered by the decree. But those gentlemen paid less attention to this letter than to the danger of a riot with which they were threatened; and they ordered that Father Aubert, the pastor of Kaskaskias, should remain until the council of New Orleans should decide his case.

Meanwhile, the auction was finished; the house, the furniture, the cattle, and the lands had been sold; the slaves were to be taken to New Orleans, to be sold there for the benefit of the king; and the chapel was to be razed by the man to whom the house had been given. The Jesuits were then permitted to reenter their former home, the use of which was, by a clause inserted in the bill of sale, reserved to them until their embarkation. They found it well cleared; nothing was left except the bedsteads and the straw mattresses; and to lodge there, they had to borrow from their friends each a chair and a little table.

They found their chapel in a still more melancholy condition: after the sacred vessels and the pictures had been taken away, the shelves of the altar had been thrown down; the linings of the ornaments had been given to black women denounced for their evil lives; and a large crucifix, which had stood above the altar, and the chandeliers, were found placed above a cupboard in a house whose reputation was not good. To see the marks of spoliation in the Chapel, one might have thought that it was the enemies of the Catholic religion who had caused it.

It was at that time that the Jesuits of Illinois saw their associate, Father de Vernay, arrive; he came from the post of Saint Ange, 175 or 200 miles away. The order to carry out the decree in regard to him had been sent there also; this order was so exactly followed that from the seizure and sale of his possessions they did not overlook a little supply of hazelnuts which was found in his house. Meanwhile, Father de Vernay had had the fever for six months; it remained with him until his arrival in France, six months later. This was no reason for deferring his departure; the order to leave had been given, and how would he have remained in a house stripped of furniture and provisions? He set out on his way; it was then November; he had to travel across wet woods and prairies, exposed to the cold and rain. It was in this condition that Father de Vernay came to join the band of banished missionaries, who were awaiting their embarkation.

It was to their advantage that this embarkation was not too long deferred; they had reason to fear the ice, which from the end of November is sometimes found in abundance upon the Mississippi, upon which they were to embark. These pieces of ice, if they happened to crowd together, could soon crush the boat that became surrounded by them; at the least, the ice could stop the boat, and reduce the travelers to a great scarcity of provisions.

Finally, the day set for the embarkation came; it was the 24th of November. The baggage of the Jesuits did not embarrass the vessel in which they had taken passage; they had only their beds and their clothes in small quantities, with some provisions which they had saved for the voyage; this food served not only for them, but for forty-eight negroes embarked with them. These slaves, who keenly felt the scarcity prevalent throughout the colony, no longer belonged to the Jesuits, having been confiscated for the benefit of the King. But their former masters always preserved the same care in regard to them, and shared quite willingly with these wretches the provisions which they had saved.

This charity was then necessary; the supply of food that had been shipped by the order of the King was moderate; it had been given as if for a journey of fifteen or twenty days, but, at that season, the journey ought, from the experience of many years, to have been estimated as lasting forty or forty-five days. Fortunately, Sir de Volsey, officer of the troops, provided for what was lacking; he was in another boat with about twenty Englishmen, whom the Indians, who had revolted against them, had captured some months before, and whom they had taken to the Illinois country to deliver them to the French. The commandant of Fort de Chartres then sent them to New Orleans; they all were People with good appetites. Sir de Volsey -- who, in the capacity of commandant, directed the journey -- every evening after landing, went into the woods to hunt. The trouble that he took was not fruitless; accompanied by some other hunters, he killed some bears and bison which supplemented the too moderate provisions.

Sir de Volsey had another care. In this winter season, considerable time was necessary to embark and disembark so great a number of slaves, -- old men, women, and children; in the evening, upon leaving the boat, they had to climb up the banks of the river, which were high, steep, and slippery, in danger of falling into the Mississippi and drowning there. After having gained the top of the bank, they had to go into the woods with which this river is everywhere bordered, to seek a suitable place in which to encamp; often they did not find one until after they had cleared such a place, all bristling with thickets, brambles, and squine. It was necessary also to provide a stock of wood sufficient to light and keep up seven or eight great fires during the night. Finally, they had to work to protect themselves from the cold by putting up tents, which were necessary in the most severe season of the year. The Jesuits, opportunely, had provided themselves with some tents, for themselves and for their slaves, -- in the seizure of their furniture, they had been permitted to take this precaution; Sir de Volsey always granted the time that was necessary for all these proceedings.

The voyage, which might have been long, lasted only twenty-seven days, because the weather was not so bad as it usually is at that season.

In this journey, which covers about 1000 miles, one finds only two posts, -- that of Arkansas and that of Pointe Coupee; the post of the Germans, which is too near the town, is not considered here. Passing to Arkansas, a village about 375 miles from Illinois, Sir Labaret d'Estrepy, commandant of that post, gave the Jesuits a gracious welcome; and at Pointe Coupee, Sir d'Esmazilieres, the captain commanding that post, treated them in the same way. But, above all, Reverend Father Irenee, a Capuchin, who at the same place has charge of a parish of 30 or 32 miles in extent, did for their reception all that he could have done for the dearest of his brothers. Finally, at 17 or 20 miles from New Orleans, they reached the estate of Sir de Maccarty, former lieutenant of the King in that City, who again showed the benevolence he had always shown at Illinois, where he had been major commandant-general. After they arrived in the town, he gave them several other tokens of his friendship.

On departing from that estate, they found themselves in great perplexity. They saw that they were about to enter New Orleans, and they did not know where they could lodge; they were unable to enter their old house, knowing well that it was sold and occupied by other masters; and they no longer dared to count upon their old acquaintances. Sir Foucaut, controller of the navy, who had command at New Orleans during the absence of the commissary controller, had learned through Sir de Volsey the embarrassment of the Jesuits. He had them come to the government house, where he lived, and directed them to the lodging that he had procured for them at the house of Sir le Sassier, assessor of the council. They went there, and were treated with much courtesy; this Gentleman even invited them to stay with him until their departure for France.

Meanwhile, the Reverend Capuchin Fathers, hearing of the arrival of the Jesuits, had come at six o'clock in the evening (it was the 21st of December) to the landing-place, to show to them the interest that they took in their misfortune, and their intention of rendering them all the kind offices that they could. This was to the Jesuits an urgent motive to go the next morning, to thank these Fathers, who received them with all the demonstrations by which charity can make itself known. They asked them not to take their meals anywhere else but with them. The Capuchin Fathers could not lodge them in the house where they were; they had rented it, and they themselves were not all lodged there. But the Jesuits took a neighboring house, accepting with great joy the invitation that had been given to them; and during the six weeks before they embarked, there were no marks of friendship which they did not receive from these Reverend Fathers. Touched by deep gratitude, they wished to show it in some manner, and found means for doing so. Their books at New Orleans had been spared to them by provision of the decree issued against them; these formed a little library, valuable in a country newly established, and they asked the Capuchin Fathers to accept it.

Still other persons of the town, even more distinguished, gave the Jesuits proofs of friendship. The Procurator-general honored them with a visit, and assured them of the pain that he experienced in discharging this disagreeable duty. A little before their departure, Sir d'Albadie, commissary-controller, delivered to them a letter which he had written in their favor to the duke de Choiseul, secretary of State for the marine, and which they were to present in person. In this letter he asked, for each one of them, a pension; and before closing it, he had it read to one of them; in this letter he gave evidence favorable to their conduct.

Still, the Jesuits perceived that their departure was desired. The season was disagreeable, it being still January, the time for rough seas. But an entirely new and well-built ship presented itself; it was La Minerve, of Bayonne, France, commanded by Sir Balanquet, a famous ship-owner in the last war, and much esteemed for his integrity. These reasons determined the Jesuits to embark upon this ship. There were two, however, out of their band of six, who parted from them. Father de la Morinie, remembering that he had suffered upon the sea every evil that can be felt there, almost to death itself, postponed his departure until spring, when the sea would be calmer; and Father Meurin asked the Gentlemen of the Council for permission to return to the Illinois. This was a brave resolution, after the sale of all the property of the Jesuits: he could not Count upon any fund for his subsistence, the French were under no obligation to him, and the Indians have more need of receiving than means for giving; also, the health of this Father was poor, as it had always been during the twenty-one years which he had spent in Louisiana.

But he knew in what danger the Illinois neophytes were of soon forgetting religion if they remained long without missionaries; he therefore counted as nothing all the other inconveniences, provided he could resume the duties of his mission. His request was granted, and a promise was given to him that a pension of three hundred gold coins would be asked for him at the court.

The four other Jesuits who embarked on the 6th of February had the pleasure of finding themselves in the company of the Abbot Forget du Verger, of the Paris Foreign Missions Society, who came also from the Illinois country, where he was vicar-general for the episcopate of Quebec. During a ten years' stay in this country, he had given to the Jesuits a thousand marks of his friendship, and his company aided them much in bearing the trials of the voyage.

They had quite favorable weather until they neared the Bahama channel, but it was necessary to pass the famous reef of the martyr's Island. The captain, who was vigilant, did all that he could to avoid it. For nearly twelve hours he steered to the east; and yet, in spite of this precaution, the ship, borne on by the current, was found toward midnight to be upon the rocks which border the Martyr. The shock experienced when the ship struck was terrible; a craft less strong would have been shattered, or at least its seams would have opened. La Minerve did not take in an inch of water more than usual.

At sunrise, we were already at a little distance from the rocks; all day we beat from one Shore to the other, and in the evening we had ninety yards of water, and soon afterward could no longer find bottom. Our people took breath, and the next day we sang the Te Deum as an act of thanksgiving. All the rest of the voyage was quite calm, except the day and night of the 6th of March on the eve of which Saint Elmo's fire had announced bad weather; the tempest was violent and extended so far that at Bayonne, France, 2500 miles away from the ship, it was equally felt.

Finally, on the 6th of April, La Minerve entered the roadstead of Saint Sebastian, in Spain, because the weather did not permit her to proceed to the Bar of Bayonne. The Jesuits of the college at Saint Sebastian received the French missionaries with the kindness that one naturally feels toward strangers, especially when one sees them unjustly persecuted. These Fathers were astonished that persecution had gone into the midst of North America in search of missionaries who were there only to convert unbelievers and to maintain the French in the practice of religion and piety. Another cause of astonishment for them was what has already been mentioned, "What claims could France have upon subjects ceded to the crown of England by the treaty of peace?"

This astonishment of the Spanish Fathers proceeded, in turn, to the surprise of the recently-arrived Jesuits. They were ordered to France, and they saw their Jesuits of France, banished from the kingdom, now coming to Spain. They were informed of the decrees of the parliament of Paris, which had ordered this exile against those who would not consent to become apostates by renouncing the Jesuit institute. They saw, two days afterward, the arrival of Father Nektous, the last provincial of the Jesuits of Guyenne.

This was for the New France Jesuits a new embarrassment; how to present themselves at the frontiers of France, when their brothers were being driven from there? They reassured themselves, however, and remembered that they were the bearers of a letter addressed to the duke de Choiseul, and that they were to present it themselves. They resolved, therefore, to cross the Pyrenees, and at Saint Jean de Luz, they found three Jesuits who were making their way to Spain. The two eldest were nearly eighty years of age; the third, who was Young, was assigned with conducting the two old men across the mountains. Their calmness and cheerfulness were for the missionaries of America an incentive which encouraged them to continue the new journey which they had undertaken.

They reached Bayonne, France on the eve of Palm Sunday; they there found various bands of their fugitive brother Jesuits, who were seeking refuge in Spain; all were welcomed with the greatest kindness by the bishop of Bayonne.

On leaving Bayonne, France, the Jesuits of Louisiana obtained a passport from Sir d'Amou, commandant in that town; this is a precaution which strangers have to use, to enter the kingdom and to travel there with safety. The Jesuits regarded themselves from now on as strangers in France, and they wished to protect themselves from any bad treatment that might befall them. At Bordeaux, they found also a great number of their brother Jesuits, who were uncertain of their fate, and who feared that the parliament of that town would follow the example that the parliament of the Capital had just set.

Until then, the four Jesuits of Louisiana had journeyed together; upon leaving that town, they separated, and each proceeded to the province where his private affairs led him. Two joined each other again at Paris. Upon their different routes they still found many persons who gave them proofs of friendship, especially at Orleans, where, as had happened at Bordeaux, the Reverend Carthusian Fathers renewed the friendship which their holy order has always shown toward the Jesuits.

But everywhere, surprise was expressed that the cession made to the English had not protected the Jesuits.

Paris, September 3, 1764.