The Origins of the Islamic State/Part 2/Chapter 12

by Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī

CHAPTER XII

The Province of Ḳinnasrîn and the cities called al-ʿAwâṣim

Ḳinnasrîn capitulates. Abu-ʿUbaidah ibn-al-Jarrâḥ, after being through with al-Yarmûk, went to the province of Ḥimṣ and passed from one place to the other examining it.^[1] Then he went to Ḳinnasrîn [Chalcis] with Khâlid ibn-al-Walîd commanding the van of his army.^[2] The inhabitants of the city of Ḳinnasrîn resisted at first, then they sought refuge in their stronghold and asked to capitulate. Abu-ʿUbaidah made terms with them similar to those of Ḥimṣ. Thus the Moslems effected the conquest of the land of Ḳinnasrîn with its villages. The Ḥâḍir^[3] Ḳinnasrîn had been settled by the Tanûkh tribe since they came to Syria and pitched their tents in it. They later built their houses in it. These, abu-ʿUbaidah summoned to Islâm. Some of them accepted it, but the banu-Salîḥ ibn-Ḥulwân ibn-ʿImrân ibn-al-Ḥâfi ibn-Ḳuḍâʿah remained Christian.^[4]

Certain sons of Yazîd ibn-Ḥunain aṭ-Ṭâʾi-l-Anṭâki from their sheikhs:—A group of men from this Ḥâḍir Ḳinnasrîn embraced Islam in the caliphate of al-Mahdi who inscribed on their hands in green color the word "Ḳinnasrîn."

Ḳinnasrîn violates the covenant. Thence abu-ʿUbaidah departed bent upon Aleppo [Ḥalab], but hearing that the people of Ḳinnasrîn had violated the covenant and proved perfidious, he directed against them as-Simṭ ibn-al-Aswad al-Kindi who reduced the city after besieging them.

Hishâm ibn-ʿAmmâr ad-Dimashḳi from ʿAbd-ar-Raḥmân ibn-Ghanm:—"We kept our post against Ḳinnasrîn with as-Simṭ (or, perhaps he said Shuraḥbîl ibn-as-Simṭ) as our leader. When he reduced the city, he carried off cows and sheep as booty. One part of the booty he distributed among us and the remaining part was treated according to the laws governing the spoils [Ar. maghnam^[5]]."

The Hâḍir Ṭaiyiʾ. The Ḥâḍir Ṭaiyiʾ^[6] was of old origin. It dates back to the disastrous war termed Ḥarb al-Fasâd^[7] which tore up the tribe of Ṭaiyiʾ some of whom then came and established themselves on the two mountains [al-Jabalain, i. e., Aja and Salma]. Under these circumstances a large body of the Ṭaiyiʾ were dispersed over the country and some came and settled [near Ḳinnasrîn]. When abu-ʿUbaidah came to them, some became Moslems and many made terms agreeing to pay poll-tax, a little after which they all accepted Islam with the exception of a few.

The Ḥâḍir of Aleppo. Close by the city of Aleppo stood a settlement called the Ḥâḍir Ḥalab in which different Arab tribes including Tanûkh lived. Abu-ʿUbaidah made terms with them in which they agreed to pay poll-tax. Later they embraced Islâm and lived with their descendants in the same place until a little after the death of ar-Rashîd. The inhabitants of this Ḥâḍir once fought against the people of the city of Aleppo and tried to drive them out of their city. The Hâshim tribe of the people of Aleppo wrote to all the Arab tribes of the vicinity asking for help. The first to come to their support and aid was al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Zufar ibn-ʿÂṣim al-Hilâli (according to his maternal pedigree, because umm-ʿAbdallâh ibn-al-ʿAbbâs was Lubâbah, daughter of al-Ḥârith ibn-Ḥazn ibn-Bujair ibn-al-Huzam of the Hilâl tribe). The people of that Ḥâḍir could not resist this al-ʿAbbâs and his men. They were therefore expelled from their Ḥâḍir, and that at the time of the insurrection of Muḥammad ibn-ar-Rashîd; and their Ḥâḍir was destroyed. They moved to Ḳinnasrîn whose people met them with food and clothing. No sooner had they entered the city, than they attempted to subjugate it and were therefore driven out. Thus they were dispersed over the land, some settling in Takrît (whom I myself have seen) and others in Armenia and various other regions.

Al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Zufar in Aleppo. I was told by al-Mutawakkil that he heard a sheikh of the banu-Ṣâliḥ ibn-ʿAli ibn-ʿAbdallâh ibn-ʿAbbâs say to al-Muʿtaṣim, in the year in which the latter invaded 'Ammûrîyah',^[8] that when al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Zufar al-Hilâli arrived in Aleppo for the support of the Hashimites, some of their women called him saying, "Our hope, uncle, is in Allah and in thee!" To this al-ʿAbbâs answered, "There is no danger, if it be the will of Allah; may Allah disappoint me, if I should disappoint you!"

Ḥiyâr bani-l-Ḳaʿḳâʿ. Ḥiyâr bani-l-Ḳaʿḳâ was a well-known town in pre-Islamic time. In it was the stopping place of al-Mundhir ibn-Mâʾ as-Samâʾ al-Lakhmi, the king of al-Ḥîrah. It was also settled by the banu-l-Ḳaʿḳâʿ ibn-Khulaid … ibn-Baghîḍ, who chose it for their abode and after whom it was thus called.

ʿAbd-al-Malik ibn-Marwân had given to al-Ḳaʿḳâʿ a part of this Ḥiyâr as fief, and to al-Ḳaʿkâ's uncle, al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Jazʾ ibn-al-Ḥârith other fiefs which he exempted from the kharâj^[9] and assessed it on al-Yaman. They were also exempt after he died. All or most of them were waste land. The daughter of this al-ʿAbbâs, Wallâdah, lived with ʿAbd-al-Malik and brought forth al-Walîd and Sulaimân.

Abu-ʿUbaidah reduces Aleppo. Abu-ʿUbaidah set out for Aleppo sending before him ʿIyâḍ ibn-Ghanm al-Fihri. (The name of the latter's father was ʿAbd-Ghanm; but when ʿIyâḍ accepted Islâm, he hated to be called ʿAbd-Ghanm,^[10] so he said, "I am ʿIyâḍ ibn-Ghanm"). Abu-ʿUbaidah, finding the people in a fortified position, camped around the city; but no sooner had he done so, than they sought to capitulate and make terms regarding the safety of their lives, their possessions, city wall, churches, homes and the fort. All this was granted them with the exception of a site for the mosque. The one to make the terms was ʿIyâḍ; and abu-ʿUbaidah sanctioned them.

Some reporters claim that they capitulated, agreeing to share with the Moslems half of their homes and churches provided their lives be spared. Others assert that abu-ʿUbaidah found nobody in Aleppo, its inhabitants having moved to Antioch. From there they agreed in writing with abu-ʿUbaidah on the terms of peace. When the terms were concluded, they returned to Aleppo.

Antioch reduced by abu-ʿUbaidah. Abu-ʿUbaidah set out from Aleppo for Antioch [Anṭâkiyah] in which a large body of men from the province of Ḳinnasrîn had fortified themselves. On his arrival at Mahrûbah, which lay about two parasangs from Antioch, the troops of the enemy met him ; and he dispersed them and forced them to seek refuge in the city. Abu-ʿUbaidah invested the city at all its gates, most of the army being at the Bâb Fâris and Bâb al-Baḥr [sea gate]. At last they capitulated, agreeing to pay poll-tax or evacuate the place. Some of them did leave; but others remained, and to the latter abu-ʿUbaidah guaranteed safety, assessing one dînâr and one jarîb [of wheat] on every adult. Later, they violated the contract, which made abu-ʿUbaidah send against them ʿIyâḍ ibn-Ghanm and Ḥabîb ibn-Maslamah, who reduced the city and made terms identical with the previous ones. Some say, however, that they violated the contract after abu-ʿUbaidah's return to Palestine. So he sent from Jerusalem ʿAmr ibn-al-ʿÂṣi who reduced it and returned to Jerusalem whose people, after a short time, sought to capitulate and make peace.

A garrison stationed in Antioch. Muḥammad ibn-Sahm al-Anṭâki from certain sheikhs of the frontier cities:—Antioch was highly esteemed by ʿUmar and ʿUthmân. When it was therefore reduced, ʿUmar wrote to abu-ʿUbaidah saying, "Station in Antioch Moslems of strong determination and good management. Let them be its garrison, and never stop their allowances." When he made Muʿâwiyah governor, ʿUmar wrote to him something to that effect. Later ʿUthmân instructed Muʿâwiyah to station in it troops that would never leave and to assign them fiefs, which Muʿâwiyah did. The following was said by abu-Sahm, "As a child, while I was standing on the bridge of Antioch spanning the Orontes [Ar. al-Urunṭ] I heard an aged man of Antioch say, 'This piece of land is a fief from ʿUthmân to certain men that were in the army sent by abu-ʿUbaidah. It was allotted them in the time in which Muʿâwiyah was, according to ʿUthmân's assignment, the governor of Syria.'"

Muslim ibn-ʿAbdallâh loses his life. Muʿâwiyah ibn-abi-Sufyân transplanted to Antioch in the year 42 some Persians and others from Baʿlabakk, Ḥimṣ, al-Baṣrah and al-Kûfah.^[11] One of those transplanted was Muslim ibn-ʿAbdallâh, the grandfather of ʿAbdallâh ibn-Ḥabîb ibn-an-Nuʿmân ibn-Muslim al-Anṭâki. This Muslim was killed at one of the gates of Antioch which is known to-day as Bâb Muslim. His death was brought about when the Greeks started from the coast and set up their camp against Antioch and one of the "uncircumcised" threw a stone on Muslim, who was then on the city wall, and killed him.

Seleucia given as fief. According to a tradition communicated to me by certain sheikhs from Antioch, among whom was ibn-Burd al-Faḳîh, al-Walîd ibn-ʿAbd-al-Malik gave as fief to some of the troops of Antioch the land of Seleucia [Ar. Salûḳîyah] lying at the sea-coast. Moreover, he fixed the tax on a filthur (i. e., jarîb) one dînâr and one modius^[12] of wheat. They cultivated the land; and the terms were carried into effect. He also built the fort of Seleucia.

Baghrâs. The land of Baghrâs [Pagrae] belonged to Maslamah ibn-ʿAbd-al-Malik who gave it as an unalienable legacy^[13] to be used in the cause of righteousness. The same man owned ʿAin as-Sallaur with its lake and al-Iskandarîyah [Alexandria] which latter passed as fief into the hands of Rajâʾ, a freedman of al-Mahdi, to be inherited by his [al-Mahdi] sons Manṣûr and Ibrâhîm, later to Ibrâhîm ibn-Saʿîd al-Jauhari, then by purchase to Aḥmad ibn-abi-Duwâd al-Iyâdi, and lastly to al-Mutawakkil, "the Commander of the Believers."

Maslamah gives fiefs to Rabîʿah. According to a tradition communicated to me by ibn-Burd al-Anṭâki and others, certain men of the Rabîʿah tribe were assigned fiefs by Maslamah ibn-ʿAbd-al-Malik, which were later confiscated, passed to al-Maʾmûn and put in charge of Ṣâliḥ al-Khâzin, the proprietor of the "Dâr[-Ṣâliḥ]" in Antioch.

Abu-ʿUbaidah reduces Maʿarrat Miṣrîn and other places. Abu-ʿUbaidah, hearing that a large body of Greeks were assembled between Maʿarrat Miṣrîn^[14] and Aleppo, met them and killed many patricians, dispersing the whole army and carrying away captives and booty. Thus he effected the conquest of Maʿarrat Miṣrîn and made terms similar to the terms of Aleppo. His cavalry roamed about until they got to Bûḳa and reduced the villages of al-Jûmah, Sarmîn,^[15] Martaḥwân^[16] and Tîzîn.^[17] The occupants of the convents of Ṭabâya^[18] and al-Fasîlah capitulated, agreeing to entertain whomever of the Moslems passed by them. The Khunâṣirah Christians, too, came to abu-ʿUbaidah and made terms. Thus did all the land of Ḳinnasrîn and Antioch fall into the hands of abu-ʿUbaidah. I learnt from al-ʿAbbás ibn-Hishâm on the authority of his father that the Khunâṣirah were thus called after one, Khunâṣir ibn-ʿAmr ibn-al-Ḥârith al-Kalbi—later al-Kinâni—who was their chief.

Buṭnân Ḥabîb was so called after Ḥabîb ibn-Maslamah-l-Fihri who was sent from Aleppo either by abu-ʿUbaidah or Iyâḍ ibn-Ghanm to Bunân, where he reduced a fort that later bore his name.

The treaty with Ḳûrus. Abu-ʿUbaidah set out bent upon Ḳûrus^[19] [Cyrrhus], sending at the head of the vanguard ʿIyâḍ. The latter was met by one of the monks of Ḳûrus, who asked to capitulate on behalf of its people. ʿIyâḍ sent the monk to abu-ʿUbaidah, who was now between Jabrîn^[20] and Tall Aʿzâz.^[21] Abu-ʿUbaidah accepted the capitulation and proceeded to Ḳûrus where he signed a covenant with its people, granting them the same rights granted to the people of Antioch. To the monk, he wrote a special statement regarding a village that he owned called Sharḳîna.^[22] He then distributed his cavalry and subdued all the province of Ḳûrus to the end of the frontier of Niḳâbulus (Nicepholis).

Ḳûrus a frontier garrison for Antioch. Ḳûrus was for Antioch the seat of a garrison that kept watch on the enemy. To it came every year a detachment^[23] from the Antioch army to act as garrison. Later, one of the four divisions into which the army of Antioch was divided^[24] was moved to it; and the periodical detachments were no more sent there.

Salmân fort. Salmân ibn-Rabîʿah-l-Bâhili was in the army of abu-ʿUbaidah, together with abu-Umâmah aṣ-Ṣudai ibn-ʿAjlân, a Companion of the Prophet. This Salmân occupied a fort in Ḳûrus which was called after him Ḥiṣn [fort] Salmân. He then returned from Syria, together with others, to reinforce Saʿd ibn-abi-Waḳḳâṣ in al-ʿIrâḳ. According to others, Salmân ibn-Rabîʿah had led an invasion against the Greeks after the conquest of al-ʿIrâḳ and before he started for Armenia. On setting out from the district of Marʿash, he encamped near this fort and it was called after him. This Salmân together with Ziyâd^[25] were among the Slavs whom Marwân ibn-Muḥammad stationed in the frontier fortresses.^[26] I heard someone say that this Salmân was a Slav and that the fort was named after him.

Manbij, Dulûk and Raʿbân make terms. Abu-ʿUbaidah advanced to Ḥalab as-Sâjûr^[27] and sent before him ʿIyâḍ to Manbij [Hierapolis]. When abu-ʿUbaidah came up to ʿIyâd, he found that the people of Manbij had capitulated on terms similar to those of Antioch. Abu-ʿUbaidah carried the terms into effect and sent ʿIyâḍ ibn-Ghanm to the region of Dulûk and Raʿbân, whose inhabitants capitulated on terms similar to those of Manbij. One condition imposed on them was that they search for news regarding the Greeks and forward it in writing to the Moslems. To every district abu-ʿUbaidah conquered, he assigned a ʿâmil and sent with him some Moslems. But in the dangerous places he posted garrisons.

Bâlis and Ḳâṣirîn captured. Abu-ʿUbaidah proceeded until he got to ʿArâjîn.^[28] The van of the army he sent to Bâlis [Barbalissus]; and to Ḳâṣirîn he sent an army under Ḥabib ibn-Maslamah. Bâlis and Ḳâṣirîn^[29] belonged to two brothers of the Greek nobility to whom were given as fiefs the adjacent villages and who were made guardians of the Greek towns of Syria that lay between Bâlis and Ḳâṣirîn. When the Moslem armies reached these towns, their inhabitants capitulated, agreeing to pay poll-tax or evacuate the places. Most of them left for the Byzantine Empire, Mesopotamia and the village of Jisr Manbij [or Ḳalʿat an-Najm]. At this time there was no bridge [Ar. jisr]. It was first put up for the summer expeditions in the days of ʿUthmân ibn-ʿAffân. Others claim that it is of ancient origin.

Abu-ʿUbaidah stationed in Bâlis a body of fighting men and settled in the city some Arabs, who were in Syria and who, after the advent of the Moslems to Syria, had accepted Islâm, together with others who were not among the forces sent to the frontiers, but who had emigrated from the deserts and belonged to the Ḳais tribe. In Ḳâṣirîn, he settled others who, either themselves or their descendants, refused to stay in it. Abu-ʿUbaidah reached as far as the Euphrates and then returned to Palestine.

Maslamah canal. Bâlis and the villages attached to it on its upper, middle, and lower extremities were tithe-lands watered only by rain. When Maslamah ibn-ʿAbd-al-Malik ibn-Marwân led an expedition against the Greeks from the side of the Mesopotamian frontier fortresses, he camped at Bâlis whose inhabitants, together with those of Buwailis, Ḳâṣirîn, ʿÂbidîn, and Ṣiffin (which were villages attached to Bâlis) came to him, together with the inhabitants of the upper extremity, and they all asked him to dig for them a canal from the Euphrates to irrigate their land, agreeing to offer him one-third of the produce of the land, after taking away the usual tithe for the government.^[30] Maslamah consented and dug the canal called Nahr Maslamah; and the people lived up to their promise. Moreover, Maslamah repaired and strengthened the city wall. According to others, Maslamah himself started the idea and proposed the terms.

Bâlis and its villages as fief. At the death of Maslamah, Bâlis with its villages passed into the hands of his heirs, who held them until the appearance of the "blessed dynasty " [Abbasid], at which time ʿAbdallâh ibn-ʿAli confiscated the possessions of the banu-Umaiyah, including Bâlis and its villages. Abu-l-ʿAbbâs the "Commander of the Believers," assigned Bâlis and its villages as fief to Sulaimân ibn-ʿAli ibn-ʿAbdallâh ibn-al-ʿAbbâs, from whom they passed to his son, Muḥammad ibn-Sulaimân. Muḥammad's brother, Jaʿfar ibn-Sulaimân, repeatedly calumniated his brother to ar- Rashîd, the "Commander of the Believers," stating that he used to spend many times the income of the possessions and [crown-] domains he held, for the purpose of attaining his ambition,^[31] and upon the slaves and other dependents he kept. He added that it was legal for the "Commander of the Believers" to appropriate the money of his brother. These letters ar-Rashîd ordered preserved. Now, when Muḥammad died, Jaʿfar's letters were brought out and used as an argument against him. Muḥammad had no other brother from his father and mother than Jaʿfar. The latter acknowledged that they were his letters; and so the possessions passed to ar-Rashîd, who gave Bâlis and its villages as fief to al-Maʾmûn, after whom they passed to his son.

Muʿâdh advises against the division of the land. Hishâm ibn-ʿAmmâr from ʿAbdallâh ibn-Ḳais al-Hamdâni:—When ʿUmar ibn-al-Khaṭṭâb came to al-Jâbiyah and wanted to divide the land among the Moslems, on the ground that it was taken by force, Muʿâdh ibn-Jabal objected saying, "By Allah, if thou dividest the land, the result will certainly be unfavorable. The great part will be in the hands of these people, who will pass away, and the whole will become the possession of one man. Others will come after them, who will bravely defend Islâm, but find nothing left. Seek therefore some plan that suits those who come first as well as those who come last." ʿUmar acted according to the suggestion of Muʿâdh.

The chief of Buṣra tells a lie regarding the tax. Al-Ḥusain ibn-ʿAli ibn-al-Aswad al-ʿIjli from Salamah-l-Juhani's uncle:—The chief of Buṣra recounted that he had capitulated to the Moslems, agreeing to offer food, oil and vinegar. ʿUmar asked that a statement be written down to that effect; but abu-ʿUbaidah showed that the chief of Buṣra was telling an untruth and said, " The fact is that we made terms by which certain things should be sent to the winter quarters of the Moslems." Then ʿUmar decreed that a poll-tax be assessed graded according to the various classes,^[32] and that kharâj be imposed upon the land.

ʿUmar fixes the tax. Al-Ḥusain from Aslam, a freedman of ʿUmar:—ʿUmar wrote to the tax-collectors instructing them to levy poll-tax only on those who were adult, and he fixed it at four dînârs on those who possessed gold. He also assessed on them a subsistence tax by which each Moslem in Syria and Mesopotamia would receive two modii of wheat, and three ḳisṭs of oil, and the right to be entertained as a guest for three days.

The tithe-lands of Syria. Abu-Ḥafṣ ash-Shâmi from Makḥûl^[33]:—Every piece of "tithe-land" in Syria is one whose people had evacuated it, and which had been given as fief to the Moslems, who, by the permission of the governors, cultivated it after it had lain as waste land claimed by no one.

Footnotes

1. Ar. istaḳrâha, Caetani, vol. iii, p. 790, translates: "rinovo con gli abitanti il primitive trattato."
2. Ṭabari, vol. i, p. 2393.
3. "A place where people alight and take up their abode by a constant source of water," T. ʿA. Cf. Wâḳidi, Futûḥ, vol. ii, pp. 35–39.
4. Cf. Yâḳût, vol. iv, p. 184.
5. Mawardi, p. 240 seq.
6. Mushtarik, p. 118.
7. In which many atrocities were committed by both parties. See "Annotations on al-Ḳâmûs," by Muḥammad ibn-aṭ-Ṭaiyib al-Fâsi.
8. Mushtarik, p. 317; Yâḳût, vol. iii, p. 730.
9. Ar. aughara. See Zaidân, vol. ii, p. 133.
10. One of the pre-Islamic gods.
11. "Misrân" used for the last two localities.
12. De Goeje, gloss, to Biblio. Geog. Arab., vol. iv, pp. 352–353; C. H. Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, vol. i, p. 31.
13. Ar. waḳf.
14. Known also as Maʿarrat Ḳinnasrîn and Maʿarrat Naṣrîn. Yâḳût, vol. iv, p. 574.
15. Ibid., vol. iii, p. 83.
16. Lammens, MFO, vol. i, p. 242; Yâḳût, vol. iv, p. 487.
17. or Ṭûzîn. Yâḳût, vol. i, p. 907.
18. ? No diacritical points.
19. Yaʿḳûbi, Buldân, p. 363; Rustah, p. 107.
20. Jibrîn or Jibrîn Ḳurasṭâya. Yâḳût, vol. ii, p. 19.
21. or Tall ʿAzâz. Yâḳût, vol. iii, p. 667.
22. The word is uncertain, cf. "Ṣorqanié, Surkanyâ" in Lammens, "Villages Yézidis," MFO, vol. ii, p. 382.
23. Ar. ṭâliʾah, 1,500–2,000 men who came in spring and returned in winter.
24. Zaidân, vol. i, p. 120.
25. The one after whom Ḥiṣn Ziyâd was named; Yâḳût, vol. ii, p. 276.
26. Ar thughûr; Zaidân, vol. i, pp. 153–155.
27. Yâḳût, vol. i, p. 315; Mushtarik, p. 142.
28. Sometimes ʿ'Arshîn; Lammens, MFO, vol. i, p. 240, note 3.
29. Yâḳût, vol. iv, p. 16.
30. Ar. Sulṭân.
31. The caliphate; Athîr, vol. vi, p. 82.
32. De Goeje, Mémoire, p. 150.
33. Ḥajar, vol. iii, p. 935.