The Pacific Monthly/Volume 1/A New Era in our National Life
A NEW ERA IN OUR NATIONAL LIFE.
B. B. BEEKMAN.
THE 19th century has taught the world that a great nation can be successfully evolved upon the principles of justice and equality. The problem as to whether the constitution of the United States embodied a feasible plan of government has long since been settled, and that great charter of liberty remains a most marvelous work of constructiveness. The weak republic of 100 years ago has be- come a mighty and puissant nation. The constitution has grown, with each dec- ade, in the affections of the people, and our institutions have been jealously cherished and guarded as sacred monuments of constitutional liberty and freedom.
Government of the people, by the people, and for the people has become an established fact, and "shall not perish from the earth." The great current of American life has been sweeping through the century towards "liberty, equality and fraternity."
The dominion of the republic has been extended, in magnificent continuity, from the rock-bound shore of the Atlantic to the golden sands of the Pacific, and the flag of the Union, enriched and glorified by 32 additional stars, floats in triumph over a land of almost limitless re- sources. The tide of population, swell- ing with the passing years, has swept Westward, bearing on its bosom the blessings and glories of the new civiliza- tion.
The history of the United States during the century has been one of unparalleled progress, and the great republic stands forth at the threshold of the 20th cen- tury a mighty power pre-eminent in all the elements that make a nation great. With more than 70,000,000 of people, with marvelous strength and resources, with wide-extended trade and commerce, she presents a splendid contrast to the feeble republic of 100 years ago. In close touch with the four quarters of the globe, her foreign relations rival in magnitude and
importance the wonderful expansion and development of her domestic affairs. A mighty nation in a mighty age — the con- ditions underlying our national life and energy demand the adoption and main- tenance of definite national policies com- mensurate with our greatness. The hegemony attained in the two Americas in the early decades of the century im- pelled the United States to the enuncia- tion of a distinctively American doctrine — a doctrine that the other powers of the earth have been uniformly compelled to respect. The Monroe doctrine, based in part upon the principle of self-preserva- tion and self-interest and in part upon the sentiment of altruism, has become an inseparable part of our governmental policy — a doctrine that our liberty-loving people are resolved to maintain and per- petuate. Whatever may be the destiny in store for the republics of the Americas, the United States has once and for all firmly decided that never again shall any one of them pass under Old World dom- ination; that these continents are and of right ought to be dedicated forever to the holy cause of freedom. The Monroe doctrine guarantees our own future safety and welfare, but equally does it serve as a palladium to the liberty of the weaker and less-favored peoples of this hemisphere.
Startling as was the announcement of the Monroe doctrine, and far-reaching as have been the consequences flowing therefrom, it remained for our govern- ment to take a still more advanced step.
From 1895 the people of the United States have followed with growing inter- est and concern the heroic efforts of the Cubans in their last and supreme strug- gle for freedom, and desire for inter- vention in their behalf has grown stronger with the passing months. Ad- miring and sympathizing with the valor and heroism of the Cuban patriots, con- vinced of the incapacity and inability of Spain to subdue and conquer the insurgent forces, horrified at the cruelty of Spanish warfare, and at length aroused to deepest anger by the cowardly and treacherous destruction of the battle-ship Maine, and the murder of 266 of our brave seamen, while in a supposedly friendly harbor, the American people with remarkable unanimity, declared and promulgated, through the government at Washington, the right and purpose to intervene and end the long period of Spanish misrule in this beautiful isle of the sea.
Once again has our never-conquered nation donned the panoply of war, and once again have its proud banners waved in triumph. Never have more altruistic and disinterested motives moved a people to deeds of righteousness, and never have the strength and power of a nation been exerted in a more magnanimous undertaking. Martyrs to Spanish treachery, the blood of the Maine's seamen is upon that despotic nation—but to them will be reared a lasting memorial among men—a new republic, another gem in the crown of Freedom.
Our manifest national policy has been foreshadowed by the conditions that have been created. Averse to wars of conquest, and free from disturbing visions of imperial power and grandeur, the nation has become great beyond the dreams of its founders. A new era is upon it—a condition and not a theory confronts it. Its traditions must be partially shattered and its policy revised and shaped with reference to the exigencies of the times. In the future the words, "I am an American citizen," are to become a still prouder boast, a password to higher respect, a synomyn for governmental protection commensurate with our national strength, for—
They must upward still and onward who would keep abreast of truth;
Lo! before us gleam our campfires; we ourselves must pilgrims be;
Launch our Mayflower and steer boldly through the desperate sea,
Our extended trade and commerce, and the economic considerations for the further expansion thereof, our hegemony in this hemisphere and the firmly established doctrines it has entailed, and our intricate and complex relations with the world at large have greatly extended the horizon of our governmental and national duties and responsibilities, and are likely to constantly bring us face to face with critical questions, and often, perhaps, to the verge of conflict. We can no longer trust to chance, and to maintain peace and security we must be able to resort to and exercise force whenever necessary. The surest guarantee of peace is preparedness for war, and upon this truism we should base and shape our future course. This country in its resources is sufficient unto itself, but every consideration of public policy demands the ability to act immediately when danger threatens. American conditions do not call for an armed imperialism, but do require an easily available military reserve force and a naval strength commensurate with our national dignity. Against possible foreign attack and invasion our harbors and coast cities should be rendered invulnerable, and wherever American commerce and interests extend there should float our flag over ships and fleets of war.
We front two oceans, and our trade relations extend to Orient and Occident, from northern ice-bound coasts to distant lands upon which shines the southern cross. Here and there our war vessels should be seen, and as, in naval warfare of today, coal is king, strong and fortified strategic stations and outposts should be maintained. Again, naval as well as commercial interests demand that our Eastern and Western states be more closely joined, and to that end the United States should at once construct the Nicaragua canal to furnish short and speedy passageway for all our ships. Every citizen is proud of our present navy, and will eagerly hail its steady increase until our flag shall float on every sea and American men and ships and guns shall everywhere and always be ready to maintain against any foe the rights of the humblest citizen, and to protect our interests whatsoever they may be. We glory in the past deeds and achievements of our military and naval heroes, and we know full well that American valor and daring, skill and genius still exist. We have given to fame a Jones, a Lawrence, a Perry, a Decatur, and a Farragut, and we have startled the world with the brave and invincible Dewey.
In the light of past events, in the face of present deeds, we welcome the new era, and shall hail with pride and joy the inauguration of a more vigorous naval and military policy.
In the broader conditions of our national life, in our extensive foreign relations, in our expanding commerce, and in our extended governmental policies, we must recognize correspondingly increased duties and responsibilities. The hour is come for the United States to shake off the apparent lethargy of the last three decades and prepare to meet successfully any crisis that may occur. We are not eager for colonization in and of itself, but we are desirous of trade relations throughout the world, and the exigencies of the times point to the holding of certain strategic points beyond our shores. The near future is very likely to witness the Americanization of the isles of the seas, and to behold the unfurling of the Stars and Stripes over alien races and strange lands. Our aims, though conservative, are determined and certain of accomplishment, and having reaped the fruits thereof we must be prepared to preserve and protect them. Our future foreign policy must be marked with vigor, albeit leavened with conservatism, and foreign aggression and interference be less brooked than heretofore. Identity of interests may some day ob- literate the differences of the past, and cause—
"Strand to nearer lean to strand,
Till meet beneath saluting flags,
The lion of our mother land,
The eagle of our native crags!"
The events of the times are pointing in that direction, and should mutual interests be superadded to common tongue and law and faith and an Anglo-American co-operation or alliance result, the conjoined forces of the Anglo-Saxon race would insure the most magnificent safeguard of free government. But whether or not this mighty race shall hereafter act in unison and jointly guarantee the continuance and extension of popular rule, America must be prepared not only to defend and maintain her own national honor and prestige, but also to prevent aggression and interference in the affairs of her less-favored sisters to the south.
QUATRAIN.
When first my sky with clouds was overcast,
"Alas!" I cried, "The joys of life are past."
But now the clouds have fled, the joys remain,
All sweeter grown, as violets after rain.
—Florence May Wright.
