The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803/Volume 2/Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
| [Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.] | ||
| Illustrative Documents— | ||
| Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564. | ||
| Act of taking possession of Cibabao; February 15, 1565. | ||
| Proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the burial-places of the Indians; May 16, 1565. | ||
| Letters to Felipe II of Spain; May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565. | ||
| Letter to the royal Audiencia at Mexico; May 28, 1565. | ||
| Legazpi's relation of the voyage to the Philippines; 1565. | ||
| [1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia; 1566. | ||
| Letters to Felipe II of Spain; July, 1567, and June 26, 1568. | ||
| Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish settlement at Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69. | ||
Sources: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.
Translations: The résumé of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick; the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.
- ↑ This document is printed in both the original text and English translation.
[The following synopsis is made from documents published in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, tomos ii and iii, entitled De las Islas Filipinas. Concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "The expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "The course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de Velasco][1] … founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New Guinea. The instructions of the Audiencia prescribed definitely the voyage to the Philippines" (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. From Legazpi's landing in 1564, the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of Manila by the English in 1762.]
Valladolid, September 24, 1559. The king writes to Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain and president of the royal Audiencia, that he provide "what seems best for the service of God, our Lord, and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and therefore I order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships … for the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos. You must order them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders, they shall return to that Nueva España, which they must do, so that it may be known whether the return voyage is assured." These ships must not enter any islands belonging to the king of Portugal, but they shall go "to other nearby islands, such as the Phelipinas and others, which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation, and are said likewise to contain spice." The necessary artillery, articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the India House of Trade in Seville. "I shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think I should write to Fray Andres de Urdaneta of the order of Saint Augustine in that city [Mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice regions, as he has been there." The viceroy must issue instructions to the vessels that they "must not delay in trading and bartering, but return immediately to Nueva España, for the principal reason of this expedition is to ascertain the return voyage." The letter enclosed to Urdaneta states that the king "has been informed that when you were a secular, you were in Loaysa's fleet, and journeyed to the Strait of Magallanes and the spice regions, where you remained eight years in our service." In the projected expedition of the viceroy, Urdaneta's experience will be very valuable "because of your knowledge of the products of that region, and as you understand its navigation, and are a good cosmographer." Therefore the king charges him to embark upon this expedition. (Tomo ii, nos. x and xi, pp. 94-100.)
Mexico, May 28, 1560. Velasco writes to the king in answer to this letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in regard to the voyage. He says "it is impossible to go to the Filipinas Islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the latter are no less within the treaty than are the Malucos, as your majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself by Fray Andres de Urdaneta. This latter possesses the most knowledge and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate cosmographer in Nueva España." He asks the king to show this relation to any living members of Loaysa's expedition in order to verify it. The king should redeem the Spaniards captured by the natives in the Philippines and other islands near the Moluccas. To do this and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty made with Portugal. In case the ships should depart before the king's answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance with the above-mentioned relation. The vessels of the expedition will consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a patache.[2] Wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to make small boats for use among the islands. "The man in charge of the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at Nicaraugua and Realexo, ports in the province of Guatimala where I have ordered these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all the coast of the Southern Sea; and because they can be brought easily from those ports to Puerto de la Navidad, where the ships must take the sea." The artillery and other articles sent from Spain for the vessels have arrived. The letters written by the king to Urdaneta and the Augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed to the contents thereof. "It is most fitting that Fray Andres go on this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment." He assures the king that the return voyage to Spain will be made as quickly as possible. In a postscript he adds that all due secrecy has been observed in regard to the purpose of the fleet, and it has been given out that it is for the trade with Peru and for coast defense; however it is rumored that they are for the voyage westward. The same ship carried to the king a letter from Urdaneta accepting the service imposed upon him. He relates briefly his connection with the expedition of Loaysa and his experiences in, and return from, the Moluccas. "And after my return from the spice region until the year fifty-two, when our Lord God was pleased to call me to my present state of religion, I busied myself in your majesty's service, and most of the time in this Nueva España … both in matters pertaining to war … and those of peace." Notwithstanding his advanced age and his feeble health, he will undertake this new service. In a separate and accompanying paper Urdaneta sends his opinion concerning the Philippines and neighboring islands, which the viceroy has mentioned in his letter. In this relation Urdaneta declares that "it is evident and clear that the Filipina Island [Mindanao] is not only within the terms of the treaty,[3] but the point running eastward from this said island lies in the meridian of the Malucos, and the greater part of all the said island lies farther west than the meridian of Maluco."[4] He quotes the terms of the treaty to emphasize the fact that the Filipina Island is within Portugal's demarcation. "Therefore it seems that it would be somewhat inconsistent for your majesty to order the said vessels to the Filipina Island without showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." He advises the king to despatch the expedition strictly within his demarcation, asking him, however, to allow the ships to go to the Philippine Islands for the purpose of redeeming the Spanish captives, "without going to the Malucos, or engaging in trade, except to buy some things which may be worth seeing as specimens, or food and other articles necessary for the voyage." The best pilots and experienced men should be engaged for this expedition, "so that the most accurate relation possible may be made both of the lands newly-discovered and their longitude, and the route from Nueva España to the said Filipina Island, and the other islands of its neighborhood, so that it shall be understood where the one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude of your majesty's demarcation end. Therefore it seems that not only is it a just cause to go to the Filipina Island in search of your said vassals … but there appears to be a necessity for it, since they were lost in your majesty's service." These men will be very useful because of their knowledge of the language of the infidels and their acquaintance with those regions. (Tomo ii, nos. xii and xiii, pp. 100–113.)
The king replies to Urdaneta from Aranjuez, (March 4, 1561), accepting his offer "to go to the Western Islands in the vessels that Don Luis de Velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our command. … I feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of God, our Lord, and of ourselves. … I charge you that, in accordance with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that is expected from your religion and goodness. In regard to the advice you sent, everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders." (Tomo ii, no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.)
Nueva España, February 9, 1561. The viceroy writes to the king concerning the fleet. Two ships and one small vessel are being built, and will be provisioned for the trip to the Western Islands and the return to New Spain. They will be fully equipped by about the end of the present year. "It is necessary that your majesty have two pilots sent me for this expedition—men skilled and experienced in this navigation of the Ocean Sea; for, although I have three, I need two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships. … I have appointed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,[5] a native of the province of Lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of Lezcano, as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels—who all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred and fifty to three hundred people. He is fifty years old[6] and has spent more than twenty-nine years in this Nueba España. He has given a good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs committed to him. From what is known of his Christian character and good qualities hitherto, a more suitable man, and one more satisfactory to Fray Andres Urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition, could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land, and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind." (Tomo ii, no. xiv, pp. 113–117.)
Mexico, 1561. Urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the greater advantages of Acapulco as a port, than those possessed by Puerto de la Navidad. It has a more healthful location than the latter, is nearer Mexico City, and supplies can be taken there more easily. The lack of necessities, "such as wine, oil, etc., from España," and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from going to Puerto de la Navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will be finished. "It is of great advantage that the port whence the men embark be healthful, … because if they embark from an unhealthful land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while at sea. … The port of Acapulco appears to have a good location, so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be built, and may there take and discharge their cargoes; for it is one of the foremost ports in the discovery of the Indies—large, safe, very healthful, and with a supply of good water. It abounds in fish; and at a distance of five or six leagues there is an abundance of wood for the buttock-timbers of the vessels, and, some distance farther, of wood for decks and sheathing, and pines for masts and yards." Further, the district about this port is reasonably well populated. Urdaneta says that if material for making the artillery be sent from Spain, and good workmen, the artillery can be made in New Spain; as well as anchors. "In this land there is copper in abundance, from which artillery can be made," which only needs to be refined. The Augustinian makes some interesting observations regarding social and economic conditions in Mexico, and suggests that it would be very advantageous to compel many youths who are growing up in vagabondage to learn trades, "especially the mestizos, mulattoes, and free negroes." Weapons, ammunition, and defensive armor must be sent from Spain for this expedition. Urdaneta requests that hemp-seed be sent, in order that ropes may be made in New Spain. He tells of a plant pita [agave], growing in this country which can be used as a substitute for hemp, and many plants of it must be planted near the ports. The pitch, tar, and resin, the instruments and charts for navigation, etc., must be sent hither from Spain. They need good seamen and workmen. The king is requested to allow them to make use of any workmen in the other provinces of "these parts of the Indies," paying them their just wages; likewise to take what things they need, paying the just price. It is advised that the necessary trees for shipbuilding be planted near the ports, and that ranches be established near by to furnish food.
The second section of this document treats of the navigation to the Western Islands; and Urdaneta maps out various routes which should be followed, according to the time of the year when the fleet shall depart on its voyage of discovery. These routes all have to do primarily with New Guinea as the objective point of the expedition, the Philippines being considered as only secondary thereto. Speaking of the Ladrones and their inhabitants, Urdaneta says: "The islands of the Ladrones are many, and thirteen[7] of them are said to be inhabited. The inhabitants are naked and poor. They eat rice, have many cocoa palms, and use salt. They fish with hooks made from tortoise-shell, being destitute of articles made from iron. They place a counterweight in one end of their canoes, and rig on them lateen-like sails made of palm-mats. It is quite important to explore this island thoroughly, or any of the others, in order to discover and ascertain accurately the navigation that has been made up to that point, and their distance from Maluco and the Filipinas Islands… Those islands are somewhat less than three hundred and seventy leagues from Botaba [one of the Ladrones]." The "modern maps that have come to this Nueva España," are in his opinion incorrect, as certain coasts are drawn more extensive than is actually the case. Calms must be avoided and the trade winds caught, in order to facilitate navigation. The errors of former expeditions must be avoided, as well as a protracted stay at the Philippines—" both because of the worms that infest that sea, which bore through and destroy the vessels; and because the Portuguese might learn of us, during this time, and much harm might result thereby." Besides, Spaniards as well as natives cannot be depended upon to keep the peace. By leaving New Spain before the beginning of October, 1562, much expense and the idleness of the ships will be avoided. In case land be discovered within Spain's demarcation, Urdaneta requests the king to provide for its colonization by supplying a captain and some of the people and religious—or even that the general himself remain there, "if the natives thereof beg that some Spaniards remain among them." He asks the king to ascertain the truth of the report that the French have discovered a westward route "between the land of the Bacallaos and the land north of it."[8] If it be true then trade might be carried on more economically from Spain direct to the west than by way of New Spain, and the fleets will be better provided with men and equipments. (Tomo ii, no. xvii, pp. 119–138).
Mexico, May 26, 1563. Legazpi writes to the king that "the viceroy of this New Spain, without any merit on my part, has thought best to appoint me for the voyage to the Western Islands, to serve your majesty, putting under my charge the fleet prepared for it—not because this land has few men who would do it better than I, and by whom your majesty would be served better on this voyage, but rather, because no one would give himself up to it with a more willing spirit, as I have ever done in my past duties." He assures his majesty that he will have the utmost care in this expedition. For the better success of the voyage he has "asked the viceroy for certain things, which seemed to me necessary … and others of which, in the name of your majesty, he should grant me, which although they were not of so great moment that they were fitting to be asked from so exalted and powerful a personage, the viceroy defers and sends them to you, so that your majesty may order your pleasure regarding them." He asks these things for "so important a voyage" not as "a remuneration for my work, since that is due your majesty's service, but as a condescension made with the magnificence that your majesty always is accustomed to exercise in rewarding his servants who serve him in matters of moment." (Tomo ii, no. xviii, pp. 139, 140.)
Mexico, 1564. The viceroy writes to Felipe on February 25 and again on June 15, excusing the non-departure of the fleet. In the first he says that the delay is due to the proper victualing of the vessels for a two-years' voyage, and the non-arrival of certain pieces of artillery, etc., which were coming from Vera Cruz; the things that were to be sent from the City of Mexico could not be sent until the fleet was launched, as they would spoil if left on land. Everything will be ready by May. In the second letter he excuses the delay as, owing to calms and contrary winds, the vessels bearing the "masts, yards, and certain anchors" for the fleet did not arrive at Puerto de la Navidad until June 10. It still remained to step the masts and make the vessels shipshape, and to load the provisions; and they will be ready to sail by September. "Four vessels are being sent, two galleons and two pataches; … they are the best that have been launched on the Southern Sea, and the stoutest and best equipped. They carry three hundred Spaniards, half soldiers and half sailors, a chosen lot of men… Six religious of the order of Saint Augustine go with it, among them Fray Andres de Urdaneta, who is the most experienced and skilled navigator that can be had in either old or new España." He encloses a copy of the instructions to Legazpi, in order that the king may assure himself that his commands have been obeyed. The best pilots have been secured. The questions of routes, seasons, and other things have been discussed with Urdaneta and others who have made the voyage before. "I trust … that the expedition will come to a successful end, and that your majesty will be very much served therein, and in all that shall hereafter occur in it." Notice will be given to the king of the departure of the fleet by the first vessel leaving for Spain after that event. (Tomo ii, nos. xix and xx, pp. 140–145).
Méjico, September 1, 1564. After the death of Luis de Velasco, instructions are issued to Legazpi by the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Mexico, the chief provisions of which here follow. Before the royal officials of this expedition, namely, "Guido de Labezaris, treasurer, Andres Cauchela, accountant, and Andres de Mirandaola, factor," he will take possession of the vessels and their equipment. The flagship will be the "Sant Felipe," in which Legazpi will embark; the "Sant Andres" will carry the commander of the fleet;[9] Captain Juan de la Isla and Captain Hernan Sanchez Muñon will command the pataches, the "Sant Juan de Letran" and the "Sant Lucas," respectively. Legazpi's first duty is to appoint pilots, masters, boatswains, notaries, artillery officers, and all other necessary officials. Inventories of the equipment of the fleet, and of the merchandise, etc., carried, are to be made and signed by him; and a copy of the same shall be given to the officials of the royal hacienda [treasury]. He shall apportion the cargo, provisions, etc., among the different vessels, as he judge best. Martin de Goiti is to have entire charge of all the artillery, ammunition, etc., "as he is a person to be trusted," and he shall be given a memorandum of all such things. The men embarking in the fleet shall pass a general review; their names, age, parentage, occupation in the fleet, and pay, shall be enrolled in a book; and they shall be apportioned to the various vessels of the fleet. In Legazpi's ship will embark Captain Mateo del Saz, appointed master-of-camp, two officials of the royal hacienda, and those "gentlemen to whom has been given the preference for attendance on you and the standard, and the other necessary persons;" the royal standard and the ensign shall be carried on his vessel. "In the admiral's ship you shall appoint as captain thereof, and as admiral of the whole fleet, the man who is, in your judgment, most suitable." This vessel must carry one of the royal officers. The soldiers and sailors must see that the arquebuses delivered to them are kept in good order. Great care must be exercised in regard to the provisions, and they must be apportioned in set quantities, "as the voyage is of long duration." To this end no useless person shall be taken, and no Indians or negroes (male or female)—beyond a dozen of the latter for servants—or women (married or single) shall accompany the fleet. When the fleet is upon the point of embarking, the Augustinian religious shall be taken on board, who go "to bring the natives of those regions to a knowledge of our holy Catholic faith." They are to have good quarters and to receive good treatment. Before setting sail "you shall have care that all the people have confessed and received communion." The general must perform homage and take oath to "perform well and faithfully the said office and duties of governor and captain-general." Also the oath of obedience and faithfulness to Legazpi shall be taken by all embarking in the fleet, "that they will not mutiny, or rebel, and will follow the course marked out by you, and your banner." The general must guard carefully the morals of his men, and shall punish "blasphemy and public sins with all severity." The property of the dead shall be kept for their heirs, persons being appointed to administer it. The admiral, captains, pilots, and masters shall be given ample instructions concerning the course before setting sail, which they must follow to the letter. The men are to be divided into watches, no one being excused, except for sickness. The fleet, setting sail, shall proceed "in search of and to discover the Western Islands situated toward the Malucos, but you shall not in any way or manner enter the islands of the said Malucos, … but you shall enter other islands contiguous to them, as for instance the Filipinas, and others outside the said treaty, and within his majesty's demarcation, and which are reported also to contain spice." They are to labor for the evangelization of the natives, to ascertain the products of the islands, and to discover the return route to New Spain. The route to be taken on the westward journey will be by way of the "island Nublada, discovered by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos" and Roca Partida; then to the islands Los Reyes, the Coral Islands—"where you may procure water,"—and thence to the Philippines; passing perhaps the islands of Matalotes and Arrecifes, in which event they shall try to enter into communication with the natives. "When you have arrived at the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous to them and the Malucos, without however entering the latter, … you shall try to discover and examine their ports, and to ascertain and learn minutely the settlements therein and their wealth; the nature and mode of life of the natives; the trade and barter among them, and with what nations; the value and price of spices among them, the different varieties of the same, and the equivalent for each in the merchandise and articles for exchange that you take from this land; and what other things may be advantageous. You shall labor diligently to make and establish sound friendship and peace with the natives, and you shall deliver to their seigniors and chiefs, as may seem best to you, the letters from his majesty that you carry with you for them. … You must represent to them his majesty's affection and love for them, giving them a few presents … and treating them well. And you may exchange the articles of barter and the merchandise that you carry for spice, drugs, gold, and other articles of value and esteem. … And if, in your judgment, the land is so rich and of such quality that you should colonize therein, you shall establish a colony in that part and district that appears suitable to you, and where the firmest friendship shall have been made with you; and you shall affirm and observe inviolably this friendship. After you have made this settlement, if you should deem it advantageous to the service of God, our Lord, and of his majesty, to remain in those districts where you have thus settled, together with some of your people and religious, until you have given advice of it to his majesty and this royal Audiencia in his name, you shall send immediately to this Nueva España, one or more trustworthy persons … with the news and relation of what you have accomplished, and where you have halted. What you shall have obtained in trade shall be brought back. This you shall do in such manner that with all the haste, caution, and diligence possible, they shall return to this land, in order that the return route hither may be known and learned; for this latter is the chief thing attempted, since already it is known that the journey thither can be made in a brief time. If you determine to make the return in person to this land, you shall leave there, where you have settled, persons in your stead and some people and religious, but making sure that the commander left by you with such people and religious is a thoroughly trustworthy man, and that he is amply provided with the necessary supplies until aid can arrive. To this man you shall give orders that he preserve with your friends the friendship that you shall have established, without offending or ill-treating them in any way; and that he be ever prepared and watchful, so that no harm may come through his negligence." News of any Spaniards left among these islands from the expedition of Villalobos is to be earnestly sought; and Spaniards and their children are to be ransomed when found, and brought back to Spanish territory. Information is to be sought concerning the natives of the Philippines. The Spaniards must ascertain whether the Portuguese have built forts or made settlements in these islands since the treaty was made, or since Villalobos arrived there. The exploration in Spain's demarcation is to be as thorough as possible. Any land colonized must be well chosen, regard being had to its easy defense. As much treasure as possible must be sent back with the ship or ships that return with news of the expedition. Further emphasis is laid on the good treatment of the natives, "who, as we are informed, are men of keen intellect, of much worth, and as white as ourselves." "In whatever port, island, or land" they shall make explorations, they are to gather information "of the customs, conditions, mode of life, and trade of their inhabitants; their religion and cult, what beings they adore, and their sacrifices and manner of worship. Information must be obtained of their method of rule and government; whether they have kings, and, if so, whether that office is elective, or by right of inheritance; or whether they are governed like republics, or by nobles; what rents or tributes they pay, and of what kind and to whom; the products of their land most valued among them; what other things valued by them are brought from other regions. And you shall ascertain what articles taken by you from, here are held in highest estimation among them." Possession, in the king's name, shall be taken of all the lands or islands discovered. The pilots shall make careful logs. The powerful rulers of these districts are to be told that the proposed destination of the fleet was not to their islands, but the exigencies of the weather rendered a stay there imperative, in order that they may not say "that you carry very little merchandise to go a-trading in lands so distant." They shall request friendship and alliance and trade; and presents shall be given these rulers from the most valuable articles in the cargo. Legazpi must be watchful of his own safety, carrying on negotiations with the natives through his officers, thus guarding against treachery. The person transacting such business shall be accompanied by armed men, and the negotiations must be carried on in sight of the vessels. Hostages must be procured when possible. No soldiers or sailors shall go ashore without being ordered to do so. Sleepless vigilance must be exercised to see that the natives do not cut the anchor-cables, and thus send the ship adrift. To guard against treason and poison, invitations to festivities or banquets must not be accepted, nor shall any food be eaten unless the natives partake of it first. If no settlement can be made because of the unwillingness of the natives, or because of the scarcity of men, then the expedition—the entire fleet, if Legazpi deem best—shall return, after having first made peace and friendship, trying to bring enough treasure, etc., to pay the expenses of the expedition. It is advisable to leave some of the priests in any event, "to preserve the friendship and peace that you shall have made." If any Portuguese are met among the islands of Japan, part of which lie in Spain's demarcation, any hostile encounter must be avoided, and the Spaniards must labor for peace and friendship. In case they obtain such peace and friendship, then they must try to see the charts carried by the Portuguese. Whether the latter are found or not in these Japanese islands, Legazpi must try to ascertain whether any Theatins[10] have been sent thither to convert the natives. Finding these latter, information as to those regions and the actions of the Portuguese therein must be sought. In case the Spaniards and Portuguese come to blows, and the victory remain to the former, a few Portuguese prisoners shall be sent to New Spain. If the Portuguese have unlawfully entered the limits of Spain, Legazpi shall, with the advice of his captains and the royal officials, take what course seems best. If vessels are encountered in the Japanese archipelago or in districts contiguous thereto, Legazpi must try to effect peace and friendship, declaring that he was compelled to enter those districts because of contrary winds; he must gather all the information possible from them, concerning themselves and the Portuguese. Should these vessels thus encountered prove to be armed fleets or pirates, any conflict with them must be avoided. In case of a fight, let him depend on his artillery rather than on grappling. Any prisoners must be well treated, "and after having gained information of everything that seems best to you, you shall allow them to go freely, giving them to understand the greatness of the king, … and that he wishes his vassals to harm no one." Pirates are to be dealt with as shall be deemed best. All trading must be at the lowest possible price, and fixed figures shall be established. Native weights must be used. The royal officials are to have entire charge of all trading, of whatever nature, and no individual shall presume, under severe penalties, to trade for himself, for in that case prices will be raised by the natives. These officials shall trade first, merchandise to the value of fifty thousand pesos of gold dust[11] for the king, and then ten thousand pesos for private individuals; then another fifty thousand for the king, and so on; but all drugs, spices, and some other articles are the king's alone, and no one may trade for them without his express permission. Careful entries of all trading must be made, and the king shall receive one-twentieth of all the return cargo of individuals in the fleet. Any merchandise belonging to private individuals who do not embark in the fleet shall be traded last, and seven per cent of its returns shall be paid to the king. Slaves may be bought, for use as interpreters, but good treatment is to be accorded them. No Indian shall be captured, nor shall any soldier buy any slave during the time of the voyage; but when a settlement is made they may do so, unless the king order the contrary. Several of them shall be sent to New Spain, however, that "they may be seen here, and from them may be ascertained the products of their lands." In the fortress of any settlement made, two houses shall be constructed, one for Legazpi, and the other for the safe keeping of the artillery and stores; and a ditch and drawbridge are to be made at the entrance to it. The people of the settlement shall live outside the fortress, but in one place. Careful watch must be kept; and the soldiers must take good care of their weapons, having them always in readiness. The soldiers and others are to be prohibited from "going to the villages of the natives of those regions without leave, from entering their houses, from seizing by force anything in the camp or in their village, or contrary to their will, and from leaving their [the soldiers'] quarters. Especially shall you prohibit them and order them that they have no communication with the women of those regions." Legazpi is to remain aboard his vessel until the fortress is completed. After its completion some small boats shall be made. A church shall be built near the fort, as well as a house for the religious, in order that the latter may minister to the colonists and the natives. "And you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the natives of those regions, some of the religious accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment, so that, when the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by his majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the salvation of the souls of those infidels." To this end all help must be given to these ministers of God. The Indian interpreters carried in the fleet must be well treated. In case it shall be necessary, changes may be made in these instructions, but with the advice of the other officers; but it must be ever kept in mind that he is "to go to the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous thereto, … and to discover the return route to this Nueva España with the greatest despatch possible, bringing or sending spices and other valuable articles of those regions." Urdaneta must return with the ship or ships sent back to discover the return route, because of his experience. No person shall be restricted from sending letters, in the return ship or ships, to the king or the royal Audiencia. The commander of the return ship shall deliver all the letters to the Audiencia, and they, after reading their own shall despatch the others. This person shall be most emphatically charged to communicate with no one until the Audiencia has been advised of everything that has happened since the fleet left New Spain. Legazpi is enjoined in strong terms to seek advice among the religious "especially father Fray Andres de Urdaneta," and the officers of the fleet, on all important matters. In case of Legazpi's death the person succeeding to his office is to keep these instructions faithfully. A small box, carefully fastened, is given into Legazpi's keeping, containing a sealed paper in which is written the name of the person who is to succeed to his command in case of his death, but this person is not to be known until such a casualty. Another similar box, sealed and fastened as the other casket, contains the name of the person who shall receive the command in case Legazpi's successor dies also. At the end of the instructions proper is Legazpi's oath to observe with care the commands enjoined upon him therein. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 145–200.)
Méjico, September 12, 1564. A letter from the royal Audiencia to the king informs the latter of the changes which they have made in the instructions given to Legazpi by Luis de Velasco, who has died. The general and other officers have left for the port of departure, and the fleet will sail some time in October. The first instructions, which were in accordance with Urdaneta's opinion, were to sail toward New Guinea and coast along its shores in order to discover its products and other things. "It seemed to this royal Audiencia, discussing and communicating in this regard with persons of experience, who have been in those regions, that, although it be true that the discovery of New Guinea would be important, especially if the riches asserted should be found there, it is not fitting that the voyage thither be made now—both because, as it is new, it has not hitherto been navigated; and because, doing so now, it would be necessary to deviate widely from the course to reach the Western Islands, and the return voyage would be delayed; and it would be running a great risk to navigate in an unknown course." The king's letter of September 24, 1559, is cited in support of the Audiencia's change in route, and they " determined to order the general to sail straightway in search of the Filipinas Islands, and the other islands contiguous thereto, by the same route taken by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos." The Audiencia do not agree with Urdaneta (see above, p. 81) that the Philippines are in Portugal's demarcation. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 200–205.)
Nueva España, 1564 (?). The first-appointed admiral of the fleet, Juan Pablo de Carrión, writes to King Felipe in regard to the proposed route. He gives a brief outline of Urdaneta's opinion that they should sail first to New Guinea. This island he declares "is one that we discovered in the year forty-four." He describes it as a desolate region, with but scant food, and declares that the voyage thither is dangerous and arduous. His own opinion is that the fleet should take the same course as did Saavedra and Villalobos; "and that the fleet should put in at the Filipinas Islands, which are friendly islands, with whom we have had trade and friendship, and where even eight Spaniards of the fleet in which I sailed remained. They are islands well supplied with all manner of food, and there is much trade there. They are wealthy and large, and have the best location of the entire archipelago. Their language is known, and their ports, and even the names of their principal rulers, with whom we have contracted friendship. … There are islands among them with a circuit of three hundred leagues, and so down to fifty. Those islands that have been seen are eight large ones, without reckoning the small ones between them. They are within sight of one another, so that the most distant of them is not more than ten leagues from another. To the north of them lies the mainland of China, a distance of about two hundred leagues; at about the same distance to the south lies Maluco. And since the route from these lands thither is already known, and we have had experience of it and since it is a land most abundantly provisioned and has much trade, and is rich, I have been of the opinion that we should go thither, inasmuch as this navigation is understood and that we should not seek a new course attended with so great uncertainty and risk." He recounts that "these islands were discovered first by Magallánes in the year twenty-one," and afterward by Villalobos, and their secret discovered. "They are islands that the Portuguese have never seen, and they are quite out of the way of their navigation; neither have the latter had any further information of them beyond our drawing or chart. They have the best situation for the return voyage, because they are in north latitude." He ascribes his not being permitted to accompany the expedition to the divergence of his opinion from that of Urdaneta. The latter has declared that he will not go on the expedition if it takes Carrión's course; "and as he who goes as general, … is of his nation and land, and his intimate friend, he wishes to please the father in everything; and as the said general has no experience in these things, nor does he understand anything of navigation, through not having practiced it, he is unable to distinguish one thing from another, and embraces the father's opinion in everything." Carrión, in a very brief résumé of Urdaneta's life, declares that he is a man of over sixty. (Tomo ii, no. xxiii, pp. 205–210.)
Puerto de la Navidad, 1564. In a letter to the king November 18, Legazpi announces that he has taken over "two large ships and two pataches, and one small brigantine," in which are one hundred and fifty seamen, two hundred soldiers, and six religious of the order of Saint Augustine, the chief of whom is father Fray Andres de Urdaneta; in all, the number of souls, counting servants, amounts to three hundred and eighty. "I shall leave this port, please God, our Lord, tomorrow … and will display, on my part, all possible diligence and care, with the fidelity which I owe, and which I am under obligation to have." He hopes for a successful voyage. He begs the king to bear them in mind, and send aid "to us who go before," and to commit this to one who has care and diligence, "as a matter that concerns greatly the service of God, our Lord, the increase of his holy Catholic faith, and the service of your majesty, and the general good of your kingdoms and seigniories." He asks the king to grant (as in his other letter, q. v. above) the requests he had made to the viceroy, and which the latter had sent to Spain; for the preparation for the voyage has taken all his possessions. Two days later (November 20) Urdaneta writes the king to somewhat the same effect, enumerating the vessels, men, etc. Besides himself there are four other religious, "and the other … God has taken to himself in this port." They will set out the following day, all being well. He praises Legazpi, and requests the king to keep him in his remembrance. Urdaneta's nephew, Andrés de Mirandaola, is the royal factor of the fleet, and the former begs favor for him. "Also since the religious of the order of our father Saint Augustine are the first to embark in this undertaking, and to undergo so many hardships for the service of God and your majesty, I beg your majesty to grant them favors." (Tomo ii, nos. xxiv and xxv, pp. 211–215.)
November 25, 1564. Legazpi gives instructions on this day to the captains and pilots as to the course to be pursued. Hitherto, since leaving port, a southwest course has been steered; but now, in accordance with the royal instructions, and in the opinion of the captains and pilots, it seems advisable to change the direction. They shall sail first west-southwest to a latitude of nine degrees, and then take a due course for the Philippines, stopping at the island of Los Reyes on the way. If by any chance one of the vessels becomes separated from Legazpi's vessel, the pilots are to return to the above latitude, stopping at any port that they may find, for eight or ten days, in hopes of meeting the other vessels. Whether they find the island or not, and do not find the other vessels, this ship shall continue on the course toward the Philippines. A token and letter must be left at any port they may reach. When the island of Los Reyes is reached, the ship will wait there ten days, after which time they shall continue their course, stopping likewise at Matalotes and Arrecifes, leaving tokens at all places, and trying to explore them and discover their products. (Tomo ii, no. xxvi, pp. 215–217.)
Relation of the expedition, from November 19, 1564, to the end of May, 1565, when the "San Pedro," under command of Felipe de Salcedo, left Cebú for New Spain. The fleet set sail from "Puerto de Navidad, Monday, November 20, two hours before midnight, or rather on Tuesday, November 21, three hours before daybreak." It consisted of the flagship, "San Pedro," the "San Pablo," captained by the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz, and the pataches "San Juan" and "San Lucas," captained by Juan de la Isla and Alonso de Arellano respectively. The vessels bore as pilots Esteban Rodriguez (chief pilot), Pierres Plin (or Plun, a Frenchman), Jaymes Martinez Fortun, Diego Martin, Rodrigo de Espinosa, and Lope Martin, Legazpi's vessel, the "San Pedro," carried a small brigantine on her poop deck. On November 25, Legazpi opened the instructions given him by the Audiencia, which radically changed the course from the one that had been hitherto pursued—the new course being in accord with the advice of Carrión, and by the same route which Villalobos had taken. "The religious in the fleet were very sorry at this, giving out that they had been deceived; and had they known while yet ashore, that such a route was to be pursued, they would not have accompanied the expedition, for the reasons that father Fray Andres de Urdaneta had advanced in Mexico." But they expressed their willingness to make the expedition now for the service of God and the holy Catholic faith, the increase of the kingdom, and the general good of the fleet. On the night of the twenty-ninth, the "San Lucas," which, by the general's orders, was accustomed to take its position at night ahead of his vessel, became separated from the rest of the fleet and was seen no more.[12] Being speedier than the others, Legazpi naturally expected that it would reach the islands ahead of him and there await the fleet, but he was disappointed. The fleet reached on December 18, the ninth degree of latitude, from which it must proceed westward to the island of Los Reyes. It was found that there was no uniformity among the distances and reckonings of the pilots; and although each contended for the accuracy of his reckoning, they were accustomed to change their figures somewhat, before reporting to Legazpi. Urdaneta's figures proved nearer the truth, but even he changed his reckoning, enlarging it, that he might be more in harmony with the pilots. Thus it happened that the daily runs were exaggerated, giving rise to the belief that Los Reyes had been passed. In accordance with this belief the course of the fleet was changed on the twenty-eighth of December, taking the latitude of ten degrees, in order to reach Matalotes and other islands. On January 8, 1565, the "San Pablo" reported land on the port bow, and the fleet directed its course southward. The report proving incorrect, the former course was resumed and on the next day a low, small island was discovered. The natives fled at the sight of the squadron. The ships ran close to land, and finding no anchorage, for the anchors failed to touch bottom, Martin de Goyti was ordered to go ahead to look for an anchorage. Landing parties (among whom were Urdaneta and Legazpi's grandson, Felipe de Salcedo, Martin de Goyti, and Juan de la Isla) went on shore to gather what information they could, and Salcedo was empowered to take possession of the island for the king. Meanwhile it became necessary for the vessels to weigh anchor and set sail, as the ebb-tide was taking them out to sea. The small boats that had been sent ashore regained the fleet at ten o'clock, and it continued its voyage. The landing-party had been well received by the natives who had not decamped—an old man, his wife, and a young woman with her child—who showed them their houses, fruits, and articles of food, giving them some of the latter. They showed signs of regret at the departure of the Spaniards. "The Indian was well built and the women good looking. They were clad in garments made of palm-leaf mats, which are very thin and skilfully made. They had many Castilian fowl, quantities of fish and cocoanuts, potatoes, yams, and other grain, such as millet." They used canoes, and made fish-hooks from bone and other articles. "Their hair is loose and long." This island was named Barbudos.[13] No weapons, offensive or defensive, were seen. On the tenth they reached another larger island and many small islets, which they called Los Plazeles from the surrounding shoals. They appeared uninhabited. The same day they passed another uninhabited island, which they called the isle of Birds, from its many wild-fowl. On the twelfth they passed other uninhabited islands which they called Las Hermanas ["The Sisters"]. On the fourteenth, they passed islands which Urdaneta declared to be the Jardines of Villalobos. The pilots ridiculed this assertion, saying that they were much farther on their course. In a general council on the seventeenth the best course to the Philippines was discussed, as it was advisable to avoid entering at the hunger-point of Villalobos. It was agreed to sail along the thirteenth degree, in which course Urdaneta declared they must meet the Ladrones. On the twenty-second of January land was sighted which the pilots declared to be the Philippines, but which Urdaneta said might be the Ladrones, which he afterwards affirmed to be the case from the lateen-sails of the native boats, "which the inhabitants of the Filipinas do not make." The pilots continued to ridicule him, but Urdaneta's reasoning was correct. The fleet was surrounded by a multitude of boats, whose occupants, all talking at once, invited them with word and sign to land, offering refreshment. Some knives, scissors, beads, a mirror, and other articles were given to the occupants of the nearest canoe. On the following Tuesday the vessels succeeded in finding an anchorage, and the instructions as to behavior on land were carefully enjoined on all the men.[14] They were immediately surrounded by the canoes of the natives, the occupants of which brought many kinds of food, but in very small quantity. They would not enter the vessels although asked to do so by Legazpi, "who showed them much love and affection, and looked upon them as friends." They sold their food for such things as playing cards, little bits of cloth, etc. "The father prior talked with them, using the few words of their language that he remembered, especially counting up to ten, whereat they manifested great pleasure; and one of them mentioned the name Gonzalo, which as the father prior said, was the name of a Spaniard who had been found in one of those islands, which was called Goam." The natives signed to them to enter their villages, where they would find food in abundance. "And all the canoes, and those in them, had their arms, which consisted of shields, bundles of throwing-sticks, slings, and egg-shaped stones. … They leave the body quite uncovered. They are tall, robust, well built, and apparently of great strength. The women, too, are very tall, and wear only a cord tied about the waist, and to the cord they hang some grass or leaves from the trees, whereby they cover the shameful parts. Some cover the latter also with mats made from palm-leaves. All the rest of the body is uncovered. Both men and women wear their hair, which is of a yellowish color, loose and long, gathering it up behind the head." Their canoes are "very neatly and well made, sewed together with cord, and finished with a white or orange-colored bitumen, in place of pitch. They are very light, and the natives sail in them with their lateen sails made of palm-mats, with so much swiftness against the wind or with a side wind that it is a thing to marvel at." The trading was all done from the canoes for the natives would not enter the vessels. They cheated much, passing up packages filled mainly with sand, or grass, and rocks, with perhaps a little rice on top to hide the deceit; the cocoanut oil was found to be mixed with water. "Of these the natives made many and very ridiculous jests." They showed no shame in these deceits, and, if remonstrance was made, began straightway to show fight. "They are inclined to do evil, and in their knavishness they exhibit a very great satisfaction in having done it; and truly whoever gave the name of island of Ladrones [robbers] was right; for they are robbers and boast of it, and are quite shameless and inclined to evil. They render account to no one, each man being sufficient to himself. Thus it was seen that, whenever the general gave some articles, such as beads, mirrors, and articles of barter, to the Indians who seemed to be the principals, they quarreled over who should take them, snatching them from one another and fleeing. And they were always looking for something to steal. They unfastened a large piece of one rudder blade in the patache "San Joan," and they tried to, and actually did, draw out the nails from the sides of the ships."[15] The vessels having anchored in a small cove for the purpose of refilling the water-butts, the natives showed hostility, discharging showers of stones from two sides, wounding some of the Spaniards, among others Captain Juan de la Isla, whereat the master-of-camp was sent ashore to remonstrate. The natives, in consequence, promised to keep the peace. Repeated experiences proved that no confidence could be placed in these people; for they broke their word as soon as given. Legazpi took possession of this island "in the name of his majesty; and the religious disembarked to say mass, and celebrated divine worship.[16] Several natives were captured and held as hostages, being well treated in each case. One escaped, although his legs were fettered with irons, by swimming; one hanged himself, and the others were set free. Urdaneta proposed that a settlement be made in this island, and a vessel despatched to New Spain, but Legazpi said this would be acting contrary to his instructions. Before leaving the island, however, a hundred men under the command of Mateo del Saz landed to inflict chastisement for the death of a ship-boy whom the natives, finding him asleep in a palm grove, whither he had gone while the water-butts were being refilled, had killed in a most barbarous manner. Four of the natives were captured, three of whom (all wounded) were hanged at the same place where the boy had been killed; and the other was, through the intervention of the priests, taken aboard the ship, in order to send him to New Spain. Many houses were burned, a damage, "which, although slight, was some punishment for so great baseness and treachery as they had displayed toward us, … and was done, so that when Spaniards, vassals of his majesty, anchor there another time, the natives shall give them a better reception, and maintain more steadfastly the friendship made with them." "This island of Goam is high and mountainous, and throughout, even to its seacoast, is filled with groves of cocoa-palms and other trees, and thickly inhabited. Even in the valleys, where there are rivers, it is inhabited. It has many fields sown with rice, and abundance of yams, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, and bananas—these last the best I have seen, being in smell and taste far ahead of those of Nueva España. This same island has also much ginger, and specimens of sulphurous rock were found." The island had "no wild or tame cattle, nor any birds, except some little turtle-doves that are kept in cages." The natives captured would not eat the meat offered them, nor "would they at first eat anything of ours." The natives were skilful fishermen, being able to catch the fish with the naked hands, "which is a thing of great wonder." "They are excellent swimmers. Their houses are high, and neatly and well made"—some, placed on posts of stone, served as sleeping-apartments; other houses were built on the ground, and in them the cooking and other work was done. They had other large buildings that served as arsenals for all in common, wherein the large boats and the covered canoes were kept. "These were very spacious, broad, and high, and worth seeing." The fleet left this island on February 3, and anchored on the thirteenth near the island of Cebú. Peace was made with the natives of one of the islands. Inquiries were made for Bernardo de la Torre, one of the captains of the Villalobos expedition, and they were given to understand that he was north from there. The natives, while professing friendship, brought their visitors but little food.[17] Legazpi, therefore, sent Juan de la Isla with a party to look for a good port. This party was gone six days, experiencing the usual treachery from the natives, who killed one of the men, who had disembarked without permission. Meanwhile another expedition was despatched toward the south, with the same object in view. Possession was taken of the island of Zibabao in the king's name.[18] On the twentieth of February the fleet set sail passing southward between a large island and a number of small islets. Next day they cast anchor off the large island in a large bay to which they gave the name San Pedro.[19] Here they learned that Tandaya, where they hoped to find the Spaniards still remaining in these regions from the Villalobos expedition, was a day's journey farther on. In this bay a native came to Legazpi's ship who could speak a few words of Spanish. They wished to send word to Tandaya and to buy provisions, but the natives, though good promisers, were tardy doers. Goyti was sent in search of Tandaya, while the general took possession of the island near which the ships were anchored. The latter, attempting to ascend to the native village, encountered the hostility of the people. Government here was in "districts like communal towns, each district having a chief. We could not ascertain whether they had any great chief or lord. Goyti returned in ten days with news that he had found a large river which he was told was Tandaya. As they explored the coasts they were followed by the natives, who took every occasion of displaying their hostility. He had passed a large settlement called Cabalian. There was a good anchorage here, but no port; "and the Indians of Cabalian had golden jewels, and had many swine and Castilian hens which were near the shore and which could be seen from the boat." On the fifth of March the fleet sailed to this town, reaching it on the same day. Friendship was made with the natives in accordance with their special blood ceremonies[20] in such cases. Some boats, sent out next day under command of the master-of-camp, discovered the strait separating this island from Panay. The usual trouble was experienced by Legazpi in securing provisions, and it was necessary to despatch Goyti to the shore to take what was needed, but with orders not to harm the natives. Next day Legazpi sent to the shore what was considered the equivalent of the food thus taken, in beads and other articles, by a native who was on his vessel. The general learned from hostages aboard his ship the names of many of the islands. On the ninth of March the fleet set sail for Mazagua, being guided by one of these hostages. Failing to meet here the hoped-for friendship, they determined to go to the island of Camiguinin,[21] first setting free all the hostages, giving them back their canoe, provisioning it for three days, and giving many presents of clothes to them, in order by this liberality to contract a lasting friendship. On the eleventh of March the coast of this island was reached. This island "is very thickly wooded." The natives, as usual, fled. On the fourteenth the fleet set sail for Butuan in Mindanao, but owing to contrary winds, they were not able to sail that day beyond Bohol. The patache "San Juan" was despatched to Butuan from this place, to try to make peace with its king and the people; and the captain of this vessel was ordered to treat well any junks he might meet from "China or Borneo, and other parts." The Malayan interpreter, Geronimo Pacheco, was sent in this vessel, and they were ordered to obtain as much information as possible in regard to trade. The time given them for this expedition was twenty-five days. News being received that a large sail had been seen, the master-of-camp was sent in a small boat to investigate. Two days later he returned, reporting that the junk was from Borneo, and that he had fought with it "for it would not listen to peace." In the end the junk surrendered, and was brought in a prisoner; but the enemy "had killed a good soldier with a lance-thrust through the throat," and had wounded twenty more. The men of the junk were Moros, and they had fought most valiantly, and "were determined to die." Legazpi gave the Moros their liberty, whereat they expressed many thanks; he gathered as much information as possible from them in regard to the islands and peoples of these regions. "The Moros told him that they carried iron and tin from Borney, and from China porcelain, bells made of copper according to their manner, benzoin, and painted tapestry; from India pans and tempered iron pots." Among the captured Moros was the pilot, "a most experienced man who had much knowledge, not only of matters concerning these Filipinas Islands, but of those of Maluco, Borney, Malaca, Jaba, India, and China, where he had had much experience in navigation and trade." The Moros being shown the articles of trade brought by the fleet, advised them to go to Borneo, Siam, Patan, or Malaca, where they could easily trade them, but "although we wandered about these islands for ten years, we could not dispose of so many silks, cloths, and linens." "This Moro told the general that two junks from Luzon were in Butuan, trading gold, wax, and slaves. … He said that the island of Luzon is farther north than Borney." The Castilians learn that the hostility and fear of the natives of these islands is the result of a maurauding expedition conducted by Portuguese, who had represented themselves to be Castilians.[22] With the aid of the Moro pilot peace and friendship were made with one of the chief men of the island of Bohol; and now for the first time food was received in any quantity, many sardines especially being brought by the natives. Legazpi despatched one of the small boats to Cebú in order to make friendship and peace with its inhabitants, and to gather all possible information for the relation he was to send back to New Spain. They were guided by the Moro, who acted in the capacity of interpreter, as he knew the language of the natives. A negro "who had been in India and Malaca, and knew the Malay tongue" acted as interpreter between this pilot and the Spaniards. "The Borneans said that the Indians had two Spaniards, and that sometime ago they had given one of them to Bornean merchants; they did not know whether they had the other yet, or what had been done with him. The Portuguese had ransomed the one taken by the Borneans and had taken him to Malaca." As the men sent to Cebú did not return within the time appointed by Legazpi—they had been provisioned for but one week—a canoe of natives, who offered themselves, was sent to look for them. Meanwhile the "San Juan," which had been despatched to Butuan, returned without having accomplished the full object of its mission, namely, to procure information regarding cinnamon. The captain reported having "found at the port of Botuan two Moro junks from Luzon," with which they traded for gold and wax. The soldiers, hearing that the Moros had much gold in their junks, were insistent that they should seize them, alleging as an excuse the deceit practiced by the Moros in their trading. The captain would not permit this, and in order to avoid a collision with the Moros returned to the fleet, leaving part of his duty unaccomplished, for which Legazpi reprimanded him severely. The general, calling a council of his officers and others, consulted with them as to the advisability of colonizing one of the islands. All but the religious were unanimous that a settlement should be made on one of them, but the latter did not care "to deliberate upon this."[23] Questioned as to what island they preferred, if Legazpi should order a settlement made, they signified as their choice the island of Cabalian, where although there was no port, a settlement could be made in the interior, as food was abundant there, and the return vessel to Spain could be easily provisioned. The unanimous opinion was that the "San Pedro" should return with news of the expedition to New Spain, as it was a lighter and better vessel than the "San Pablo." Nine days after their departure the canoe returned without news of the Spaniards sent to Cebú, which caused Legazpi great anxiety. That same night, however, these men returned alive and well, but the Moro pilot had been treacherously killed by some natives, while bathing in a river of the island of Negros. They had not anchored at Cebú, because of the violence of the tides about it. They had coasted about Negros and Cebú, and reported a large population and a plentiful food supply on the latter island. A council having been called it was determined that the fleet should go to Cebú, without delay, in order that they might make a settlement and despatch the "San Pedro" before the rainy season set in. Therefore on Easter Day the fleet set sail for this island, distant from Bohol fifteen or sixteen leagues. Being delayed by calms and contrary winds and the tides they did not reach their destination until the twenty-seventh and thirtieth of April. In conformity with the opinion that it was allowable to fight with the inhabitants of this island if they refused food and would not make a true friendship and peace—inasmuch as their chiefs had been baptized, and had afterward apostatized, and had treated Magalhães treacherously—Legazpi, after meeting with expressions of hostility and defiance, sent a party ashore to take the island. The natives immediately fled, and the soldiers were unable to find any of them on disembarking. " Their weapons are long sharp iron lances, throwing-sticks, shields, small daggers, wooden corselets, corded breastplates, a few bows and arrows, and culverins." About one hundred houses were burned, the fire having started from an accidental shot from one of the vessels, or having been lit purposely by the natives. The soldiers were quartered in the houses remaining after the fire. "There was found a marvelous thing, namely, a child Jesus like those of Flanders, in its little pine cradle and its little loose shirt, such as come from those parts, and a little velvet hat, like those of Flanders—and all so well preserved that only the little cross, which is generally upon the globe that he holds in his hands, was missing.[24] Meanwhile, as was right, the general had this prize, and when he saw it, he fell on his knees, receiving it with great devotion. He took it in his hands and kissed its feet; and raising his eyes to heaven, he said: 'Lord, thou art powerful to punish the offenses, committed in this island against thy majesty, and to found herein thy house, and holy Church, where thy most glorious name shall be praised and magnified. I supplicate thee that thou enlighten and guide me, so that all that we do here may be to thy glory and honor, and the exaltation of thy holy Catholic faith.' And he ordered that this sacred image be placed with all reverence in the first church that should be founded, and that the church be called Nombre de Jesus ["Name of Jesus"]. It gave great happiness and inspiration to all to see such an auspicious beginning, for of a truth it seemed a work of God to have preserved so completely this image among infidels for such a long time; and an auspicious augury in the part where the settlement was to be made." On May 8, the fort was commenced, Legazpi breaking the first ground, and "dedicating it to the most blessed name of Jesus."[25] The sites for the Spanish quarters and the church were chosen, and the town was called San Miguel, because founded on the day of this saint's apparition. That night the natives returned, setting fire to the remaining houses, so that the whole town was in danger of being burnt, with all the goods brought ashore from the ships. The site of the house wherein had been found the sacred image was selected "as the site of the Monastery of the Name of Jesus … and from the said house the child Jesus was brought to the … church in solemn procession, and with the great devotion, rejoicing, and gladness of all the men. Arriving at the church, they all adored it, and placed it on the principal altar, and all vowed to observe, sanctify, and celebrate solemnly as a feast day each year, the day on which it had been found, April 28.[26] And in addition a brotherhood of the most blessed name of Jesus was established in the same manner, under the conditions of that of San Agustin of Mexico, the majority of the people entering as members and brothers." In this procession took part a number of natives under two chiefs who professed friendship to the Spaniards. Finally peace and friendship was made between Legazpi and the greatest chief of the island, Tupas; and it was arranged that tributes should be paid in produce, since the people had no gold—not because of "any necessity the King of Castilla had of it" but merely as a tribute and token that they recognized him as their lord. But, perhaps through the maliciousness of the Moro interpreters, this peace was not concluded or kept; and certain of the natives, finding one of the company, Pedro de Arana, alone, killed him and cut off his head. "In this manner do the Indians of these islands keep peace and friendship, who in our presence refuse or deny nothing; but twenty paces away they keep nothing that they have promised. They have no knowledge of truth, nor are they accustomed to it. Therefore it is understood, that it will be very difficult to trade with them in a friendly manner, unless they understand subjection or fear." On the twenty-seventh of May, Legazpi ordered that the roll of those remaining be taken, in order that it might be sent to New Spain. Certain men of gentle birth, headed by one Pedro de Mena, objected to serving as Legazpi's body-guard, saying that such was the duty of servants. The master-of-camp hearing this disrespect to the general, chided them, and sentenced them to serve in the companies. In revenge for this some one set fire to the house in which Legazpi's personal effects had been stored. The fire was put out and the danger averted with difficulty, during which "some of the soldiers were burned and hurt." De Mena and Esteban Terra were arrested, and the latter was given a hearing and found guilty. He was executed next morning. "From this it will be seen that not only are there enemies outside, but even in the very camp itself … and it will be seen how necessary and suitable is the aid that must come from Nueva España." (Tomo ii, no. xxvii, pp. 217–351.)
Zubu, May 28, 1565. Andrés de Mirandaola writes to the king various details of the expedition. "The products we have seen as yet among the natives, are gold, cinnamon, and wax; and their trade consists in these articles. And we are certain that these things can be had in abundance if your vassals, the Spaniards, cultivate the friendship of this land, for the aforesaid natives … are a people who live without any restraint, neither regarding nor respecting those whom they designate as their seigniors. … It will be necessary for your majesty to conquer this region, for I believe without any doubt, that by no other way can it prove beneficial; nor can the Christian religion be otherwise advanced, because the people are extremely vicious, treacherous, and possessed of many evil customs. Therefore it is necessary for your majesty to order the conquest of this region, which can be done, with our Lord's aid, without much loss, if your majesty order people, arms, and ammunition to be provided, of all of which we suffer great lack at present." He tells of the damage inflicted on the Spanish in these regions by the Portuguese. Speaking of the Moro junks found at Butuan, Mirandaola says of the island of Borneo: " This island of Borney is rich, according to what we have heard of it. It is well populated and is very well fortified, having much artillery. Its people are warlike, and there is much trade in all parts of it." A brief account of the Spanish establishment on Cebú follows, and the consequent communications with the natives, which differ in no respect from other accounts. "Fray Andres de Urdaneta, my uncle, is returning, and is going to serve your majesty in this discovery; and for his companion goes Fray Andres de Aguirre. As captain goes Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre, persons whom we know will serve your majesty with all fidelity, faith, and cheerfulness." He asks (in addition to the "two hundred well armed and equipped men" requested from New Spain) from the king "six hundred well armed men … of whom four hundred should be arquebusiers and two hundred pikemen; large artillery, such as culverins, with ammunition; and ammunition and weapons for those who are here now. The people should be the best that can be found and of good lives." He asks the king to confirm the reward granted him by Velasco, and to increase his salary to three thousand ducats on account of the high cost of living. (Tomo ii, no. xxxii, pp. 365–372.)
Relation of the expedition by Estevan Rodriguez, chief pilot of the fleet. This relation seems to have been the log kept by this pilot. Many of its entries are simply reckonings. He gives the names, tonnage, captains, and pilots of the different vessels. On the nineteenth of November the banner and standard were consecrated, and the oath taken. The fleet set sail four hours before dawn on November 21.[27] On Sunday, the twenty-sixth, the course was changed in accordance with the sealed instructions given to Legazpi. The "San Lucas" separated from the fleet December 1. On the eighth, Diego Martin, pilot of the "San Pablo," reported land but he was in error. Next day an island was sighted, in which there were "about one hundred Indians, a people well built and with long beards," for which the island was called Barbudos. "The women have pleasant faces, and these people are as dark complexioned as mulattoes. The women have little gardens. They have certain roots from which they make excellent bread, for I have tried it."[28] On the tenth they passed and named the islands Placeres and San Pablo. Other islands were passed on the twelfth and fifteenth. On the twenty-second they sighted a mountainous island to the south, whose inhabitants saluted them as "chamurre, chamurre,"[29] or that is, "friends, friends!" This was the island of Guam. They found it to have a good bay and good rivers of fresh water. The products of this island are named, the people described, and the troubles there briefly enumerated. "The master-of-camp and Martin de Güeyte, with one hundred and fifty men, sacked and burned two villages." During the eleven days spent here "masses were said each day." Numerous words of the language spoken are recorded: Friend, chamor; good, mauri; hereabout, baquimaqui; pleasant to the taste, mani; take, jo; oil, rana; rice, juay; land, tana; dry cocoa, micha; señor, churu; fresh cocoa, mana; iron, yrizo; botija [a species of jar], o; gourd, coca; ship, botus; nail, ruro; salt, azibi; sugar-cane, tupotipor; fish, bian; no, eri; salt fish, azuiban; yam, nica; small, segu; wood, tagayaya; green banana, regue; water, ami; tamal, enft; banana, jeta; acorn, puga; net, ragua; pictured paper, tricabo-tali; eyes, macha; rock, rapia; ears, perucha; paper, afuipuri; teeth, nifi; palm-leaf mat, guafal; hair, chuzo; ginger, asinor; hands, catecha; she, reben; foot, ngmicha; osier basket, pian; beard, mimi; deep, atripe; leg, achumpa; crab, achulu; this, achi; petaca [a leather covered trunk or chest], agu; pitcher, burgay; come here, hembean; star, vitan; moon, uran; sun, ataon; to eat, mana; large, riso. Their numbers up to ten are: acha, gua, tero, farfur, nimi, guanan, frintin, gua [sic], ãgua, manete. On the fourteenth of February, 1565, they sighted the Philippines. Describing the natives, Rodriguez says: "these Indians wear gold earrings, and the chiefs wear two clasps about the feet. … All the body, legs, and arms are painted; and he who is bravest is painted most." Juan de la Isla was sent with one of the small vessels to reconnoiter a large and excellent bay at some distance away. There he made blood-friendship with the natives, but one of his men was treacherously killed. Rodriguez's reckonings were taken according to the Mexican rather than the Spanish rules. Rodriguez and Goyti were commissioned to explore among certain of the islands in order to find safe channels for the ships. They found one such between Panay and another island. They passed Tandaya and Cabalian during their ten days' cruise, and the fleet, in consequence of their report sailed to the latter place. The treacherous conduct of the Portuguese to both Spaniards and natives is discovered. "The general determined to go to Betuan, which is a very rich island, whence much gold is brought," and anchor was cast before Bohol, from which place Legazpi despatched Juan de la Isla to explore westward, and Martin de Goyti eastward. A small boat was despatched under Rodriguez "to discover some islands that could be seen from here. We went in the frigate, fifteen men and one Indian, who knew the language, the pilot of a junk captured by the master-of-camp and Captain Martin de Goete." This detachment coasted among various islands, among them Licoyon and Binglas.[30] They were blown out of their course by a storm. A prau was sighted, but its occupants took flight, ran their vessel ashore, and hid on the island. The Spaniards went to the prau, and found therein a "little Indian girl of about three years, very pretty. She was hanging over the edge of the prau with her body in the water, and screaming. When we came and wished to take her, she slipped into the water and would wellnigh have drowned, had not one of our men leaped in after her." Shortly after this a battle with other natives was averted only by the wind blowing off the covering to their two pieces of artillery, at sight of which the natives fled in confusion and hid themselves. The inhabitants showed themselves hostile at all points and the Spaniards had several narrow escapes on this island of Negros. From here they crossed to the island of Cebú. "This Cibuy is a fine island, about sixty leagues in circumference and thickly populated. … We found fourteen or fifteen villages on its sea-coast. … We did not dare to go ashore, although we were in need of food." The detachment returned to the fleet after twenty days, although they had been ordered only to cruise during six. The natives and two soldiers sent to look for these men had missed them by going to the opposite side of the island from that where Rodriguez had been. The fleet set sail for Cebú, where after landing they found the village deserted. Legazpi ordered that each mess of four soldiers should take one house and the rest of the houses be destroyed. Everything was removed from the houses before any were destroyed. The general ordered that a thick set palisade of stakes be built, including therein a few wells of fresh water. "This village was built in triangular shape, with two water-fronts and one land side." The artillery was placed to defend the coast, while the Spaniards relied on the palisade for protection on the land side, until the fort could be built. Companies were sent out to scour the country for food, and "always brought back fowl, hogs, rice, and other things … and some good gold." The natives to the number of one hundred came to make peace one day. "In this town when we entered we found therein a child Jesus. A sailor named Mermeo found it. It was in a wretched little house, and was covered with a white cloth in its cradle, and its little bonnet quite in order. The tip of its nose was rubbed off somewhat, and the skin was coming off the face. The friars took it and carried it in procession on a feast day, from the house where it was found to the church that they had built." The natives were told that they thus honored the child Jesus. "After the mass and the sermon, the general went to treat with the king for friendship, telling him that we came thither for the King of Castilla, whose land this was, who had sent other people here before, and that they had been killed—as, for instance, Magallanes (and when Magallanes was mentioned, the king was much disturbed); but that he pardoned everything, on condition that you be his friends." To this peace the natives acceded, but as in other instances only for the moment; they failed to return at the appointed time to conclude the preliminaries, and killed one of the Spaniards. A body of men was sent out who captured more than twenty of the natives, among them a niece of the king, which was the means of getting into friendly touch with the people once more. The "San Pedro" was ready now to set out on the return trip to New Spain being well supplied with provisions for more than eight months. "Two hundred persons, with ten soldiers and two fathers, the father prior, and father Fray Andres de Aguirre," sailed with it on the first of June. (Tomo ii, no. xxxiii, pp. 373–427.)
1565. Log of the return voyage to New Spain kept by Rodrigo de Espinosa.[31] This man was the pilot of the small vessel "San Juan," commanded by Juan de la Isla. He was ordered to accompany Estevan Rodriguez on the return passage of the "San Pedro," under the command of Felipe de Salcedo. Setting sail on June 1, from the "Port of Zubu, … between the island of Zubu and the island of Matan, this latter island being south of Zubu," the "San Pedro" took a general northerly and easterly direction. The passage through the islands is somewhat minutely described. On one island where they landed to obtain a fresh supply of water, they saw "two lofty volcanoes." This island they named Peñol ["Rock"]. On June 10 the island of Felipina was reached, whence the trip across the open Pacific was commenced. Often the direction of the wind and the reckoning of the sun, are chronicled—also the days' runs, which vary between five and forty-five leagues. June 21, Corpus Christi Day, a headland was sighted on the starboard side, which had the appearance of a ship at anchor, and to which the name Espiritu Santo ["Holy Ghost"] was given. By September 15, Cebú lay fifteen hundred and forty-five leagues toward the west. On the eighteenth an island on their starboard side was named Deseada ["Desired"], and the log reads sixteen hundred and fifty leagues from the point of departure. On Saturday, the twenty-second, land was sighted, and next day the point of Santa Catalina, in twenty-seven degrees and twelve minutes north latitude, received its name. From that point they coasted in a south-easterly direction along the shores of southern California to its southern point in "twenty-three degrees less an eighth," naming the headland here Cape Blanco, from its white appearance. Near this place died the master of the vessel, "and we threw him into the sea at this point." On the twenty-seventh the chief pilot "Esteban Rodriguez[32] died between nine and ten in the morning." The small islands south-east of Lower California were passed and it was estimated that they were in the neighborhood of cape Corrientes. On the thirtieth, cape Chamela was passed; and on the first of October, the "San Pedro" lay off Puerto de la Navidad, the chart showing a distance of eighteen hundred and ninety-two leagues from Cebú. "At this time I went to the captain and said to him, that I would take the ship wherever he ordered, because we were off Puerto de la Navidad. He ordered me to take it to the port of Acapulco, and I obeyed the order. Although at that time there were but from ten to eighteen men able to work, for the rest were sick, and sixteen others of us had died, we reached this port of Acapulco on the eighth of this present month of October after all the crew had endured great hardships." (Tomo ii, no. xxxiv, pp. 427–456.
Following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the distance between Cebú and Puerto de la Navidad. The first estimate was made on July 9. The map of the chief pilot was found to measure eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was about two thousand leagues. Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa[33] declared that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred and seventy leagues,[34] but he increased the amount to about two thousand and thirty leagues. Francisco de Astigarribia's map measured eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two thousand and ten leagues. On September 18 the same three men estimated the distance from Cebú to the first land sighted—"an island off the west coast of New Spain" and lying in about thirty-three degrees—at seventeen hundred and forty leagues, sixteen hundred and fifty leagues, and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (Tomo ii, no. xxv, pp. 457–460.)
1565–1567. Relation of occurrences in the Philippines after the departure of the "San Pedro" to New Spain.[35] To a Moro who presented himself as a deputy from the chief Tupas, Legazpi expressed his sorrow that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the king, by the Castilians. Word was sent to Tupas that Legazpi regretted the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished to return, they might do so peaceably. Although they treacherously had killed a Spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to ask his pardon and to make peace. That same afternoon two chiefs—one of whom, Simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father of the two children—came into the fort. They declared themselves to be brothers of the chief Tupas. Simaquio "came to deliver himself to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in Castilla, or do what he pleased with them." Legazpi permitted him to see his wife and daughters, telling him "that he had been as watchful of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house." Simaquio signified his desire "to be … the friend and vassal of the king of Castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he would never be found lacking in it." To this Legazpi replied that it was necessary to treat with Tupas and the others jointly, "and that in this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship, and who did not; that he [Simaquio] should go and confer regarding peace and friendship with Tupas and the other chiefs; and that after such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. Meanwhile his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [Legazpi] would be their father, and they his children, and he would look after them and protect them as such." This good treatment reassured the natives, and a few days later Tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made, the conditions of which follow. "First, they make submission, and bind and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of Castilla and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. They promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he should come to their islands, towns, and houses—whether he were angry or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war, without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. This they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord.
"Item: on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself." The said Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished.
"Item: on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reënforcement of men for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other.
"Item: on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.
"Item: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him—so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.
"Item: It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.
"Item: It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." In return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, "for the king of Castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." In token of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before Legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom the " governor … received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla," and promised "to protect and defend as such." As a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, "because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent." This place was granted by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. All outside this line "was to remain to the Indians, who could build their houses and till the fields." After ordering the natives "to go to the other side of the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards … within the line … the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took, and he did take, possession of that site, … and in token of true possession he performed the said acts." Besides not being allowed to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that "if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and Simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom." "The next day … the same chiefs returned … and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in which consists their way of making merry." They brought other chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs came in. Trade began to nourish as the natives recovered from all fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither, it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor bring wine to the Spaniards." The traffic still went on nevertheless, "secretly and at night," and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it entirely, saying "that it was better than that of Castilla." Moreover, the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied "that those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women, and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill, for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women, and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain, however slight." The natives are described as covetous and selfish, without neatness and not cleanly. "It has not been ascertained whether they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods,[36] and when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for health, protection, and aid. They make certain alms and invocations here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil, and then give the latter's answer to the people—telling them what offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations, in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed. When any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses."[37] Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly, the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebú and the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan had always been hostile to the Spaniards, "saying that they would kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." One day Tupas told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession, two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women, with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of taffety." The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi "after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt, or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from them without being paid for … principally in this island of Zubu, where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." A few days after the coming of Tupas's wife and the other women, he sent his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism, "although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and observe after her baptism." She was named Isabel, and married Master Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively, also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel, asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months in Cebú, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty, contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror throughout all the islands. About this same time "seven or eight Moros, whose chief was called Magomat,[38] came in a canoe to the camp, declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a prau which was stationed near this island. They said that if the Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade." They had learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone, and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins; therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." One of the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they would sin therein." Through these Moros the natives of Cebú learned to demand tostones [a small coin] in exchange for their articles of trade, which was a loss to the Spaniards; but the latter laid in a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same Moros. By the latter, Legazpi sent word to the king of Luzon of his residence in the islands and his desire to meet him and "deliver the message he bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this, a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some Spaniards thither to treat with the same king." These Moros induced two small "junks from Venduro [Mindoro] which is an island near Luzon" to come to trade at Cebú, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. These latter carried "iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth and taffety from China, perfumes, and other knick-knacks." The master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent with a body of men to obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of September of 1565. Guided by certain chiefs of Cebú, they visited an island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called Tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to Cebú, where they obtained some food. The people of Tanay fled at their approach, and the little food found there was sent to Legazpi; while the two leaders remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace and friendship with the natives. On All Saints' Day "about the hour of mass" some twenty houses were burned in the Spanish settlement, "among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass was said," and many goods were burned. "It could not be proved whether this fire was set, or happened through carelessness." It having been discovered that the inhabitants of Matan and Gavi who would not make peace with the Spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of Cebú, came freely to that island, and even entered the Spanish settlement, the master-of-camp and Goyti were despatched to Matan to receive the homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. Warned by the natives of Cebú, those of Matan fled. The invaders burned their village, for which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the houses of the Spanish settlement. Meanwhile the food problem assumed threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives without pay. "And although the governor and captains, the religious and other chief persons … tried to encourage them with good words and promises," a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, "if God in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might have caused great loss and trouble." Certain of the petty officers (some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants, conspired to seize the "San Juan," and, making first a cruise through the islands, to seize "the junks of Borneo, Luzon, and Venduro, trading among these islands." Then they planned their course by way of the Strait of Magellan. to New Spain, Guatemala, or Peru, or to Spain or France. If the weather were contrary then "they would go to Malaca, where the Portuguese would receive them with open arms … because they had fled from this camp and settlement. All officers had been selected. The mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master of the "San Pablo" had in his care all the artillery, powder, and ammunition aboard the ship. The twenty-seventh of November was set for their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the "San Pablo" and the frigates that had been built were to be sunk. The date, for some unknown reason, was postponed until the twenty-eighth. On that day the master of the "San Pablo" divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who immediately informed Legazpi. Pablos Hernandez, a native of Venice, the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with his life. Finally "he determined to die as a Christian, in order that his soul might not be lost;" he gave himself up, and was hanged. The French pilot, Pierres Plin, and a Greek were also hanged. The others were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. More than forty persons were implicated in this conspiracy. "The governor imposed only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should speak any other language than Spanish." It was discovered that some of these men had conspired while at Puerto de la Navidad to make off with the "San Lucas," and that one night the sails had been lowered on the "San Pablo" under pretext that Legazpi's ship had done the same, the intention being to desert. Through the promptness of the master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost sight of the "San Pedro," the conspiracy was foiled. The mutiny suppressed, attention was given to securing food. Five praus of natives set out for the province of Baybay, taking with them articles of barter—Legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand, as he feared that the Spaniards would wrong the islanders. These men delayed, as well as those who went to Panay, and it was thought, purposely, believing that the Spaniards would be driven from the island by hunger. So great was the famine that cats and rats were eaten by some of the soldiers. Goyti was sent with a number of small boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to those of Cebú, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and friendship with the natives. He sent back several boat-loads of food, and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. Finally the natives who had gone to Panay returned, after three months' absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. Meanwhile news came from Baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of Matan and Gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town of Mandam, an ally and friend of the Spaniards. These people from Baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the Spanish settlement. Legazpi sent two chiefs to Baybay to demand the release of the prisoners taken at Mandam. The messengers were scoffed at, and the marauders returned to Mandam in greater force, where they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. Legazpi determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days' delay at the petition of the Cebú natives, who said that many of their men were at Baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. During this delay the master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent to the islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had made peace with certain villages. This peace was confirmed and the inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages "offered themselves as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice … and others gave earrings of little weight … and this was the first gold that was given in these islands to his majesty." All the natives of these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being ready to take advantage of each other's misfortunes—as was apparent by those of Cebú, who were friendly to the inhabitants of Mandam, robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders of Baybay. The master-of-camp having returned from his expedition among the friendly villages, set out for Baybay, under guidance of Simaquio. This latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the prisoners from Mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant village of Caramucua, which was found deserted. At the town of Calabazan the Spaniards were duped by the few natives found there, who claimed to be natives of Cebú, and asked the invaders to wait two days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and friendship. The two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing, the Spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of Cebú, who said that "these were their friends, from which it was quite apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another." A three or four leagues' march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs, the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several natives. The only salutary result of the expedition was the return of a number of the inhabitants of Cebú who had migrated to Baybay because they did not wish to acknowledge the Spanish rule; asking pardon of Legazpi, these natives of Cebú were permitted to return, but the same favor was denied those from Matan and Gavi. Legazpi's policy was always to treat the people of Cebú with more than fairness, in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of their duplicity toward him. Numerous expeditions in search of food were organized. The master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied by Juan de la Isla and the king's factor was despatched to the coasts of Butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay, and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain provisions at Butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on farther, overstaying his limit of forty days. On his return he brought more than one thousand fanegas[39] of rice. He brought cheering news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession in the king's name of "Vindanao [Mindanao], and the coast of Botuan, Negros, and Panay." Another expedition under command of Goyti was despatched to Negros with additional orders to procure news of the former expedition, but his quest was useless. Meanwhile a messenger brought word that the master-of-camp was going to Panay, and would return as soon as possible. Before the return of the master-of-camp, Goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of Cabalian and Abuyo, taking with him sixty men. He was successful, sending back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these districts were friendly,—although not much confidence could be placed in their friendship, for only a league from Cabalian five of his men had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared the same fate. The master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, Legazpi sent a reënforcement of thirty men to Goyti with orders to explore the strait between Abuyo and Tandaya. At the mouth of this strait, news was had of a Christian "named Juanes, who had lived vwith the Indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives." Although an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man, it was unsuccessful; and Goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to return without ransoming him. He brought as captives two chiefs whom he caused to be seized. While the camp was weakened by the absence of so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement took occasion to attempt another mutiny. The ringleader was a certain soldier named Carrión, who had been pardoned by Legazpi after being "condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime." He was exposed by a Frenchman, who, like Carrión, had been implicated in the previous mutiny. It was planned to get to the Moluccas, "where they would receive all courtesy." A boat was to be seized from certain Moros of Luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc., were to be committed. Carrión and one other were hanged. The former "knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation." The master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of Juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at Eleyti to ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain Pedro de Herrera who had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. When this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the effect that Herrera had gone beyond his instructions. The latter was thereupon arrested and tried. This man brought news of three Spaniards who were held in the island of Tandaya who had been captured from a vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. Legazpi immediately sent this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom those men as well as Juanes, but the messengers failed to find that officer. Juanes proved to be not a Spaniard, but a Mexican Indian who had accompanied Villalobos. This Indian declared the three men to be of the same expedition, and Herrera had made a mistake in the time, which should be years, not months. The men despatched under Juan de la Isla to take the information of Herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in with the ship "San Gerónimo" which had been sent from New Spain with aid to Legazpi. The ship itself arrived at Cebú on October 15, 1566, with a doleful story of "bad management, mutinies, want of harmony, deaths, hardships, and calamities." The captain, by name Pericon, was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from "Acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful." A conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master, the pilot, Lope Martin—the pilot of the vessel that had deserted Legazpi—and others. After various insubordinations, of which the captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son were murdered. Soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled; and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest him, hanged the latter. Then the pilot resolved to return to Spain by the Strait of Magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were not favorable to him. Under pretext of wintering at a small islet near the island of Barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of the men disembark. The ecclesiastic Juan de Viveros, who accompanied the expedition, discovering the pilot's intention to abandon some of the party, remonstrated with the latter's chief adviser, saying that "it was inhuman, and he should take them to the Filipinas, and leave them where there were provisions," but to no purpose. Each man lost all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a counter mutiny in the king's name, seized the vessel and set their course for the Philippines, abandoning Lope Martin and twenty-six men on this island. The leader of this second mutiny hanged two men who were concerned in the death of the captain. Finally, after many hardships, the Ladrones and later the Philippines were reached. The notary of the ship was tried and executed by Legazpi as an accomplice in the captain's death. The others concerned in the mutiny were all pardoned. This new contingent "made homage anew, and swore to obey his majesty and the governor in his royal name."[40] The master-of-camp having been sent about this time to Panay to collect the tributes of rice, returned on November 16, without having accomplished his object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the "San Juan," at Dapitan. He brought news that the Portuguese were coming to the island, sent thither by the viceroy of India "in search of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had left Nueva España with four ships." One ship of the Portuguese fleet was encountered near Mindanao and four others about thirty leagues from Cebú, and two more at a distance of ten leagues out. On the following day the two Portuguese vessels last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off again, and soon disappeared. The Spaniards began to fortify their settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed in the best positions. Legazpi bade the Spaniards not to forget that they were Spaniards, and reminded them of the "reputation and valor of the Spanish people throughout the world." The natives in terror abandoned their houses, "removing their wives and children to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages; and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp, placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends, saying they would die with us." On the nineteenth of November the two vessels reappeared; and Martin de Goyti was sent to talk to them, and if they "were in need of anything," to invite them to anchor in the port. The Portuguese said that they had become separated from the rest of their fleet by a storm. They were bound from India to the Moluccas, and thence to Amboina to take vengeance upon the natives for various depredations. After a mutual salute with the artillery, the Portuguese vessels withdrew. Each carried about thirty-five or forty Portuguese soldiers and crews of Indians from Malabar. Legazpi despatched the same captain with a letter to the Portuguese captain, Melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept his hospitality, because "at this port they would have been well received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for his majesty's command was that, wherever he should meet Portuguese, he should give them every protection and aid." He sent presents of food and wine, etc., to the Portuguese, who expressed their thanks verbally, saying "they had no paper or ink." They promised to do no wrong to the natives, at the request of Goyti, "because they were vassals of his majesty, and our friends." A comet seen next day "nearly above the town of Zebu," was taken by the soldiers as an omen of war and bloodshed. Affairs with the natives continued to improve steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to the governor, promising to pay tribute. The Moro interpreter, his wife, and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment because this Moro had much influence with the natives. The ship "San Gerónimo" was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by Legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved of it. The carpenters and others having made an examination of the vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could be made from it. Legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built, as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the settlement. The deaths of the Mexican Indian and a sailor and the sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and Legazpi called Tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the Spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good treatment on their part. Finally it was discovered that a woman had poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. She was executed, after having made a full confession and embraced the Christian religion. In consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one should buy the native wine. On the same night of the execution of this woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of Pedro de Arana was captured upon information furnished by Tupas; he was executed on the following day, in the place of the murder. Expeditions sent out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. On March 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it was named "Espiritu Santo." An expedition was despatched to the island of Gigantes in search of pitch for the boats.[41] "What we call pitch in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva España, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and is found with great trouble." None was found here, and a boat-load of rice was brought instead from Panay. On the anniversary of the finding of the child Jesus in Cebú, the twenty-eighth of April, one of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of Mindanao under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. Two soldiers who were supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the "San Juan" was following as rapidly as possible. The attempted mutiny was due to the master-of-camp's prohibiting any trading or buying of cinnamon. Martin Hernandez, a Portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny was smothered by his hanging. Martin de Goyti was appointed to the vacant position of master-of-camp, "for he was entirely trustworthy, and had much experience in matters of war." Besides the master-of-camp, fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the result of eating too much cinnamon. The new master-of-camp executed two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after Hernandez, most concerned in the mutiny.
The "San Juan" was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. "All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva España. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!"[42] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91–225).
Cebú, circa 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Cauchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebú, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro de Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from pecho[43] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on all merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. That transferable repartimientos[44] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the repartimientos be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet," may be enslaved and lose their property, 11. That the offices of the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the repartimientos. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." 2. The remittance of the king's fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives be distributed in encomiendas. Legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity." That religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results." That certain Moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of Cebú. That the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the title of adelantado, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319–329.)
Legazpi's son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, "because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericon." 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, "without the express consent and commission of the royal Audiencia or the viceroy" of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. "Because the conquest of the Ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked," and their best use is as a way-station from New Spain; and New Guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to Legazpi. 21. That, in case of Legazpi's death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or Legazpi's heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. This petition was vistoed in Madrid, March 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. After waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition Melchor de Legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general "with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [Legazpi's] petition, … and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;" that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco "in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of … my sister, who is of marriageable age." The petition states that even had Legazpi's expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. In the third petition, Melchor de Legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the City of Mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father's services. He says the family is "poverty-stricken and in debt," because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king's service. The fourth petition presents information concerning Legazpi's services. The fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding Legazpi. From the testimony of these persons it was shown that Legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the City of Mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king's service, without receiving any reward therefor. (Tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330–370.)
- ↑ Luis de Velasco succeeded Antonio de Mendoza as viceroy of New Spain, taking his office in November, 1550, and holding it until his death (July 31, 1564). He was of an illustrious family of Castile and had held several military appointments before he became viceroy. He exercised this latter office with great ability, and favored the Indians to such an extent that he was called "the father of the Indians." He died poor and in debt, and was buried with solemnity in the Dominican monastery at the City of Mexico.
- ↑ A small vessel used as a tender, to carry messages between larger vessels, etc.
- ↑ The Treaty of Zaragoza, q.v. vol. i, p. 222.
- ↑ This opinion is correct, referring as it does to the five islands lying along the coast of Gilolo.
- ↑ Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, with Andrés de Urdaneta, rediscovered and conquered the Philippine Islands, was born in Zubarraja in Guipúzcoa in the early part of the sixteenth century, of an old and noble family. He went to Mexico in 1545, where he became chief clerk of the cabildo of the City of Mexico. Being selected to take charge of the expedition of 1564, he succeeded by his great wisdom, patience, and forbearance, in gaining the good will of the natives. He founded Manila, where he died of apoplexy August 20, 1572. He was much lamented by all. He was succeeded as governor of the Philippines by Guido de Lavezaris.
- ↑ Navarrete says (Bibl. Marit., tomo ii, p. 492), that Legazpi was fifty-nine years old when the fleet set sail in 1564, which makes him six years older than the age given above. See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, tomo ii, p. 116, note.
- ↑ The Ladrones or Marianas number in all sixteen islands, and are divided into two groups of five and eleven islands respectively. They extend north and south about nine hundred and fifty kilometers, lying between thirteen degrees and twenty-one degrees north latitude, and one hundred and forty-eight degrees and one hundred and forty-nine degrees forty minutes longitude east of Madrid. They are but thinly populated; their flora resembles that of the Philippines. The largest and most important of these islands, Guam, is now the property of the United States.
- ↑ Although this allusion cannot well be identified, it indicates some episode of the great eagerness and readiness for western discovery then prevalent in France. Cartier's explorations (1534–36, and 1540–43), and later those of Jean Allefonsce, had already been published to the world; and maps of the eastern coast of North America showed, as early as 1544, the great St. Lawrence River, which afforded an easy entrance to the interior, and might readily be supposed to form a waterway for passage to the "Western Sea"—especially as New France was then generally imagined to be a part of Asia; Japan and China being not very far west of the newly-discovered coast.
- ↑ These two vessels were rechristened "San Pedro" and "San Pablo" before actually sailing. The admiral of the fleet was to have been Juan de Carrión; but he was left behind because of his dissensions with Urdaneta, and Mateo del Saz fulfilled his duties.
- ↑ The Theatins were a religious congregation founded in Italy (1524) by Gaëtano de Tiene and Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, archbishop of Theato (the modern Chieti)—who afterward became pontiff of Rome, under the title of Paul IV. Their object was to reform the disorders that had crept into the Roman church, and restore the zeal, self-sacrifice, and charity of apostolic days. They would neither own property nor ask alms, but worked at various trades and were thus maintained, with voluntary offerings from the faithful. During the next century they spread into other European countries (where they still have many houses), and undertook missions in Asia.
- ↑ The total cost of the preparation of Legazpi's fleet was 382,468 pesos, 7 tomines, 5 grains of common gold; and 27,400 pesos, 3 tomines, 1 grain of gold dust. These expenses cover the period from December 13, 1557, until March 2, 1565. See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, no. 36, pp. 461–463.
The gold dust here mentioned (Spanish oro de minas) means gold in the form of "gravel" or small nuggets, obtained usually from placers, or the washings of river-sands. The "common" gold (oro comun) is refined gold, or bullion, ready for coinage.
- ↑ This vessel, after trying to find—or at least making such a claim—the fleet in Mindanao and other islands, returned to New Spain, anchoring at Puerto de la Navidad August 9, 1565. A relation by its captain Alonso de Arellano, gives an account of this voyage (published in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, no. 37, pp. 1–76). Testimony as to the truth of this relation is given under oath by its author, his pilot Lope Martin, and others. It is quite evident throughout that it was written with the hope of explaining satisfactorily the "San Lucas's" sudden disappearance and failure to rejoin the flagship. Accounts of islands passed by the vessel are given and the various and frequent mishaps of wind and wave detailed at length. On January 8 an island was reached where the people "were afraid of our ship and of us and our weapons. They are well proportioned, tall of stature, and bearded, their beards reaching to their waists. The men wear their hair long like women, neatly combed and tied behind in a knot. They are greedy, very treacherous, and thoroughly unprincipled. … They are Caribs, and, I understand, eat human flesh. They are warlike, as it seemed to us, for they were always prepared, and they must carry on war with other islands. Their weapons are spears pointed with fish bones, and masanas [a wooden weapon, generally edged with sharp flint, used by the early Mexican and Peruvian aborigines.] … They are much given to hurling stones from slings, and with very accurate aim. They are excellent swimmers and sailors. We called this island Nadadores [Swimmers], because they swam out to us when we were more than a league from the island." A mutiny sprang up after reaching the Philippines, but was checked. Arellano claims that he left the prescribed tokens of his visit in Mindanao. The patache reached Puerto de la Navidad on August 9, after its crew had suffered many hardships and much sickness. Legazpi, quite naturally, was much displeased at the evident desertion of the "San Lucas" and caused action to be taken against Arellano and Lope Martin, by Gabriel Diaz of the Mexican mint. This latter presented various petitions before the Audiencia of Mexico, detailing the charges and asking investigation. The charges were desertion,—"in which the loss he occasioned cannot be overestimated," because this vessel was intended for a close navigation of the islands and their rivers and estuaries, which the larger vessels could not attempt,—assuming to himself powers of jurisdiction that belonged to Legazpi as general of the expedition,—executing summary justice on two men (causing them to be thrown overboard),—cruelty, and "many other grave and serious offenses," which "he had committed in company with the pilot and others." Diaz asked that Arellano be made to render an account to Legazpi and to serve for his pay, as he had served in the expedition but ten days. However just the demand for an investigation, it was never made, which was probably due to Arellano's influence with the court in Spain. The only notice that appeared to be taken of the petitions was a request from the Audiencia that Diaz show his authority to act in the case, which he had showed already in the petitions. The voyage of the "San Lucas" is called by the editor of Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, "one of the boldest registered in the history of navigation." See the above series, tomo ii, pp. 222, 223; and tomo iii, pp. v–xviii, and 1–76.
- ↑ See the notarial attestation of the taking of possession of Barbudos in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 76–79. This was apparently one of the Marshall Islands.
- ↑ On January 26, 1565, Legazpi in person took possession of the Ladrones, for the Spanish crown. This possession was made in the island of Guam, before Hernando Riquel, government notary, and with all the necessary formalities. The witnesses were "Fray Andres de Urdaneta, prior; the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sanz; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the chief ensign, Andres de Ybarra; Geronimo de Monçon, and many others." See the record of possession, Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 79–81.
- ↑ Cf. with this the thievishness, and dexterity therein, of the Huron Indians, in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), v, pp. 123, 241, 243, and elsewhere.
- ↑ This island is styled variously Guam, Goam, Guan, and Boan (see Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, p. 243). The United States government now uses it as a coaling station.
- ↑ From an official document drawn up by Hernando Riquel, it appears that the fleet reached the Philippines in very poor condition, due to insufficient and careless preparation. In response to a petition signed by the royal officials "Guido de la Vaçares [Lavezaris], Andres Cauchela, and Andres de Mirandaola," that testimonies be received from certain officers and pilots of the fleet, in regard to its poor condition, Legazpi ordered such depositions to be taken, which was done on May 23, 1565. These testimonies show that the fleet left Puerto de la Navidad with insufficient crews, marine equipment, artillery, and food, in consequence of which great sufferings had been and were still being endured. It was testified "that the provisions of meat, lard, cheese, beans and peas, and fish lasted but a short time, because of putrefying and spoiling by reason of having been laid in many days before sailing." See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 305–318.
- ↑ The notarial testimony of this taking of possession will be given in this volume, p. 167.
- ↑ Probably the island of Leyte. See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, p. 258.
- ↑ This ceremony of blood friendship will be explained in later documents. It was characteristic of Malayan peoples. The present Cabalian is in the extreme S. E. part of Leyte.
- ↑ Camiguin, north of Mindanao, and north by west from Butuan Bay.
- ↑ The testimonies of the "wrongs inflicted on the natives in certain of the Philippines, under cover of friendship and under pretext of a desire to trade," by Portuguese from the Moluccas, and the injuries resulting therefrom to the Spaniards, are recounted in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 284–305.
- ↑ Probably in pique because Urdaneta's advice to colonize New Guinea had been disregarded, and because these islands were, as Urdaneta declared, in Portugal's demarcation.
- ↑ The notarial memorandum of the finding of the Niño Jesús will be found in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 277–284. It gives Legazpi's testimony concerning the discovery, and his appointment of the date of finding as an annual religious holiday, as well as the testimonies of the finder, Juan de Camuz, and of Esteban Rodriguez, to whom Camuz first showed the image (which is described in detail). Pigafetta relates (First Voyage of Magellan, pp. 93, 94) that he gave an image of the Infant Jesus to the queen of Cebú, April 14, 1521—evidently the same as that found by Legazpi's men.
- ↑ On this day Legazpi took formal possession of the island of Cebú and adjacent islands for Spain. The testimony of Hernando Riquel, government notary, of this act appears in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, iii, pp. 89, 90.
- ↑ This image is still preserved in the Augustinian convent at Cebú; a view of it is presented in this volume.
- ↑ The preceding relation says three hours.
- ↑ Probably the casava root.
- ↑ The native race inhabiting Guam is called Chamorro.
- ↑ This was the island of Negros (Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, p. 410).
- ↑ The pilot makes use of the familiar second person singular forms throughout this relation.
- ↑ His relation of this voyage, continued until a few days before his death, is preserved in the Archivo general de Indias, at Seville. See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, p. 456.
- ↑ His full name. He was a brother of Captain Juan de la Isla. See Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, vol. ii, p. 458.
- ↑ The number in the printed document is one thousand three hundred and seventy. This must be an error for one thousand eight hundred and seventy, as so great a difference between the three maps would hardly be likely to occur.
- ↑ This relation may be considered as the continuation of that which records the voyage from New Spain, until the departure of the "San Pedro" from Cebú. Neither is signed, but the former seems to have been written by a military officer, as he speaks in one place of "the men of my company."
- ↑ Cf. the Chinese belief, and the reverence of the American Indian for his ancestors.
- ↑ Cf. the burial rites of North American tribes, as described in the Jesuit Relations (see Index, article: Indians).
- ↑ This chief's name is also spelled in this relation Mahomat.
- ↑ The fanéga is a measure of capacity that was extensively used throughout Spain and the Spanish colonies, and in the Spanish-American republics; but it is now largely superseded by the measures of the metric system. Its value varied in different provinces or colonies. Its equivalents in United States (Winchester) bushels are as follows: Aragon, 0.64021; Teruel (Aragón), 1.23217; Castile, 1.59914; Asturias, 2.07358; Buenos Aires, 3.74988; Canary Islands, 1.77679 (struck), 2.5 (heaped). The fanéga of Castile is equivalent to 5.63 decaliters. The name was also applied to the portion of ground which might be sown with a fanéga of grain.
- ↑ A detailed relation of the voyage of the "San Gerónimo" was written by Juan Martinez, a soldier, being dated Cebú, July 25, 1567. It is given in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, no. 47, pp. 371–475. From the very first the insubordination of the pilot Lope Martin was manifest, who said to the easy-going captain "If you think you are going to take me to Cebú, you are very much mistaken; for as soon as he saw me there, the governor would hang me."
- ↑ In regard to this use of precious gums, see East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 35), pp. 31, 230; in that text yncenso is incorrectly translated "wormwood."
- ↑ Document no. xli, pp. 244–276, tomo iii, consists of memoranda made by Hernando Riquel, notary of the expedition. These were drawn up by order of Legazpi, and relate to occurrences after the fleet reached Cabalian (March, 1565), until the resolution to colonize in Cebú. They are mainly concerned with negotiations with the natives, and are fully attested; but contain nothing additional to the matter in the relations.
- ↑ A tax paid to the monarch by those not belonging to the nobility.
- ↑ See note 18, ante, on repartimientos and encomiendas.