Through China with a camera/Chapter 1
THROUGH CHINA WITH A CAMERA.
CHAPTER I.
A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE CONDITION OF CHINA, PAST AND PRESENT.
"The Chinese are so ancient in the world that it fares with them, as to their original, as with great rivers whose source can scarce be discovered." It is over two centuries since this was written by Le Comte, and the origin of the Chinese is still wrapped in the obscurity that preceded the dawn of authentic history. It is held by native scholars that Chinese history supplies a fairly accurate record of the Kings and Emperors who have reigned for the past four thousand years, and that their annals, dealing with an earlier period are largely mythical. The primitive sovereigns of the race are represented as the sources of the wisdom and probity, which are supposed to characterise the Government of the present day. They were certainly not without influence in moulding the political and social institutions which have kept the Chinese together for so many centuries in independence and isolation. The cause, however, of the permanency of the Chinese Government, in its main outlines has afforded ample scope for controversy to sinalogues and students of history, some affirming that it is solely due to the principle of paternal authority that forms the basis of the Chinese System, while others attribute its continuity to the traditional method followed in selecting officials. "It is solely owing to a principle which the policy of every successive dynasty has practically maintained, in a greater or less degree,—viz., that good government consists in the advancement of men of talent and merit only, to the rank and power conferred by official posts."
This view Mr. Meadows supports by the authority of Confucius, who says:—"Good government depends on obtaining proper men. Justice is what is right in the nature of things, its highest exercise is to honour men of virtue and talent."[1]
But other maxims are not wanting in the works of Confucius to prove that good government, to be enduring, must be based on the duties of universal obligation between "Sovereign and minister, between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder brother and younger brother, and those belonging to the intercourse of friends."[2] It would appear, therefore, that the persistency of the Chinese system of government must be attributed to more causes than one, in some measure to the patriarchal system, as well as to the principle embodied in selecting the most accomplished scholars for the service of the state. Be that as it may, the reader is probably aware that the system of government examination for civil and military preferment is one of the most ancient institutions of the Empire. All official posts, theoretically, are open as the rewards of distinguished scholarship. Examinations are periodically held in the chief cities of the Empire, and the subjects for examination, and methods followed by the examiners, are practically the same as they were two thousand years ago, with this difference, that a thorough scholarly acquaintance with the classics takes now first rank, while the result of the moral teaching of the sacred text-books is hardly recognised, and is left to the somewhat elastic conscience of the successful candidate for office.
These examinations are open to all grades of society, excepting the most depraved sections of the community, and those having no recognised social status. On the surface, this appears to be the one democratic institution of the country, but in its practical operation proves no exception to the purely conservative basis upon which all Chinese institutions are reared.
Literary graduates, when selected for the Imperial service, are at once cut adrift from the people, and form a caste by themselves, whose sole interest lies in maintaining the ancient policy of the Government, to the exclusion of such measures of progress and reform as would bring the country abreast of the times, and foster the permanent interests of the community from which they sprang. The system is nevertheless popular, and the examination-hall full of infinite possibilities, affording a strong incentive to parents to educate their children, with the result that the schoolmaster is found in every village in the Empire. He is himself a student, an expectant, or unsuccessful candidate for office, who is treated with the honour befitting the dignity of his position, and supported with much self-sacrifice by the villagers. Judging from personal experience, few Chinamen are wholly illiterate, while the majority are too poor to procure anything beyond elementary training. It is from this untutored class that our colonial settlements draw their supplies of labour, the class "par excellence" showing capacity and determination to adapt themselves to new surroundings and to profit by the methods of Western progress. They are naturally free from the retarding influence of cultured prejudice, which characterises the Chinese "literati." It is to this humbler section of the race, engaged in trade, and tillage, that one is forced to look for the ultimate regeneration of China, rather than to the accomplished followers of Confucius. It is within my knowledge that some of these emigrants and their descendants, the latter having been trained in foreign schools, have risen to opulence and launched successfully, on foreign lines, abroad and in their own country, commercial undertakings of great magnitude and importance. In the hands of such men as these, perchance, lie the destinies of China, which must either move forward, or drift and be dismembered by powers over which she has no control. The experience of the last quarter of a century, and especially the results of the last war are far from reassuring, and do not encourage the hope that China at the eleventh hour will "set her house in order." She would have to re-organise her whole system of administration, excepting her Imperial Maritime Customs under Foreign Commissioners, which might well serve as a model, or an honest foundation upon which to rear the new fabric of government. In regard to the pressing necessity for reform of a drastic type, the reader may draw his own conclusions from a perusal of the recent "Times" correspondence, or still more recent British Consular Report, on "The Revenue and Expenditure of the Chinese Empire." The political as well as the fiscal outlook are there set down in the most sombre colours. Will China face the position boldly and at once? A native scholar once remarked that it takes more than a thousand years to introduce a new tone into the Chinese language. Should this estimate afford some clue to the ratio of political and social progress, it is difficult to limit the time required to cast off the chrysalis 
MILITARY MANDARIN
If the ancient rulers of China were remarkable for wisdom and probity, the morality of the modern Mandarin is mainly confined to polite phraseology and posturing. This outer semblance of virtue and integrity presents a phase of Asiatic character, with which foreigners in their Chinese experience are not unfamiliar. It is the polished husk presented to the outer barbarians with all due ceremony, and which has proved so unsatisfying as to have led to reprisals which have brought China to the verge of bankruptcy. But foreigners are not the only sufferers by such methods of official procedure. The provincial Governors enjoy a quasi-financial independence in the collection and administration of a large part of the Imperial revenue. Foreign and native trade alike suffer from the irregular mode practised in levying and collecting taxes. The policy of the provincial officials in dealing with the revenue is to retain as much as possible for local expenditure, and to remit as little as possible to Peking. Things are made to appear what they are not; a considerable portion of the revenue never finds its way into the official returns, while many of the large items set down for military and naval expenditure are so manipulated as to leave a large residue in the pockets of the provincial rulers and their numerous retainers. For this the Government is in some measure responsible, as the official salaries of Mandarins are merely nominal. That, for example, of the governor-general of a province about equals the salary of a city clerk, while his supplementary allowances are indefinite and elastic, affording ample scope for the exercise of predatory habits. It is indeed difficult, and, from the oriental point of view, impossible, for the official to carry on his administration with clean hands. Besides, his tenure of office is short, while his present and prospective wants are immeasurable.
The safeguarding of a system that tolerates this state of official corruption accounts in part for the native dread of innovation, and their intolerance of foreigners and foreign intercourse.
The one branch of the Imperial service carried on with honesty is, as I have noticed, the Imperial Maritime Customs, under the direction of Sir Robert Hart. This yields an ever increasing revenue. The average annual return is over 23,000,00 0taels, while the native Customs, with many more stations and irregular imports, produce about 10,000,000 taels an amount which always remains about the same, irrespective of war, famine, pestilence, or fluctuations of trade. In the Kwang-tung province the foreign Customs collect at four ports 3,000,000 taels, while the native Customs returns from forty ports and stations less than half a million taels.[5] The work accomplished by the Foreign Commissioners has met with scant appreciation at the hands of the Chinese, and although it supplies the most important item of revenue of the Central Government, has led to no reform in other branches of the administration. Corruption is still the rule, sapping the strength of every modern effort, whether in re-organising the army, founding, arsenals, or the purchase of a fleet.
In justice, however, it must be recorded that the ruling classes are not wholly corrupt. There are exceptions; men in authority who are famed for honesty rather than for stores of ill-gotten gain, and men like the Viceroy of Hupeh and Yunan, Ching-Chi-tung, who, in a patriotic attempt to benefit his country, squandered his fortune in founding gigantic iron and steel works, which were to provide the railroad plant of a line from Hankow to Peking. The works were to be managed entirely by Chinese, while the foreigner was to look on with mingled envy and apprehension. But, as might have been foreseen, for lack of knowledge the project had to be abandoned. It may be noticed that this Viceroy, so it was said, was not wholly unacquainted with the promoters of the pseudo-republican rising in Formosa, which gave the Japanese some trouble when they entered into possession of that island. Since the close of the war with Japan, reforms are in the air, just as they were a quarter of a century ago. A new fleet is to be purchased, and the Chinese navy organised under a British officer, Commander Dundas, R.N. The army too, is to be re-modelled by English and German officers. It is to be supposed before this step was taken, that a suitable guarantee was obtained that the officers in question will be accorded better treatment by the Chinese Government than fell to the lot of Captain Lang, who became simply a naval instructor, subordinate to the native officials, who embraced every opportunity of misapplying funds, supposed to be devoted to rendering the fleet efficient. If the new fleet, yet to be purchased, and the army, yet to be formed, are to be of service, the funds set apart for their organisation and maintenance should be administered by Europeans as a guarantee that they will be wholly applied to the purpose for which they are intended. Should this precaution fail to be taken, history will repeat itself, as the next war will prove. What has become of the army of 600,000 fighting men, supposed to have existed before the war with Japan, an army sufficiently organised to require regular rations and payments. In travelling all over the country I saw no evidence of the existence of any great military force. In the official pay-sheets it figures as a very formidable host. Apart from the numerical strength named, a considerable force does exist in the North, brought together and maintained by Li Hung Chang, when Viceroy of Pechili.
The navy, before the war broke out, numbered about one hundred vessels of all sorts, from sea-going ironclads to torpedo boats. This fleet, which does not now exist, will probably be recreated at great cost, and before officers or men can be trained for service. But this is a matter, which does not disturb the Chinese mind. I do not know what the last navy cost the Government, but I do know that neither ships, officers nor crews were ever fit for fighting. The Chinese trusted entirely, after the manner of their renowned Chieftains of ancient history, to the outward show of force, rather than to force itself, to defeat their foes. As for the army, on paper it is a costly machine. In the provinces and capital a considerable part of the revenue is annually expended on this line of defence, and yet in order to make some show of resistance during the war, the force herded to the front was mainly from the fields; men engaged in tillage, who had never handled a weapon more formidable than a hoe, were pushed forward, musket in hand, and many of them left to raid their own countrymen for rations, until brought to the shambles on the battlefields, or disbanded.
Reform, one would suppose in the case of China, to be effective, would begin, not in wild schemes for arming the the Empire in defence of the very institutions which are the cause of her impotency, and of a system of corruption which would render her land forces and fleet useless in a struggle against any third-rate power, but begin with the government itself. The system of administration must be made worthy of respect, so as to be supported by the patriotic endeavour of the whole nation.
This can never be the case in China so long as the government figures as one in the first rank of Asiatic despotisms, so long as there are no railways, no public press, no public opinion, no modern facilities for intercourse, and no encouragement for the development of great industries, except what China has been forced to concede by Treaty stipulations, notably by clauses contained in the Treaty of Shimonosaki, which has thrown open some new ports to trade. Under Article VI, it is stipulated that Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all sorts of industries in the cities and open ports of the Empire, and be free to import all sorts of machinery for manufacturing purposes. By the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin, Great Britain and all other powers under the most favoured nation concessions, share in the benefits conferred upon Japan. China, indeed, has again been reluctantly thrust forward as the direct result of her own immobility. But in order that she may hold together, and voluntarily proceed along the path of progress, it is essential first that the Government should conduct its affairs with honesty and discretion. For this end there [should be a central fiscal administration, accountable for the whole income and expenditure of the Empire, and a Court of Exchequer having a thoroughly experienced foreign Chancellor, as a guarantee of efficiency. This would naturally lead to a complete revision of official salaries, which would be so supplemented as to remove the necessity for peculation, and would secure the whole revenue for the purposes of the Government, measures which would at once place China in a sound financial position, enabling her not only to meet all the liabilities resulting from the late war, but to have a considerable surplus in reserve. It is estimated that from one-half to two-thirds of the revenue disappears in the process of collection and transmission. Other essential reforms should follow, such as a complete survey of the land, in order to secure a proper adjustment of the land tax and return of the legitimate proceeds accruing from that source. The unification of the whole of the Customs under the present Imperial Maritime Customs Commissioners would sweep away the system of farming inland transit dues, and levying illegal imposts on foreign goods, by which they are so burdened as to become unsaleable in many of the inland marts. The total abolition of native collectorates would add greatly to the internal resources, as returns from those quarters are always much below actual collection.[6] The entire revenue of the Central Government of China, roughly speaking, is about one-fourth of that of India, although in area of productive soil and in population India is at a disadvantage, while at the same time the burden of taxation borne by the people under British rule is lighter and less oppressive, and is not subject to fluctuations arising from the necessity, caprice or avarice of local officials. It must be noted that the money paid to the central Government falls far short of the amount actually collected by the provincial authorities.
In India every facility is afforded for the development of the resources of the country, and for the expansion of trade, by a network of railways and trade routes, and by the safeguarding of the interests of the entire population. In China there are no facilities for inland transport save by river and canal navigation, which the Chinese discovered to their cost during the late war, no railroads of any commercial importance and no roads worthy of the name. This in a land having boundless stores of wealth in coal, iron and minerals of all sorts, and an unlimited supply of efficient labour; a land famed for the minute economy of its people, who derive warmth and fuel from charcoal and millet stalks, while millions of tons of coal lie undisturbed beneath their feet. The people are remarkable for their utilisation of waste products in food and in tillage, while their rulers can boast of the waste of their country's resources. Mandarins hold commerce in contempt, and may not stoop to trade at the peril of losing caste, and yet some there are who add to their wealth by a quasi-connection with trade, as in the case of Li Hung Chang and the China Steam Navigation Coy., and who, while denouncing foreign opium as a curse to the people, foster the cultivation of the native drug for their individual profit. Li Hung Chang has acquired great wealth by methods sanctioned by custom and best known to himself. He is also not without fame as the figure-head of the modern school of China, from whom better things were expected than the complete collapse of her armaments, for which he is held in a great measure responsible. It can hardly be expected that the Government will so warily guide the helm of state as to clear the shoals which beset their course on all sides. On the north and north-east, Russia, who used her influence successfully in modifying the Treaty of Shimonosaki and who guaranteed part of the indemnity exacted by Japan, has not failed to advance her interests by obtaining a concession to continue her Trans-Siberian railway through Chinese territory to the seaboard; there she will have a naval station with an open sea at all seasons. The arrangement is ostensibly temporary, but Russian diplomacy may be safely left to secure its permanency. Along the coast of China the land lies open to attack at all points, while on her south-western border the French and ourselves are busily at work, contesting the right to widen the ever extending sphere of influence, and to tap the trade of two of the richest provinces of the Empire. In this region the British have been treated to another example of bad faith in the Chinese ceding territory to France, the small state of Maung U, which by treaty stipulation was never to be transferred to a third power. Negotiations regarding this double dealing have terminated satisfactorily, and one important result for British commerce has been secured in opening the western river of Kwang-tung to trade. By this concession we obtain a direct route to Kwangsi and Yunan. France has permission to carry her railway from Tongking as far as Liuchow in Kwangsi, but Britain may safeguard her interests by the completion of the Mandalay railway to Kun-lung ferry, whence little difficulty would be encountered in continuing the route to a point above the French limit on the Mekong. Given these routes and a fair field for trade, one need not dread the results of the competition of our gallant neighbours, whose trading capacity is far outstripped by their chivalrous desire for Empire in the East. There is no reason why we should not work in harmony, as the French cannot dispense with our services in commerce, unless indeed, they foster a more intimate relationship with our German rivals. On the other hand, the Germans have every reason to encourage French colonial expansion as a factor not to be under-estimated in securing peace on their European borders. It is a sort of bloodletting of the military power of the latter, by which war fever is allayed and forces are spread over an extremely wide and unhealthy area.
Regarding the modern movement of China which had for its object the defence of the Empire, one of the most daring departures from her conventional and time-honoured institutions was promoted by the Viceroy of Hupeh and Yunan, Ching-Chi-tung, already noticed, by the erection, at a cost of about six million dollars, of rolling mills and arsenals at Hanyang. The plant covered seventy acres, and had its railroad, half a mile in length, from the Yangtize Kiang to the works. The arsenal was destroyed by fire soon after its completion, and finally the effort of this Chinese patriot had to be abandoned. He proposed not only to supply the Government with abundant, up-to-date munitions of war, manufactured by natives alone, but to produce the plant, steel rails included, and to build a trunk line from Hankow to Peking. The scheme proved a ruinous failure as had been predicted, Ching-Chi-tung having determined to dispense with the help of European experts and workmen, his own object being to prove, once and for all, that China, alone and unaided could supply herself with all that was requisite to sustain her position as the paramount power in the Far East. The money required for this disastrous venture came from the private purse of Ching-Chi-tung, how he came to be possessed of such vast resources has not been revealed. His latest venture is framed on more modest lines—viz., the erection of a Mint at Hankow; the dies for the coinage were sent from Birmingham. This institution will possibly share the fate of the Canton Mint, set up some seven years ago, and which turned out dollars and smaller coins, but the dollars never got into circulation, as no two batches proved of like value owing to defective assay. Small coins are still struck, and find a market as charms against malign influences.
The railway from Tientsin to Peking, constructed under the direction of H. E. Hsu, should be completed before this work sees the light. The more important trunk line from Hankow to Peking is still in abeyance. But it is reported that a Belgian Syndicate has secured the privilege of advancing £4,500,000 sterling to be spent on the construction of the line, and the right to supply materials and engineers. As the line is to figure as part security, and the money is to be expended by Belgians, one would expect that this much needed and long projected railway would be built forthwith and finished with all speed. I hope that the report may prove well-founded, and that the Syndicate may ere long reap the reward of an enterprise so daring and not unattended with risk. This loan it would appear has been authorized by Imperial Edict, and the contract signed by Ching-Chi-tung and Sheng Taoti at Wuchang, also by the members of the Tsungli Yamen Peking. Sheng secured for himself a most unenviable reputation during the War, and has since posed as the promoter of the Chinese Imperial Bank Scheme, and financier of the Hankow-Peking railway. It is said that the Belgians were not alone in their offer of capital for the enterprise, but that the Chinese were fain to close with Belgium, being a small power without a fleet. It is quite possible, notwithstanding, that French and Russian financiers are not wholly uninterested in the loan, and that, in the event of misunderstanding, Belgium might not be left to settle matters singlehanded.
As I close this review of the position and prospects of China, news has arrived of the opening of the West River of Canton, and for this great boon to commerce we are in a great measure indebted to the energy and diplomacy of Sir Claude Macdonald. The opening of the ports on the west branch of the Pearl river, has not been secured for ourselves alone, but for all foreign nations, and this I may say is truly characteristic of the liberal spirit of British diplomacy. The opening of this route is a step which must have a far-reaching influence, not only on foreign trade, but on the future of this part of the Chinese Empire. Steamers now run from Hongkong to Wu-Chau-fu three times a week, carrying passengers and produce.
I have alluded to the cession of Maung U, in the valley of the Nam U, to France in violation of the understanding with Great Britain. This breach of faith has been atoned for under the new Anglo-Chinese Convention ratified in Peking on June 5th of this year. By this agreement the Chinese cede to Great Britain the Shan State of Kokang on the South of Yunan. The State appears to be in form triangular, its base resting on the British Shan States, and its apex piercing Yunan. The Salwin flows through its centre, from the northern limit to Kun-lung ferry, thus opening a route from the ferry, a point to which the Mandalay railway will soon be completed. From Kun-lung to the Yunan frontier in a straight line, is about sixty miles. Gold is said to exist in the country, but the interior of Kokang is practically unknown to Europeans. In addition, a small territory has been added to the west of the Swali river, which ought to prove important, as it points to a possible trade route from Bahmo, by Kwitu, to the Shewli.
Kowloon City, Mainland, opposite Hong Kong