Warsaw Message/January 7, 1843/Page 1
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PRINTED AND PUBLISHED
——— Conspicuously inserted at the following rates— One Square, (12 lines or under)
A liberal discount to yearly advertisers.—Terms made known on application. ☞No paper will be sent out of Hancock county until paid for—and to no person out of it, except when a special arrangement has been made to the contrary. ☞All letters and communications, to ensure attention, must be post paid. ☞Legal Notices must in all cases be paid for before certificates of publication will be given. ——— POLITICAL MESSAGE.
[Some scamp of an editor, not long since, copied these noble lines of the poet Whittier, under the caption of 'Thomas H. Benton;' and it went the rounds of the Western Locofoco Press, carrying the impression that the gifted author could be guilty of sending such a piece of nonsense into the world.—Ed. Message.] -- Not fallen! No! as well the tall
As he, Columbia's hope and pride, He is not fallen! Seek to bind
For through all else be desolate He is not fallen! Every breeze
From wild Penobscot's forest trees, Star of the West! A million eyes All hail! the hour is hastening on ————————— George Washington,
In his first Annual Message after signing the first Tariff Bill, framed avowedly to "to protect manufactures," says: "The safety and interest of the people require that they should promote such manufactures as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly for military supplies." Thomas Jefferson,
In his Message to Congress of December 15, 1802, thus enumerates the proper objects of our Government: "To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries of navigation, and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burdens; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal Union as the only rock of safety:—these, fellow citizens, are the landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. By continuing to make these the rule of our action, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote an union of sentiment and action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety." Again, in his Message of 1808, apprehending a surplus Revenue, he says: "To what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impose after the discharge of the public debt? Shall we suppress the impos, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? |
He proceeds to say, that on a few articles he thinks the impost may be suppressed, but that, with regard to the great mass of them, the "patriotism" of the people would "prefer its continuance and application to the great purposes of public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers." In his last Annual Message sent to congress, on the 8th of November, 1808, Mr. Jefferson says: "The suspension of foreign commerce produced by the injustice of the belligerent Powers, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been forced, has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and substance of cheaper materials and substance, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent." James Madison,
In his Message of November 5th, 1811, thus speaks: "Although other subjects will press more immediately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are still attaining, under the impulse of causes not permanent, and to our navigation, the fair extent of which is, at present, abridged by the unequal regulations of foreign Governments. Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from sacrifices which a change of circumstances might bring upon them, the national interest requires that, with respect to such articles at least as belong to our defence and primary wants, we should not be left in a state of unnecessary dependence on external supplies." President Monroe
In his Inaugural Address, March 5th, 1817, observes: "Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the government. 'Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, not sought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important too, that the capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do, in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by extending the free competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualities incident to foreign markets." John Quincy Adams,
In his Message of December 2nd, 1828, thus vindicates the power and policy of Protection: "Is the self-protecting energy of this nation so helpless, that there exists in the political institutions of our country no power to counteract the bias of foreign legislation;that the growers of grain must submit to the exclusion from the foreign marks of their produce; that the shippers must dismantle their ships, the trade of the North stagnate at the wharves, and the manufacturers starve at their looms, while the whole people shall pay tribute to foreign industry, to be clad in a foreign garb: that the Congress of the Union are impotent to restore the balance in favor of native industry, destroyed by the statutes of another nation! More just and more generous sentiments will, I trust, prevail. "If the tariff adopted at the last session of Congress shall be found by experience to bear oppressively upon the interests of any one section of the Union, it ought to be, and I cannot doubt will be, so mortified as to alleviate its burdens. To the voice of just complaint, from any portion of their constituents, the representatives of the States and the people will never turn away their ears. But so long as the duty of the foreign shall operate only as a bounty upon the domestic article—while the planter, and the merchant, and the merchant, and the shepherd, and the husbandman, shall be found thriving in their occupations, under the duties imposed for the protection of domestic manufactures—they will not repine at the prosperity shared with themselves by their fellow-citizens of other professions, nor denounce as violations of the Constitution the deliberate acts of Congress to shield from the wrongs of foreign laws the native industry of the Union." General Jackson,
In his Message of December 7th, 1830, thus asserts the Constitutional power: "The power to impose duties on import originally belonged to the several States. The right to adjust these duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic |
branches of industry, is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence of one without the other. The states have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General government, without limitation or restriction, saving very inconsiderable reservation relative to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them; and consequently, if it be not possessed by the General Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of the people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the case. This indispensable power, thus surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion, I am confirmed as well by the opinions of President Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of congress, the continued acquiescence of the States, and the general understanding of the people." The same sentiments, in different language, were repeatedly and strongly expressed by each of these Presidents. Lastly, John Tyler.
"In imposing duties for the purpose of revenue, a right to discriminate as to the the articles on which the duties shall be laid, as well as the amount, necessarily and properly exists. Otherwise the Government would be placed in the condition of having to levy the same duties upon all articles—the productive as well as the unproductive. The slightest duty upon some might have the effect of causing their importation to cease; whereas others, entering extensively into the consumption of the country, might bear the heaviest, without any sensible diminution in the amount imported." "So, also, the Government may be justified in discriminating, by reference to other considerations of domestic policy connected with our manufactures. So long as the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the Treasury, no well founded objection can be raised against them." Who will now assert that Protection is unconstitutional? or that it makes the other classes of the community for the special benefit of the Manufacturers? ————————— We copy the following from that sterling publication, the Chicago Agriculturist—and earnestly join with it in recommending the subject matter to the notice of the friend of Education.—Ed. Message. The period is fast approaching when our Legislature convenes, and those which have considered the vast importance of the subject of common school education look to the legislation concerning it which deep interest. And inasmuch as the expressed wishes of the people ought to, and does have a powerful influence upon the proceedings of their representatives, efforts should be made to procure such an expression of opinion upon leading questions, as well correctly indicate the popular feelings concerning them. It is with a view of obtaining the sense of the people with regard to the appointment of a Superintendent of Common Schools, thus we have circulated the annexed petition pretty extensively, not doubting but that the Legislature will accede do it, if the people shall signify by the signing it that they consider the request important. Those who accord with our sentiments, would do well to spend a day or two in visiting their neighbors and procuring signatures. It costs nothing; and if properly explained , every one applied to will sign it. The passage of a bill in accordance with the petition, will depend almost wholly on the number of signatures. There should be twenty thousand petitioners. Of our present population, one in seventeen! over 20 years of age can neither read nor write. What a deplorable state of things! and yet the next census and the succeeding one will show our condition to be still worse, unless we speedily have energetic action in behalf of common schools. In this cause there will be no spontaneous motion forward; the natural movement is backward, down to the lowest depths of ignorance. To say nothing of our native population, what shall be done for the benefit of the thousands of foreigners coming amongst us annually? Shall they be permitted to grow up in ignorance—foreigners in all their views and feelings—or shall they be made Americans, and so far instructed as to be made capable of judging for themselves of our republican institutions, and appreciating the high privileges of a nation's governing itself? Is it the part of wisdom to leave the elections of our rulers, those holding the balance of power between the two great political parties of our country in ignorance, to be |
made the dupes of ambitious, unprincipled demagogues?—or shall not rather the children of those seeking a home amongst us, be sufficiently educated to read and judge for themselves of the measures of a party, and the manner in which its promises to the people are carried out? With one in seventeen unqualified to act independently upon his own knowledge and judgment, there is great reason to fear for the perpetuity of our institutions; what then should we apprehend with one in seven who can neither read nor write, as it is in North Carolina? To be sure, other members of the confederacy may furnish salt enough to preserve the Republic; but have we Suckers no pride in seeing that we fully perform our part in the great moral work? Are we willing to have the finger of scorn pointed at us as being among the lowest in the scale of education—as a perfect ulcer on the body politic? No, never shall this be our portion, will be the reply of every reader. All unite in saying—only let us know what is to be done to save us from the impending fate, and it shall be done! And it because a Superintendent of the right kind would aid most essentially in obtaining and disseminating the necessary knowledge, and in devising the best plans, that we would advocate the creation of such an office. We have some few noble spirits amongst us who have done much for this great cause; but we want some one or two who will make business to labor in its behalf--n whom it will be their meat and drink to see it prosper. And it is but right that they should be paid for their labors; an ample recompense should not be grudged to them. The State employs agents to look to its other interests, why then leave that of education to take care of itself? The reason surely cannot be because it lacks importance, or because it is not a legitimate subject for the Legislature to care for. The reason can only be that it has not been properly considered. Here, it appears to us, the example of other States should have its due influence upon us. In most of the Eastern States, and in Ohio and Michigan, they have this officer; and surely if there, where in many of them long established systems still exist in full vigor, they deem it advisable to maintain such an officer at the expense of the State, we surely should not hesitate when there is so much more for him to do, and when his labors are so much more required. Let not the embarrassed state of the treasury prevent any one from signing their memorial. Fifteen hundred dollars a year is no object in considering a subject of such vital importance, and not a creditor of the State would make an objection to the appropriation. To establish a good system of school education would be one of the most effectual means of aiding in the payment of our onerous debt. We do hope every one feeling an interest in this question, will see the annexed petition circulated extensively, and read to some member of this Legislature by the 15th or 20th of December. We must have a superintendent appointed this winter. Those who have not had printed copies might write one off on a sheet of paper. Circulate it—circulate it. To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Illinois. We the undersigned, citizens of ——— county, Illinois, deeming it of the highest importance to the welfare of your State, that a system of common school education should be established by Legislative enactments adapted to our condition and necessities, the present system being generally acknowledged to be very defective; and believing sufficient information is not within reach of your honorable bodies, to enable you to frame a system that shall be permanent and adequate to our wants; and believing one of the most effective means of acquiring authentic information would be to fill an office of Superintendent of Common Schools with a competent man, who should enter with zeal and perseverance, upon his arduous and responsible duties; would most respectfully request of our honorable bodies to create such an office, with a sufficient salary. The present duties of such an officer would be, besides performing such as the Legislature or Governor might direct, to travel throughout the State, and by public lecturing and private conversation charge upon the attention of the people the subject of common school education, and by every means in his power endeavor to safekey in it that interest as importance demands. As a consequence of his efforts, by thus mingling with the people, in the sparse settlements as well as in the larger towns, he would learn what the people required, and could devise such plans and make such recommendations to the Legislature at future sessions as would produce enlightened and satisfactory legislation. And your petitioners, as in duty bound will every pray, &c. ——————
Judicious mothers will always keep in mind that they are the first book read, and the last one laid aside, in every child's library. Every look, word, and gesture, nay even dress, makes an impression. A man in Philadelphia threw 63 ersets the other day, beating Captain Tyler by three turns. |
KEEP THE FLAG AT THE MAST HEAD.
We know not how others may regard the present crisis in our political affairs. But for one we see no reason either for discouragement of inaction, but rather an inducement to renewed exertions in the cause of American Labor and sound Government. The Kennebec Journal, one of the staunchest Whig papers in the country rings out the rallying cry of Clay and Davisas clear and strong as if every State in the Union had gone for the Whigs.—"Don't give up the ship," so long as there is a hope left for Old Massachusetts. The Bay State has only got on a sand-bar while some of her crew are slumbering, but the crew are again aroused and resolved to get her off and keep her afloat and under the command of their approved commander, Honest John Davis.—Boston Amer. The Kennebec Journal says, after speaking of the treachery of John Tyler, the disaffection of some of our old friends and the recent reverses in New York, &c.: "Under these discouraging circumstances, shall wee fold our hands in despair and 'give up the ship?' Shall we desert our colors in the hour of danger? Never! Let us elect a pilot who has been ever true. And who better than he who has constantly warned us of the very rocks on which we have stranded; and who by common consent has, for twenty years, been called the Father of the American System? To him the Whigs of the country are now looking from every city, village, hamlet and farm houses, from the Sabine to the St. John. Nor have they forgotten to guard against the fatal mistake they made in choosing John Tyler. In the selection of honest John Davis, of Massachusetts, we need fear no Virginia abstractions, nor any base desertion to the enemy to gain a re-election. Individual or minor objections may be raised against one or both of these men, but public opinion has put them in advance of all others. The Whigs of the North and the South can agree upon these. Should either be abandoned, such agreement would be rendered more difficult, if not impossible.—To elect them is now the only hope we have of restoring the public prosperity and good government. If for the next four years we are thrown into the arms of South Carolina, Nullification, Tammany Hall Agrarianism, and British Free Trade or in other words, commercial dependance on England, the condition of our yeomanry and mechanics will be little or no better than that of the same classes in Europe the country will have received the last stunning blow, from which all recovery will be uncertain. "Against this fearful combination the freemen of the North and West would be united as one man, and carry a triumphant majority, if they were all made to understand their true interests and to know their true friends. Cannot this be done? No man will be guiltless who does not do all in his power to make this matter understood, and to rally and unite all the just and true. It is only by throwing apples of discord among us, such as abolition and other matters, that we can be divided and defeated. Let us understand what we are about, and pursue our object with steady aim."—St. Louis New Era. THE EFFECT OF THE TARIFF. Coal and Iron.—If the Pennsylvanians expect to promote the interests of their two great minerals—coal and iron—by the new Tariff, they have so far been disappointed. The tariff has put an end to the importation of good generally from England, and the consequence is, that vessels which have gone out with cargoes, find no freights back, and are compelled to ballast with whatever is heavy and cheap. Salt, coal, and iron possess these qualities, and have been brought in such abundance as to overload the market. Coal is cheaper than before the Tariff bill passed, and Iron but little dearer, and quite unsaleable. ☞The above appears in the Journal of Commerce of Saturday. Nothing can equal the audacity of that paper. All summer we have been proving that an increase of the duties on Foreign Products consumed in this country would by no means increase correspondingly the cost of those articles to the customer. The free Trade economists have all along asserted the contrary, or more commonly assumed the fact to be undeniable. Well, the "Black Tariff has been passed, laying heavy duties on "Salt, Coal and Iron;" and which theory stands the test of experience! Was coal ever before so cheap at this season? Are not iron and salt low enough for any man of conscience? Are not all sorts of manufactures nearly as cheap as, and many of them cheaper than they were before the tariff? Most certainly. The Tammany Hall lies about this or that manufacturer making $50,0000 to $100,000 by the rise of his goods consequent on the increase of duties on the rival Foreign fabrics, have had their day and done their office—Here are nearly all things as cheap as ever—and many cheaper—while many of our favorites, mines and forges have been put in operation, and two hundred thousand of our own people restored to employment and wages of which the reduction of the |
duties had deprived them. In other words, our producers receive more, while our consumers pay no more than they did under comparative "Free Trade." How does the Journal of Commerce meet this staggering fact? Why it has hunted up the explanation that, because we buy less European manufactures, therefore the ruder staples are coming over as ballast, and at such reduced freight that the price to the American consumer is no greater than before.—Well, sirs, have it so if you will. So long as you admit the essential fact, you are welcome to rack your invention for a plausible apology. But you must not misstate the expectations of the friends of American Industry, merely that you may declare them "disappointed." Our side has all along held that an increase of duty on Foreign coal, would not increase the average price of those articles to the American consumer; they are your expectations, not ours, that are "disappointed." We say that coal, iron, and other staples will ultimately be lower under an efficient Protective Tariff than under Free Trade; while the representatives of Tammany Hall in Congress, and its demagogues out of Congress, have been whimpering over the taxation and robbery of the poor of our city, by the duty on coal, in order to swell the profits of the miners. Do not the present prices of coal, &c, strikingly expose the flimsiness of their statesmanship, or the hypocrisy of their lamentations? We have the most undoubting conviction that a duty even of $50 per ton on iron, and $5 on coal, so far from increasing the cost of those articles to the American consumer, would diminish it essentially. This might not be the immediate effect of so large an increase, bu the moment the home production had adjusted itself to the demands of the increased consumption—which it very soon would do—the price would begin to decrease from the effect of eager competition, improved processes of manufacture, and the comparative steadiness of the market. An Iron Company which should be sure of the demand of 5,000 tons of metal annually, could make it much cheaper than with a precarious market for 1,000 tons this year, and perhaps 100 next. Does any practical man need evidence in support of so plain a proposition?—Tribune. ————————— A powerful stream had run over falls in a certain neighborhood since the creation. The people on the bank had long admired the stream and fall, but they could not control or use it, having neither money nor skill. The people got their living by raising hops, with a little corn, beans and potatoes; and poultry was their principal stock, as the land being most a pine barren, yielded but little grass.—That which was cultivated was worth only five dollars an acre, and much of it was common and worth nothing. A. B. and C. came among the rest, bought an hundred acres of land including the fall, giving ten dollars an acre. They laid out $30,000 in building a strong dam and factory. They paid $30,000 to the people for labor, for quarrying stones, making bricks, and putting up the factory and dam, and $1,000 went for nails, glass &c. They paid a dollar a day for labor, and double for lumber, to what it had ever bought before. The clay and stones were worth nothing. They paid for labor as we before said, one dollar, whereas before, labor on the spot only yielded twenty-five cents worth of hops, potatoes, &c. and when they went out to work among farmers on better soil, they got thirteen dollars a month. After the factory was finished they hired all the young men at one dollar a day, and the young women at fifty cents. Lands rose in the vicinity, so that many got $1,000 for that which before was not worth $100. The farmers round got the third more for their hay, corn and potatoes. Vegetables which were worth nothing before, except to eat, now found a ready market. The articles manufactured were sold to the people lower than ever before, as they were free of duties and transportation. At the end of ten years they reckoned all up; A. B. and C. had doubled their money. The land for four square miles was doubled in value,—in the village eighteen times its value. Thirty thousand dollars worth of houses had been built from the savings of the laborers, and the business continues. Now we commend A. B. and C. and consider them benefactors. Our opponents call them aristocrats, who have feathered their own nests out of the hard earnings of the people, and think they should be taxes and vexed until they stop business and set the workmen free.—Haverhill (Mass.) Gazette. —————————
A two-penny paper entitled the Midnight city, devoted to the destruction of the world in 1843, and regularly in mourning, has been started in the city of New York. 'Fingal's Cave,' on the Western Coast of Scotland, is supposed to be the most extraordinary and magnificent cavern in the world. He who knows how to govern himself is the greatest statesman. |