A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 1

CHAPTER I.

1099—1118.}}

• Origin of chivalry
• Condition of Palestine prior to the first Crusade
• Erection of the Hospital of St. John
• Peter the Hermit
• Capture of Jerusalem
• Foundation of the Order of St. John
• Death of Gerard and election of Raymond du Puy
• Military constitution of the Order
• Regulations for its establishment
• Admission of candidates
• Establishment of commanderies
• Regulations respecting dress
• Defensive armour: Scale mail; Chain mail; Plate armour; Helmet; Shield
• Offenssive armour: Lance; Sword; Battle-axe; Dagger
• The destrier, or war-horse.

The Order of St. John of Jerusalem was one of the most important results which grew out of the spirit of chivalry prevalent throughout Europe during the Middle Ages. It is well, therefore, in tracing a history of that Order, to begin with a slight sketch of the causes which led to the awakening of the chivalric sentiment.

The gradual extension by the Romans of their empire had naturally brought about that system of colonization with which they habitually followed up the conquests of their generals. As soon as a new country fell under their power an organized government was established, the miniature counterpart of that holding rule at the centre of the empire. A proconsul or governor was appointed, under whose direction, supported by legions of disciplined soldiery, peace and order were maintained, few changes being made in the occupation of the land. By a gradual transition, facilitated materially by the advent of numerous official dignitaries bringing with them to their new homes all the refinements and many of the luxuries of their native city, the once rude land was converted into a smiling and prosperous province, where the civilization and improvements introduced by their new masters found a ready welcome. Under the influence of this power the military spirit of the inhabitants was not evoked. Rome maintained her sway not by a local militia but by a standing army, and trusted for her victories rather to the well-trained movements of an organized soldiery than to the spontaneous efforts of an undisciplined peasantry, however martial their native spirit might be. The principle of centralization pervaded every act of their government, and the constant communication thus created with the capital went far to help on the progress of refinement. The conquered population, instead of being degraded into slavery, were raised to the dignity of Roman citizens, and the judicious liberality with which they were treated made them yield the more readily to the softening and enervating influences of peace and civilization.

The case was, however, widely different with the barbarians, the torrent of whose invasion subsequently overthrew the power of Rome. They had no central seat of empire from which to draft the rulers of their new acquisitions; they sought, not a simple extension of an existing government, a new appanage of a monarchy already flourishing, but descending from their wild homes amid the bleak fastnesses of the North, they made for themselves a new settlement and a more genial dwelling-place in the luxuriant plains of the South. The original holders of the land were dispossessed and mostly exterminated, their places being filled by the intruders. The leader of the irruption, secure in his power only in so far as he consulted the interests and by that means retained the affections of his followers, established his government upon a wholesale system of military colonization. There was no standing army distinct from the occupiers of the soil, but every man remained a soldier whilst becoming a landed proprietor in the country of his adoption.

Hence arose the feudal system. The leader himself became a monarch, holding supreme sway within his newly-acquired kingdom. The commanders of his forces gradually developed into a nobility, receiving as a reward for their services, and as a guarantee for their future attachment, large grants of land, hampered only with the conditions of military service whenever they were called upon by their chief. These nobles again subdivided their estates amongst their inferiors under nearly similar conditions, so that eventually the whole country was held under a tenure purely military in its requirements. It is not surprising that under these circumstances a martial spirit should pervade the new colonists. Military service was the only road to advancement; it was by such service alone that they held their possessions, and the power of the sword became paramount. Under such a system that spirit of chivalry was first developed, which in its more mature years gave birth to the monastic military orders of the East.

Personal prowess being considered man’s proudest ornament, and the pursuit of learning abandoned to the monk in his cloistered retreat, the profession of arms was the only occupation open to the youth of high and noble estate. Taught from childhood to take delight in the military exercises which formed the daily occupation of the retainers in every baronial castle, he imbibed at an early age that ardent craving for distinction which was one of the fundamental principles of chivalry. Imbued with the religious veneration of the period—a veneration deeply tinged with superstition, he was led to consider as sacred the obligations imposed on him by the chivalric code. To fight in defence of his religion was not only a sacred duty, it was also an inestimable privilege. He had been taught that pardon for his sins was to be purchased by a display of martial zeal in behalf of his faith, and that the shedding of his blood in the sacred cause would insure him an entry into the joys of Heaven. This doctrine appealed in the warmest and most direct manner to the prevailing sentiments of the time. What wonder then that it was eagerly accepted and gradually worked its way through all ranks of society. Whilst such was the bent of public feeling in Europe, there arose gradually in the East a state of things which, as it became known, aroused the martial ardour of the nations to a pitch of frenzy.

The Byzantine empire had continued to maintain its rule long after its western sister had fallen beneath the attacks of the northern barbarians. True, it was much reduced in extent; still, at the beginning of the seventh century, the Euphrates remained the Asiatic boundary of the empire. Her rulers, however, either dreading the treachery of usurpers or being usurpers themselves, were less on the look-out to check the inroads of the surrounding wild tribes than to secure their own position on the tottering throne. Encompassed by enemies both within and without, that position was yearly becoming one of increasing difficulty, and demanded on the part of the monarch, as the only possible means of maintaining its integrity, the highest administrative capacity coupled with supreme skill in the power of waging a defensive warfare. Unfortunately, however, for the empire, her rulers evinced no such gifts. Instead of striving to make head against the constant encroachments of their neighbours, they plunged madly into all the voluptuous degeneracy of the times, and vainly sought to conceal their weakness and cowardice behind the idle pomp of a gorgeous magnificence. Under such circumstances the power which had at one time extended over the whole of the east of Europe, and had shared the empire of the world with its Roman sister, crumbled away by degrees, and became a mere phantom of its original greatness.

One province of the empire, however, continued throughout its decadence to command the affectionate interest and sympathy of Europe; this was the province of Judea, within the limits of which stood the holy city of Jerusalem. Since the days of our Saviour the vicissitudes of fortune and the results of war had brought about many changes within its sacred precincts. The capture of the city by the Romans under Titus led to the introduction of their idolatrous form of worship. The Jews were driven forth to be dispersed over the face of the earth. A pagan temple was reared on the site of that which had originally been dedicated to the Lord by Solomon, and the foul rites of a heathen worship desecrated the land hallowed by the footsteps of our Saviour when on earth.

During the fourth century, however, Christianity won its way throughout the empire, and before long Christian churches began to replace the temples of the heathen. Foremost amongst these stood that of the Holy Sepulchre, erected by the Empress Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great. She had been baptized at the same time as her son, and with all the newly-awakened zeal of a convert, had made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. To her is attributed the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre, and upon that site she erected the magnificent pile which bears its name. Her example was followed by Constantine, and by degrees the numerous stately churches and convents which they founded formed the principal adornment of the province.

Jerusalem now became the favoured object of the world's devotion. Religious curiosity had prompted Christians from the earliest times to visit the regions sanctified by their faith. This feeling, supported as it was by the influence of the priesthood, grew in intensity, until at length it became a recognized principle that a pilgrimage to Jerusalem was the most efficacious act by which the penitent could hope to atone for his sins. Vast crowds flocked thither from every corner of Europe to utter a prayer over the tomb of their Saviour, and to gaze on that hallowed spot where He had breathed His last. The very dust of the land was considered sacred in their eyes, and the pious wanderer, on his return, hung his palm branch and pilgrim’s staff over the altar of his parish church, where it remained, not only an emblem of his own devotion, but also an incentive to others to follow his example.

Matters were on this footing when suddenly there arose from the obscurity of the East that wonderful man who was destined to cause a complete revolution, and to become the founder at the same time of a new empire and of a new religion. It will not come within the province of this work to enter into any detail with regard to the rise and progress of Mahomet, who, in the early part of the seventh century, established himself as the prophet of a new faith. Within a very short time from the commencement of his career he had brought the whole of Arabia under his dominion. A fundamental doctrine of his religion being the necessity for its propagation by the power of the sword, the lust of conquest lent its aid to the zeal of fanaticism, and the new creed spread with a rapidity unequalled in the annals of religious propagandism.

After the death of Mahomet, his successors, who assumed the title of caliph, or vicar of the prophet, gradually overran the neighbouring provinces. Damascus, Antioch, and Syria having fallen to their arms, they penetrated into Palestine, seized upon Jerusalem, and passing from thence into Egypt, they annexed that country also to their empire; Media, Korassan, and Mesopotamia shared the same fate; and entering Africa they spread themselves over its whole northern coast. In Europe, after having successively captured the islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, Candia, Sicily, and Malta, they founded a new empire in the heart of Spain, whence they carried on for many years a desperate struggle with the Christians of the surrounding provinces.

Of all these conquests, however, the one which caused the greatest dismay, and which in after times was fraught with the most eventful results, was that of the Holy Land and the city of Jerusalem. So long as the Christian emperors of the East maintained their rule over its sacred limits, the advent of pilgrims from all parts had been encouraged to the greatest possible extent. The government had early discovered that a large amount of money was by this means brought into the empire, and that its commerce was much extended by the vast concourse of ever-changing people collected together within the favoured district. Matters changed greatly for the worse when the province fell into the hands of the caliphs. Although they were far too keen-sighted and politic to prohibit altogether the influx of this stream of Christians into the sacred city, they nevertheless imposed such heavy taxes upon them as told materially upon the slender finances of the pilgrims, and became a source of considerable profit to their own treasury.

The infidels were at that time much divided by serious discords among themselves. Shortly after Mahomet’s death they had split up into separate factions, each led by a chief who claimed for himself the right of empire, as being the nearest in descent from the prophet. There were at one time no less than five distinct pretenders to this position. The sovereignty of the Holy Land had been warmly contested between two of these rivals, the caliphs of Bagdad and of Egypt. In their struggles for supremacy the poor unoffending pilgrims of the West were miserably harassed and plundered, first by the one party and then by the other, and were not unfrequently murdered. These dangers and impediments were not, however, sufficient to check the ardour of their religious zeal, nor did the fear of maltreatment deter a vast and annually increasing number of devotees from seeking the shores of Palestine.

Many of these pilgrims combined the profits of commerce with their holier office, and those who were thus able to establish business relations with the rulers of the neighbouring provinces, had it often in their power to befriend their less fortunate brethren. Amongst the most distinguished of these were some merchants of Amalfi, a rich city in the kingdom of Naples, still existing, though greatly shorn of its old wealth and importance. These having in the course of their trading in Egypt ingratiated themselves with the Caliph Monstaser Billah, who at that time held the Holy Land in his power, obtained permission to establish a hospital within the city of Jerusalem, for the use of poor and sick Latin pilgrims. In obedience to the order of the caliph, the Mahometan governor of the city assigned to these pious men a site close to the Holy Sepulchre, on which they erected a church, dedicated to the Virgin, giving it the name of Sta. Maria ad Latinos, to distinguish it from those churches where the Greek ritual prevailed. This work was accomplished between the years 1014—1023.^[1] Its religious duties were carried on by Benedictine monks appointed for the purpose. Between that time and the capture of Jerusalem in 1099 the work was developed by the erection of two hospitals (one for either sex) for the reception of pilgrims, and in connection therewith two additional churches were founded. That for the females was dedicated to St. Mary Magdalene, and that for men to St. John Eleemon, or the Almoner. This latter dedication was, at some subsequent date, which is uncertain, changed from St. John the Almoner to St. John the Baptist. In the course of time many pilgrims who had in this hospital received the assistance so liberally extended to all wayfarers, abandoned the idea of returning to their homes, and formed themselves into a charitable body, who, without any regular religious profession, devoted themselves to its service and the care of its sick inmates.

All the chief cities of Italy and the south of Europe subscribed liberally for the support of this admirable and much-wanted institution. The merchants of Amalfi who were its original founders acted as the stewards of their bounty; and as its beneficial influence became more widely known throughout Europe, their revenues increased largely. Grateful pilgrims on their return home spread far and wide the reputation of the Jerusalem hospitals, so that contributions flowed in from every quarter, and their utility was greatly extended. Such was the original establishment from which the Order of St. John eventually sprang, and it was from this fraternity of charitable devotees that a body of men descended, who for centuries continued a terror to the infidel, and the main bulwark of Christendom in the East.

Meanwhile a calamitous change befel the sacred city. Its Mahometan masters, after four centuries of dominion, were in their turn overpowered by a fierce horde of barbarians, bearing the name of Turcomans, who, coming from the wild regions beyond the Caspian Sea, poured themselves gradually over all the countries bordering on the Euphrates. The Holy Land soon fell into their hands, and from that moment a new and most disastrous æra dawned upon the pilgrims of Europe. Their tribute was largely increased, and, more than this, they themselves were plundered, maltreated, and subjected to every kind of atrocity, in comparison with which their former hardships seemed light indeed. From this time the journey to, and sojourn in Jerusalem became an undertaking fraught with the greatest possible danger. A large number of the pilgrims who still endeavoured to make their way thither never returned, and those who were fortunate enough to do so, spread the evil tidings of what they had been called on to suffer, so that gradually a strong feeling of horror and indignation was evoked throughout Europe.

In the year 1093, whilst these cruelties were at their height, Peter the Hermit, a Latin monk, who had been so called on account of the rigid austerities and seclusion of his life, returned from a pilgrimage which he, like so many others, had made to the Holy Land. He had witnessed the hardships and barbarities to which the Christian sojourners in Jerusalem were subjected, and had doubtless undergone much himself. He determined, therefore, to devote his energies to the suppression of the evil, and applied to the Greek Patriarch Simeon for assistance in the good cause. The Greek empire was at this time in far too insecure and tottering a condition to admit the possibility of any armed intervention from that quarter, but Simeon warmly embraced the opportunity of rendering what help he could, and gave Peter a letter of recommendation to Urban II., who at that time occupied the chair of St. Peter. Fortified with this introduction, as well as with a second letter of similar tenor from Gerard, the rector of the Hospital of St. John at Jerusalem, the hermit proceeded to Rome and there pleaded his cause in person.

The result of these efforts forms a prominent feature in the history of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The religious enthusiasm of Europe was aroused to a pitch of frenzy, and vast armaments assembled from all quarters and poured eastward. After the miserable dispersion of the first undisciplined mobs, who, led by the fanatic Peter, rushed forward in tumultuous disarray, the armed chivalry of Europe gradually collected on the plains before Constantinople, where they mustered a strength of 600,000 foot and 100,000 cavalry. This enormous force was under the chief command of Bohemond, son of the Count of Calabria. Its advance was marked by the successive capture of the cities of Nicea, Antioch, Tarsus, and Edessa, and at length, on the 7th June, 1099, it made its appearance before the Holy City. The caliph of Egypt, taking advantage of the warfare which the Turcomans were then carrying on against the Crusaders, had succeeded in once more obtaining possession of Palestine, and was at this period in occupation of Jerusalem, which he had garrisoned with a force of 40,000 men. There were also in the city about 20,000 Mahometan inhabitants capable of bearing arms. The force of the besiegers, diminished as they had been by their previous struggles and the privations they had undergone, numbered barely 20,000 infantry with about 1,500 horse.

The first step taken by the Mahometan governor, on the appearance of the enemy before the town, was the arrest of all the leading Christians in the place. Peter Gerard, the rector of the Hospital of St. John, was of the number who were thus cast into prison. He is generally supposed to have been a native of Florence, but the fact is very doubtful; neither his family nor even his country has been with any certainty ascertained. He had undertaken a pilgrimage to the East in accordance with the prevailing custom of the times, and having been an eye-witness of the many charities administered by the hospital, he had abandoned all idea of returning to Europe, and devoted himself instead to the service of the institution. Here, by his energy and zeal as well as by the general piety of his life, he gained so much influence that eventually he was appointed rector. At the same time a noble Roman lady called Agnes was at the head of the female branch of the hospital. Pilgrims of both sexes were admitted freely; even the infidels were not excluded from its benefits, in consequence of which the rector became gradually looked up to with almost filial veneration by the poor of the city. It was the dread that this influence might be made of use in favour of the besiegers which induced the governor, as a matter of precaution, to imprison Gerard. The old historians record a curious miracle in connection with this arrest, tending to show the sanctity in which he was held. It is said that being sadly distressed at the miserable condition to which the Crusaders were reduced by famine, he had mounted the ramparts with loaves of bread hidden under his cloak, intending to throw them over the walls for the use of the besiegers. Being detected in the act, he was taken before the governor, when on examination it was found that the loaves had been miraculously turned into stones. His life was consequently spared, although he was thrown into prison as being under suspicion of holding treasonable intercourse with the besiegers. The governor caused all the wells within a circuit of five or six miles of the town to be filled up, and levelled every building in the suburbs, burning the wood of which they were composed, so that the besiegers when they arrived found nothing but an arid waste encircling the town.

In spite of their numerical inferiority and the obstacles thrown in their way, the Crusaders at once proceeded to carry on the siege of the town. On the fifth day a general assault was attempted, but owing to the want of proper military engines the effort proved futile, and the assailants were driven with great loss from the walls. To remedy this defect, Godfrey de Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse had two large wooden towers built to assist the attacking party in surmounting them. A second assault was delivered on the 19th July. This proved entirely successful. Godfrey, by means of his towers, penetrated within the walls, and then opening the gates of the city gave admission to the whole army.

A scene of bloodshed and cruelty now took place which casts an indelible stain upon what would otherwise have ranked as a most glorious achievement. Not content with the slaughter of those who were found with arms in their hands, the women and children indiscriminately fell victims to the ferocity of the conquerors. It is computed that no less than ten thousand persons were massacred within the limits of the Mosque of Omar alone. The carnage on this spot was so fearful that the dead bodies were floated by the stream of blood into the court, and the Christian knights rode through the place with blood up to their horses' knees. On the following day an occurrence still more disgraceful took place. Three hundred men, to whom Tancred had pledged his knightly word in token of protection, were murdered in cold blood, it having been decided by the assembled leaders that no quarter should on any pretence be given to the Saracens.

At length the slaughter ceased, and satiated with bloodshed the commanders of the army, followed by the soldiery, bareheaded and with naked feet, proceeded to the Holy Sepulchre, there to offer up their prayers and to return thanks for the successful issue of their sacred undertaking. Incongruous as this act may appear so shortly after the scenes just enacted, it was in strict accordance with the spirit of the age, when the piety of the Christian was closely allied to the intolerance of the fanatic. Their religious duties accomplished, they then proceeded to organize a government for the newly-conquered territory. The majority of the suffrages were given in favour of Godfrey de Bouillon, a prince who was noted for his piety as much as for his valour, and he was at once elected to the post of ruler. Refusing the crown and title of king which were tendered to him, on the plea that he would never wear a crown of gold on the spot where his Saviour had worn a crown of thorns, he modestly determined to content himself with the title of Defender and Advocate of the Holy Sepulchre. He has, however, always ranked as the first king of Jerusalem.

Thus, after the lapse of four centuries, we once more find the sacred city freed from the yoke of Islam, and reverting to its old faith. It is a curious and instructive study to trace the extraordinary changes which time had wrought within its hallowed precincts. The siege of which the successful termination has just been recorded, was the tenth which Jerusalem, with varied fortunes, had undergone. It was first captured by David in the year b.c. 1051, when he drove out its Jebusite inhabitants and made it the capital of the Jewish kingdom. In the reign of Rehoboam, the grandson of David, seventy-five years afterwards, it was besieged by Shishak, king of Egypt, who, having gained admission through the cowardice of Rehoboam, pillaged the city and retained possession of it for a time. The next siege was that undertaken by Sennacherib, king of Assyria, in the time of Hezekiah, b.c. 715, when by miraculous interposition the besieging hosts were so suddenly smitten that they were compelled to retreat. On the fourth occasion the attack was made by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, to enforce the payment of tribute, which Zedekiah, trusting to his Egyptian alliance, had refused to continue. For eighteen months the inhabitants persisted in their defence, famine and pestilence causing more havoc than the sword of the enemy. At length they were forced to yield, and the conqueror made his triumphal entry into the city. Such of the inhabitants as escaped with their lives were led away into slavery; the temple was reduced to ashes, and the city completely destroyed. By permission of Cyrus, king of Persia, it was rebuilt by Zerubbabel, and once more fortified by Nehemiah. In the year 63 b.c., the Jews having refused a passage to the Roman army, which was on the march against Aristobulus, Pompey the Great attacked the town, and owing to the dissensions raging within its walls he soon made himself master of it. It is recorded that in this siege, which lasted less than three months, twelve thousand Jews lost their lives. On the same day, twenty-seven years after, it was again taken by Herod the Great, and on this occasion the slaughter was even greater than before, the obstinacy of the defence having exasperated the conquerors to such a degree that, on obtaining possession of the town, they immolated to their fury all who fell into their hands, quite regardless of age or sex. The seventh siege was that rendered memorable in history from its being the fulfilment of our Lord's denunciations whilst on earth. Titus made his appearance before the town with a vast Roman army a.d. 66. At that time Jerusalem, built on two very steep mountains, was divided into three parts, the upper city, the lower city, and the temple, each of which had it own separate fortifications. The inhabitants were thus enabled to protract their defence in an extraordinary degree. The steady perseverance of the besiegers eventually overcame all obstacles, and after a most desperate resistance, Titus succeeded in forcing his way into the place. In spite, however, of all his efforts he was unable to save it from destruction. The fiat had gone forth that not one stone should be left upon another, and no orders on the part of the conqueror availed to prevent the accomplishment of the Divine decree. The Emperor Adrian built another city on its site, which, in order that there might be nothing left of the ancient Jerusalem, not even a name, he called Ælia. The city of David had become well-nigh forgotten when Constantine, the first Christian emperor of the East, restored its name, and calling together the faithful from all parts of Europe, formed it into a Christian colony. In the year a.d. 613, a host of Persian fire-worshippers poured over Palestine and again captured the city. During the sack which ensued most of the churches, and the Holy Sepulchre itself, were destroyed by fire, and the sacred cross, so long an object of veneration to devotees, was carried away by the invaders. It was attacked for the ninth time by the Saracens under Khaled, a.d. 635, when, after a siege of four months' duration, a capitulation was agreed on, in virtue of which the city fell into his hands. Whilst in the possession of the Saracens it changed masters several times, until at length it was wrested from them by the crusading army in the manner already told.

One of the first steps taken by Godfrey after assuming the reins of government in the captured city, was to visit the Hospital of St. John. He here found a number of wounded men, members of the crusading army, who had been received into the hospital, and were being nursed with the most tender solicitude. In proof of the devotion and religious zeal which animated the brotherhood at this time it is recorded that whilst the funds of the institution were expended without stint in the provision of delicate and nutritious diet for the sufferers so charitably entertained within its walls, the food of the brethren themselves was of the coarsest and most economical description. Godfrey was so much struck with the admirable manner in which the establishment was conducted by Gerard, and with the benefits which it had conferred upon his suffering army, that he at once endowed it with his manor of Montboise, in Brabant^[2]. His example was followed by several of the other leaders of the army who had, either in their own persons or in those of their followers, experienced the kindness and hospitality of the Order. The main object for which the expedition had been formed having been attained, and the Holy City rescued from the hands of the infidel, the greater portion of the crusading army returned to Europe. The fame of the hospital was by their means spread abroad in every direction, and in consequence numerous additional benefactions accrued to it, until eventually there was scarcely a province in which the Hospital of St. John did not stand possessed of manorial rights.

The ranks of the Hospitallers received at the same time a large augmentation by the secession of many of the Crusaders from their martial career, who, yielding themselves up entirely to a life of religion, joined the charitable fraternity. Under these circumstances, and actuated by a laudable desire to secure the benefits of the institution upon a broader and more permanent basis, Gerard proposed that they should organize themselves into a regularly-constituted religious body, taking upon themselves the three monastic obligations of poverty, obedience, and chastity, and that they should devote the remainder of their lives to the service of the poor and sick in the newly-established kingdom of Jerusalem. This proposition on the part of the rector, coming as it did at a time when religious enthusiasm had been greatly stimulated by the success of the Christian army, was hailed with acclamation, and at once acted on. The patriarch of Jerusalem received from the candidates the three religious vows, and clothed them in the habit selected for the Order, which consisted of a plain black robe, bearing on the left breast a white cross with eight points.

Pope Paschal II. shortly afterwards formally sanctioned the establishment of the Order, by a bull published in the year 1113^[3]. By this instrument the hospital was exempted from the payment of tithes; the endowments it had received were confirmed to it, and the privilege was conceded to its members of electing their own head, whenever a vacancy should occur, without any external interference, either secular or ecclesiastical. After the recovery of Jerusalem from the hands of the Saracens the number of pilgrims rapidly increased, and Gerard, in his solicitude for their welfare, established branch hospitals in most of the maritime provinces of Europe. These were placed under the superintendence and management of members of the Order, as offshoots of the parent institution, and formed points of departure where pilgrims could find shelter and entertainment whilst waiting for transport to the Holy Land.

Gerard, who had already reached a green old age, did not long survive the establishment of his institution. He died in the year 1118, and the post of superior to the hospital became vacant. In accordance with the terms of the Papal bull already mentioned, the fraternity immediately proceeded to elect his successor. Their choice fell on Raymond du Puy, a member of a noble family in Dauphiné. At this time Baldwin II. was seated on the throne of Jerusalem. Although so short a time had elapsed since the establishment of the kingdom there had already been two changes of rulers, Godfrey and his brother Baldwin I., who succeeded him, having both died. The kingdom at this period consisted only of certain isolated cities, with the districts in their immediate vicinity, the intervening country being still peopled and held by the Saracens. Intercourse was therefore very difficult, and communication was liable to constant interruption from the predatory attacks of the infidels.

Raymond du Puy had no sooner assumed the reins of office than he began to devise a material alteration in the constitution of the Order. His mind, naturally of a chivalric and warlike bent, was not prepared to rest satisfied with the peaceful functions undertaken by the fraternity. He therefore proposed that whilst they still retained all the obligations imposed on them by their vows, they should add the further one of bearing arms in defence of their religion, and in support of the new kingdom.

Although this proposition was diametrically opposed to the leading principles upon which the institution had been founded —which principles had but a few years before been accepted with the utmost enthusiasm and established by acclamation— it was nevertheless received on all sides with delight. This change of feeling is easily accounted for. When Gerard, who was himself a man of peaceful habits, and bred in an almost monastic seclusion, formed his Order on an entirely religious basis, rendering the abandonment of a warlike career a matter of course, he found plenty of ready and willing followers from amongst the ranks of the crusading army. They had passed through a period of extreme peril and hardship, they had fought their way step by step at the point of the sword, until sadly reduced in numbers and satiated with warfare they had at length achieved the main object for which they strove. Prostrate with the exhaustion consequent on so prolonged a struggle and eager for repose, filled too, at the moment, with all the veneration which the remembrance of the holy ground on which they trod was calculated to inspire, it is not a matter for wonder that they embraced with eagerness the peaceful career thus presented for their adoption, combining as it did the gratification of their religious enthusiasm with the calm and rest so grateful to their jaded senses. The lapse, however, of a few years brought about a great change in their feelings. The quiet and seclusion of a monastic life soon lost the charms which it had at first possessed; the habits of a life of excitement and warfare could not be thus suddenly suspended without gradually producing a sense of inertness and lassitude. When, therefore, their new superior, filled with the same restless cravings as themselves, sought to restore to their institution the active exercise of that profession which had been their delight, and which they had abandoned in a hasty fit of fanaticism, it is not surprising that his new proposal should have been hailed with eagerness.

The suggestions of Raymond du Puy met with the warmest approval from Baldwin. The constant warfare to which he was exposed on every side, the incessant depredations of the Saracens who surrounded him, and the necessity which consequently existed for supporting his position by the force of arms, led him to receive with the utmost favour so welcome a proposition. It would bring to the support of his cause a body of men highly trained in all the chivalric exercises of the age, inflamed with religious ardour, and unfettered by any of those social ties in Europe which had drawn from him so many of his followers. Thus upheld on every side, Raymond proceeded without delay to carry his design into execution; the patriarch of Jerusalem was once more called in to give his consent, and the entire body took a fresh oath by which they bound themselves to support the cause of Christianity against the infidel in the Holy Land to the last drop of their blood. They at the same time pledged themselves, on no pretence whatever, to bear arms for any other object than the defence of their faith.

From this moment we may consider the Order of St. John of Jerusalem as permanently established on that military basis which it retained till its final dispersion from Malta. Although Gerard must be recognized as the original founder of the fraternity, it is to Raymond du Puy that the honour belongs of having been its first military Master. When we look back on the glorious achievements which through so many centuries have adorned its annals, and mark the long list of names, ennobled by so many heroic deeds, which have been successively enrolled beneath its banners, we must render all praise to the mind that first contemplated the establishment of a brotherhood combining within its obligations such apparently contradictory duties, and yet fulfilling its purposes with so much lasting benefit to Christianity, and imperishable renown to itself.

It will be well, at this point, before proceeding with the history of the Order, to devote a short space to the consideration of its government and internal polity as first established under Raymond du Puy. Having been originally organized for charitable purposes only, the changes introduced by Gerard and Raymond du Puy successively, gave it a religious, republican, military, and aristocratic character. It was religious, since every member took the three monastic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. It was republican, since its chief was always chosen by election of the members. It was military, since two of the three classes into which it was divided were constantly under arms, waging unceasing warfare with the Saracens; and it was aristocratic, since, as we shall presently see, none but the first class had any share in the legislative or executive power.

To regulate the new administration rendered necessary by the changes which he had introduced, Raymond called together the leading members of his Hospital, who bore the name of Master's assistants; forming them into a chapter or council, he submitted for their revision the ordinances originally drawn up by Gerard. It was at this meeting that the first statutes for the governance of the Order under its new character were instituted, and these were laid before, and received the sanction of the Pope. It may here be recorded that the original rule was lost at the capture of the city of Acre in the year 1289. Eleven years afterwards Pope Boniface VIII., at the request of the then Grand-Master, presented the Hospital with a fresh bull, in which the contents of Raymond's rule were recapitulated with a few trivial alterations.^[4]

One of the first steps taken by this council was to divide the Order into three classes, according to their rank and functions the first class, which formed the aristocracy, were to be named knights of justice; the second, which included the ecclesiastic branch, were called religious chaplains; and the third, or lower class, serving brothers. It may here be observed, as regards the first class, that no one could be admitted thereto who had not already received the accolade of knighthood at secular hands. There were also religious dames of the Order. These ladies had branch establishments in France, Italy, Spain, and England; the rules for their reception were similar to those for the knights of justice, with the addition that proofs of noble descent were demanded of them. It will be seen further on that similar proofs were afterwards called for from knights of justice; but at the time of which we are now speaking nothing was required of them beyond the fact of their having been received into the ranks of secular knighthood.

In addition to the above, who were regular members, there were other persons attached to the institution under the title of donats. These did not undertake the same obligations, but were employed in different offices in the convent and Hospital. In token of their connection with the Order they wore what was called a demi cross (with three two-pointed arms instead of four). In after times this title was conferred on persons who had made oblations to the treasury.

The powers of government were vested in the hands of a council presided over by the Master, and all questions connected with the well-being of the fraternity, as well as the collection and expenditure of their large and yearly increasing revenues, were submitted to its decision.

The income of the Order at this period was derived from landed property in every part of Europe, the result of the benevolent donations that had been so unsparingly lavished upon the community. At first these estates were farmed out to individuals totally unconnected with it, and these tenants were supposed to remit their annual rent, based on the value of the lands they held, to the treasury at Jerusalem. This system was, however, soon found extremely faulty, and indeed well-nigh impracticable in the working. The difficulty of obtaining their due rights from persons who had no interest in the prosperity of the fraternity, and who on account of their distance from the seat of government found every facility for evading their just obligations, soon caused the most alarming deficits to arise. In order to remedy this evil and to insure the punctual transmission of the rents of their numerous manors, it was determined to place over each a trusty member, who should act as a steward of the funds committed to his control. Establishments (at first called preceptories, but at a later date commanderies) were formed on a scale varying with the value of the properties they were intended to supervise, there being in many cases several members of the Order congregated together. The superintendents were taken from among the seniors, but were not confined to knights of justice, a certain number of chaplains and serving brothers being also nominated to the dignity. In such cases it was not unusual to find knights of justice attached to the preceptories subordinate to them.

The duties of these preceptories were not confined to the collection and transmission of revenue only. They at the same time became branch establishments, where postulants were professed and the various duties carried on in a precisely similar manner as in the parent convent at Jerusalem. Periodical drafts were collected, which were from time to time called to the East to recruit the ranks constantly being thinned by war and disease. When not required for this duty the knights were to be found rendering assistance in the warfare unceasingly waged against the Moors in Spain and in the south of Europe. Wherever the infidel was to be encountered, thither it was the duty of every true knight of St. John to hasten. They were, however, strictly forbidden upon any pretence whatever to interfere in warfare between Christian princes. So long as these establishments retained the title of preceptories, their chief was called preceptor; when they changed their names into commanderies, he became the commander—hence the origin of the term knight commander, which has been introduced into so many Orders of chivalry. The council reserved to itself the power of recalling a commander from his post at any time, and replacing him by another, he being merely considered the steward of the property. This right gradually fell into abeyance, and eventually a nomination to a commandery came to be regarded practically as a permanent gift, subject only to the payment of a fixed annual tribute to the public treasury under the title of responsions.

Strong prohibitions were issued against the use of any ornaments or devices, in either the dress or arms of the brotherhood, beyond the eight-pointed cross, the symbol of the Order. This restriction was considered necessary in the eyes of their founder, owing to the increasing taste for splendour which was creeping into the habits of the epoch. When the first germs of the chivalric idea began to show themselves, and to replace the barbarism which had overthrown the Roman empire, the simplicity of the age had limited the construction of arms strictly to the purposes for which they were required, and nothing in the form of ornament seems to have been suggested. As, however, time wore on and brought with it a steady advance in civilization and luxury, new ideas became prevalent.

Whereas in the earlier ages duty to his religion and his country were the only obligations imposed upon a knight, by degrees another element was now introduced, and lady-love was ere long heard of as the noblest incentive to the chivalric mind. So inseparably did this feeling become connected with the after character of the system, that it may be looked upon as its mainspring. Every true knight considered that the most daring act of gallantry was amply rewarded by the approving smile of his lady-love. Bearing upon his person the favoured colours of his mistress, he carried them wherever peril was to be braved or honour won.

Under these circumstances it was but natural that the simplicity which characterized preceding times should give way to the introduction of personal adornment. Armour came to be constructed no longer merely with a view to its use, but ornamentation, more or less elaborate, rapidly introduced itself. The insignia of heraldry date their origin from this new sentiment, and each succeeding generation outvied the preceding one in the splendour of its equipment. At the time the Order of St. John adopted a military basis, i.e., the early part of the twelfth century, this innovation had not reached any great height; it had, however, so far made its way that Raymond du Puy thought it advisable to make a special regulation against its introduction into his fraternity. No decoration of any kind was permitted on any portion of the armour, with the sole exception of the cross, and this was only to be borne on the pennon, the surcoat, and the shield.

This allusion to the armour of the knights leads naturally to the question of what did their equipment consist? Armour may be divided into two classes—offensive and defensive: the former including all weapons, and the latter the protecting covering of both man and horse. At the time of the first Crusade defensive armour consisted simply of a leathern tunic, on which were fastened rows of iron rings. The word cuirass, now used to denote a steel breastplate, took its origin from this leathern tunic. Gradually these rings gave way to small iron plates lapping over one another like the scales of a fish, whence came the name scale mail. The form of armour previously described was called simply mail, from macula, a net, the meshes of which it was supposed to resemble. The leathern tunic, on which these varieties of mail were borne, eventually took the name of hauberk. The lower limbs were protected by chausses equivalent to the modern breeches. When the tunic and chausses were in one piece, the combination was called a haubergeon. The crown and back of the head were protected by a hood of mail, sometimes detached and sometimes forming part of the hauberk. In the latter case the wearer was enabled to throw it back upon his shoulders when he wished to relieve his head from its weight. This hood not only protected the back of the head, but coming round to the front covered also the mouth and chin. The hands were protected by a prolongation of the sleeves of the frock, which passed over the fingers; the feet were in the same way protected by a continuation of the chausses.

Various improvements in this system of mail armour gradually developed themselves, mostly borrowed from the Saracens. Instead of the rings of mail being sewn on the dress they were interlaced with one another, each ring having four others inserted into it, the garment being thus formed of the rings only without any leathern foundation. This was further improved by the introduction of double rings, rendering it impervious either to the cut of a sword or the thrust of a lance. It was also extremely portable; a knight was no longer obliged to encumber himself with his armour when travelling; being compact and flexible, it could be rolled up as a cloak, and was carried by the esquire at the back of his saddle.

Gradually, however, the improvement of offensive weapons led to the adoption of still further measures for protection. Plates of solid steel were attached to the breast and other parts of the body, where experience had taught the insufficiency of the metal rings. New plates were continually added for the protection of fresh weak points, until eventually an entire double covering of plate and mail had to be borne. The weight of this was soon found so burdensome that the inner coat of mail had to be abandoned, and the steel plates only retained, each of which received its name from the part of the body it was intended to protect. Thus, the pectoral covered the breast, the gorget the throat, the ailettes the shoulders, the brassets the arms, the cuisses the thighs, and the gauntlets the hands.

Over this armour was worn a dress called a surcoat or tabard: its form varied with the caprice of the wearer; it had, however, one constant peculiarity, it was sleeveless. As this surcoat was worn over the armour upon grand occasions, it was here that the taste for ornamentation principally developed itself. Cloths of gold or silver, ermine, miniver, sables, or other rich furs, were adopted as materials. The arms of the wearer were borne upon this garment, whence the derivation of the term coat of arms. The knights of St. John were restricted to a plain surcoat, their whole harness being covered with a black mantle, both surcoat and mantle bearing the white cross, borne in the latter case on the left shoulder.

Whilst the body covering was thus being developed, the head gear was undergoing similar changes. The mail hood being found an insufficient protection, an iron helmet was added, its shape varying from a conical to a cylindrical form. This helmet was not intended to supplant the use of the hood, but was worn over it. To protect the face a broad piece of iron was introduced, which connected the frontlet of the helmet with the mail over the mouth. This not being found sufficient, cheek pieces were substituted, consisting of bars either horizontal or perpendicular. The next improvement was the avantaile, or mask, which was attached to the helmet, and had apertures for the eyes and mouth. It was so constructed that the wearer could raise or drop the covering, it being pivoted from above—in this form it was called a visor. When similar plates were raised from below they were called beavers, from the Italian bevere, access to the mouth being thereby obtained. The top of the helmet was surmounted by the knight's armorial crest, which derived its name from this cause. Knights of St. John were not permitted to wear a crest.

The shield, which was borne upon the left arm, completed the defensive armour. Its shape was either oblong or triangular. It was usually adorned with the armorial bearings of the wearer together with his motto, the latter being used as his war-cry in battle. Knights of St. John bore the cross on their shield, all other device being forbidden.

The offensive arms in general use were four in number—the lance, the sword, the battle-axe, and the dagger. The lance was made of tough ash wood, with a pointed iron head; its length varied with the height and strength of its bearer, there being no rule on this subject. Below the point was usually fixed a small flag or pennon carrying some heraldic device—in the case of the Hospitallers the white cross. When not in use the lance was slung to the saddle bow, the end of it resting on the rider's toe, whence he could seize it easily and couch it beneath his right arm. When thus levelled its point projected many feet beyond his horse's head.

The usual weapon, when at close quarters, or in mêlée as it was called, was the sword. This was constructed of the finest steel, long, straight, broad, and double-edged. Spain has always been famed for the superior temper of its sword blades, the forging of Saragossa having been as celebrated in the twelfth century as that of Toledo is now. Nothing, however, equalled the work produced at Damascus, the sword blades of which ranked in the highest estimation of all. The chivalry of a family was represented by its sword, which descended as an heirloom from father to son. The cross hilt supplied on occasion the place of a crucifix, and its head was usually engraved to act as a seal. As few of the knights of that period had acquired the monkish talent of writing, this seal impressed on wax served as a signature.

Although the sword was the principal weapon used in close combat, there were many who preferred to wield more ponderous instruments; with these the martel and battle-axe were favourites. The martel was a heavy steel or iron hammer calculated to give a crushing blow, whilst the battle-axe, which was brought to a sharp edge, had more power of penetration. In those times, when the church was often, in a temporal as well as in a spiritual sense, the church militant, and when mitred abbots and other priestly dignitaries sometimes sank the churchman in the warrior, the martel and battle-axe were the only weapons they bore. The canons of the church had strictly forbidden her sons to use the sword, but they, desirous of following their own ambitious tastes, had chosen to read this restriction in a literal rather than in a general sense. They therefore saw, or affected to see, no disobedience in carrying with them to the field of battle the most unecclesiastical of weapons—aye, and in employing them, too, in a most unclerical manner, as many a broken pate and cloven skull could testify. The axe, however, was never a favourite amongst the more refined of the knighthood; possibly the fact that it was the weapon mostly used by the Flemings, and therefore associated with ideas of trade, had something to do with its unpopularity.

The fourth in the list of offensive arms was the dagger, rendered necessary by the extreme strength of the armour then worn, the body of an adversary being covered at every point with plates of steel on which the lance broke, the arrow glanced, and the sword was turned. It became a difficult matter to reach him even after he had been unhorsed. A thin dagger was consequently used which would penetrate between the joints of the harness and administer the coup de grâce.

Any account of knightly equipment would be incomplete without a reference to the horse, which formed so important a part of it. Weighty as was the panoply of steel worn by his rider when fully accoutred, it was necessary that the horse should be an animal of great power. England had not in those days developed that superiority in the breeding of horses that she has since attained, and Spain was the country from whence the most powerful chargers were drawn. After the Crusades had thrown Europe into closer communication with the East, the powers of endurance of the Arab horse became gradually known, and the admixture of this blood with that of the Spanish war-horse eventually produced an animal combining the good points of both races.

The destrier, or war-horse, was protected with armour on very much the same principle as his rider—the head, chest, and flanks being completely covered. The taste for ornamentation found an ample field in his caparisons, the bridle being the special point of adornment. On this head, as on others, the rule of the Order was stringent, the regulation being that the horse furniture of the soldiers of Jesus Christ should be free from all golden or silver ornaments.

In conclusion, it may be remembered that every part of a knight's armour had a symbolical meaning. His sword with its cross hilt was typical of the death of Christ, and reminded him that it was his duty to die for his faith; his spear was the emblem of truth, from its unswerving straightness, its iron head denoting that strength which is its distinctive property; the mace represented courage, the helmet modesty, the hauberk that spiritual panoply which should cover the knight from the frailties of the flesh, and the shield represented his own duty as a protection to his country.

There was much both great and noble in all connected with the laws of chivalry, and much also tending to soften and civilize the rude character of the times. Many an act of tyranny, aggression, or spoliation was checked by the feeling that injured innocence and oppressed weakness could claim a champion in every true knight, regardless of country or religion. In these days, when the laws give a ready redress for all injuries sustained, the intervention of the mailed knight becomes an absurdity; but in the days of our forefathers the power of the law was but feeble, and he who was not prepared to hold his ground by the strength of his own right hand would have fared but badly had it not been for the generous intervention of the chivalric code.

1. The usual date given by historians for this establishment is 1048. There is, however, still extant a charter granted for the re-endowment of this church and monastery by Melek Muzaffer in 1023. My authority for this statement is Captain C. Conder, R.E., whose name is so well known in connection with the Palestine Exploration Expedition.
2. Vide Appendix No. 3.
3. Vide Appendix No. 4.
4. Vide Appendix No. 5.