A Study of the Manuscript Troano/Chapter 3

by Cyrus Thomas

 

CHAPTER III.

EXPLANATION OF FIGURES AND CHARACTERS ON PLATES XX-XXIII OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO AND 25-28 OF THE DRESDEN CODEX.

As heretofore stated, the figures that occupy the spaces on Plates XX-XXII^[1] appear to relate, in part at least, to the close and commencement of the more important periods of time. I have already given my reasons for believing that the blue figure in the upper compartment of Plate XXIII represents an Ahau, and that the piercing of the eye with the dagger signifies that the last year of the period has arrived and is about to close.

Referring to Landa's Relacion de Cosas §§ XXXV-XXXVIII, I find the following account of the religious festivals which occurred during the intercalated or closing days, of the old and the commencement of the new year, each of the four years, Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac, having its own peculiar ceremonies.

As this is really the key to the explanation of the figures on the four plates mentioned, I quote his statement in full, translated from Brasseur's French, giving the original Spanish in Appendix No. 1.

"XXXV.—Fetes of supplemental days—Sacrifices of the commencement of the new year of the sign Kan.

"It was the custom in all the cities of Yucatan that there should be at each of the four entrances of the place—that is to say, the east, west, north, and south—two heaps of stone facing each other, intended for the celebration of two feasts of unlucky days. These feasts took place in the following manner: "The year of which the dominical letter was Kan the omen was Hobnil, and, according to the belief of the Yucatecs, they both reigned in the region of the south. This year, therefore, they fabricated a hollow image or figure of baked earth, of the idol which they called Kan-u-Uayeyab, and carried it to the heap of dry stones which was on the south side. They elected a chief from the citizens, at whose house they celebrated the feasts of these days. At this ceremony they made also the statue of another god, named Bolon-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the chief elect, in a spot where every one could approach.

"This done, the nobles, the priest, and the citizens assembled together. They returned, by a road swept and ornamented with arches and foliage, to the two piles of stone, where they found the statue, around which they gathered with much devotion. The priest then perfumed it with forty-nine grains of bruised maize mixed with incense. The nobles placed their incense together in the censer of the idol and perfumed it in their turn. The maize mixed with the priest's incense is called zacah, and that which the nobles present is called chahalte. Having incensed the image, they cut off the head of a fowl and presented to it. "When this was finished they placed the statue on a litter called Kanté, and on its shoulders an 'angel' as an omen of water and the good year which they should have. As to these 'angels,' they were frightful in appearance.

"Then they carried the statue, dancing with much gaiety, to the house of the chief, where he found the other statue of Bolon-Zacab. While they were on the way one of them carried to the nobles and the priest a drink composed of four hundred and twenty-five grains of burnt maize, which they called Picula-Kakla, and all partook of it at the same time. Arrived at the chiefs house, they placed the image which they carried, face to face with the statue which was already there, and made many offerings of drinks and viands, of meat and fish. These offerings were afterwards divided among the strangers who were present, and they gave the priest only a leg of venison. "Others drew blood from themselves by scarifying their ears, and anointed with it a stone which they had as an idol, called Kanal-Acantun. They modeled a heart from the dough of their bread, and in the same way another loaf, of gourd seeds, which they presented to the idol Kan-u-Uayeyab. It was thus that they guarded this statue and the other during the unfavorable days, perfuming them with their incense and with incense mixed with grains of bruised maize. They believed that if they neglected these ceremonies they would be subject to the calamities which were the result of this year. The unlucky days having passed, they carried the statue of the god Bolon-Zacab to the temple, and the image of the other to the eastern entrance of the city, in order to have it for the next year. They left it there, and returning home each one occupied himself with preparations for the celebration of the new year.

"As soon as the ceremonies were terminated and the evil spirit dispelled, according to their mistaken idea, they believed this year to be fortunate, because with the sign Kan reigns the Bacab-Hobnil, who, as they say, has not sinned as his brothers, and for this reason no calamity befell them in that year. But as it frequently happened that this occurred notwithstanding, the demon was conciliated by establishing these ceremonies, so that in case of misfortune they attributed the fault to their ceremonies and to those who served in them, so that they remained always in error and blindness.

"At his instigation, then, they fabricated an idol called Yzamna-Cauil, which they placed in his temple, and burnt before it in the court three pellets of milk,^[2] or resin, which they called kik; they sacrificed to it either a dog or a man, which was done with the ceremony spoken of in chapter one hundred on the subject of victims. There was, however, some difference in the manner of offering this sacrifice; they put in the court of the temple a large heap of stones, and the man or animal who was to be sacrificed was fastened to a sort of elevated scaffold, from whence they hurled him onto the heap of stones; the officers immediately seized him and tore out his heart, which they carried to the new idol, offering.it to him between two plates. They made still other offerings of comestibles. At this feast the old women, selected for this occasion, danced, clothed in peculiar garments. They believed that an angel descended then and received the sacrifice.

 

"XXXVI.—Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Muluc—Dancing on the stilts—Dance of the old women with the dogs of baked earth.

"The year of which the dominical letter was Muluc had for the omen Canzienal. When the time arrived, the nobles and the priest elected the chief who should celebrate the feast. This done, they modeled, as in the preceding year, the image of the idol called Chac-u-Uayeyah, and carried it to the heap of stones at the eastern side, where they had left it the year before. They made a statue of the god called Kinch-Ahau, which they placed in a suitable spot in the house of the chief; then, from there, setting out by a road neatly swept and ornamented, they returned together with their accustomed devotion to the statue of Chac-u-Uayeyab.

"Having arrived here, the priest perfumed it with his incense and fortythree grains of bruised corn, which they called zacah; he gave to the nobles the incense called chahalte to put in the censer, after which they cut off the head of a. fowl, as formerly. They raised up the statue on a litter called Chacté and carried it with devotion, while the crowd executed around it certain war dances called Holcan-Ohot, Batel-Ohot. They carried at the same time, to the leaders and the principal citizens, their drink composed of three hundred and twenty-four grains of burnt corn, as before.

"Arrived at the house of the chief they placed the statue facing that of Kinch-Ahau, and presented to it the customary offerings, which they divided afterwards as at the last time. They offered to him bread made in the form of the yolk of an Qgg, and others like the hearts of deer, and another composed with diluted spice. There were, as ordinarily, good men who drew blood from themselves by piercing their ears and anointing with it the stone of the idol named Chacan-Cantun^[3]

"Here they took small boys and forcibly pierced their ears, making incisions on them with knives. They guarded this statue until the end of the evil days; meanwhile they burned before it their incense.

"When these days were passed they carried it to the north side, where they were to receive it the next year, and deposited the other in his temple, after which they returned home to prepare for the ceremonies of the new year They believed that if they neglected to celebrate the aforesaid ceremonies they would be exposed to great evils of the eyes. "This year, of which the dominical letter was Muluc and in which reigned Bacab-Canzienal, they regarded as fortunate; for they said that this was the greatest and best of the gods Bacab; also they made him the first in their prayers. With all this, however, the demon inspired them to fabricate an idol named Yax-Coc-Ahmut, which they placed in the temple, after having taken away the old statues; they set up in the court which is towards the temple a heap of stones, on which they burnt the incense with a pellet of resin or milk (kik), invoking the idol and asking of him deliverance from the misfortunes of the present year. These calamities were the scarcity of water, the abundance of shoots in the maize, and other things of the same kind. As a remedy for these evils the demon commanded them to offer up squirrels and a cover of cloth without embroidery, woven by the old women, whose office it was to dance in the temple in order to praise the god Yux-Coc-Ahmut.

"They threatened them still more with a crowd of other misfortunes and evil signs relative to this year, although it was considered fortunate, if they did not accomplish the duties which the demon imposed on them; one among others was a feast with a dance, which they executed mounted on very high stilts, and a sacrifice which they offered of the heads of turkeys, of bread, and of drinks of maize. It was also imposed on them to present images of dogs in baked earth, carrying bread on the back. The old women were obliged to dance with these images in their hands, and to sacrifice to the god a small dog with black spots, and which was still-virgin. Those who were the most devoted to this ceremony were to draw blood from the animal and to anoint with it the stone of the god Chac-Acantum. These rites and this sacrifice seemed to be very pleasing to the god Yax-Coc-Ahmut."

 

"XXXVII.—Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Yx—Sinister prognostics; how they prevented those results.

The year of which the dominical letter was Yx and the omen ZacCiui, the election of the chief who celebrated the feast being finished, they formed the image of the god called Zac-u-Uayeyab and carried it to the piles of stone where they had left the other, the year before. They modeled a statue of the god Yzamna and placed it in the house of the chief, after which, by a road ornamented according to the custom, they returned devoutly to the image of Zac-u-Uayeyab. On their arrival, they perfumed it with incense as they had done before, and there cut off the head of a fowl. The image having been afterwards placed on a litter called Zachia, they carried it devoutly, accompanying it with dances called Alcabtan-Kam-Ahau. They carried their usual drink on the way, and arriving at the house the image was placed in order before that of Yzamna and they made their offerings, to divide them afterwards; before the statue of Zac-u-Uayeyab they presented the head of a turkey, patties of quails, different drinks, etc.

"As formerly, there were among the spectators some who drew blood from themselves, with which they rubbed the stone of the god Zac-Acantun. In this manner they guarded the idols during the days preceding the new year, and incensed them according to their custom until the last day; then they carried Yzamna to the temple and Zac-u-Uayeyab to the west of the city, leaving it there until the following year.

"The misfortunes to which they were exposed this year, if they happened to neglect these different ceremonies, were fainting fits, swoons, and diseases of the eye. They considered it as a year unfortunate as to bread, but abundant in cotton. It was this which they signalized with the character Yx, and in which the Bacab Zac-Ciui reigned, who foretold nothing very good; according to their belief, the year must bring calamities of all sorts, a great want of water, days when the sun would shine with excessive heat which would dry up the fields of maize; the consequence would be famine; from famine arose robberies and from robberies slavery for those who rendered themselves guilty. All this would naturally be the source of discord and internal wars among the citizens and among the towns. They believed that in the year marked by this sign there also generally happened changes among the princes or the priests, in consequence of the wars and dissensions.

"Another omen which they also held, was that some of those who sought to gain authority would not arrive at their end. This year was also sometimes signalized by an irruption of locusts, the consequence of which would be famine and the depopulation of a large number of localities. In order to remedy these calamities, which they feared entirely or in part, they made, at the instigation of the demon, the statue of an idol named Kinch-Ahau-Yzamna ; they placed it in the temple, where they offered to it all kinds of incense and oblations, drawing their blood and sprinkling with it the stone of the god Zac-Acantun. They executed different dances, the old women dancing as usual; at this feast they formed anew a small oratory to the demon; they assembled there to offer sacrifice to him and to give him presents, and finished with a solemn orgie, where every one became intoxicated, for this feast was general and obligatory. There were also some fanatics who, of their own accord, and through devotion, made another idol, like that which is mentioned above, which they carried into other temples, making it offerings and intoxicating themselves in its honor. They regarded these orgies and sacrifices as very agreeable to their idols and as preservatives capable of preventing the misfortunes with which they believed themselves threatened."

 

"XXXVIII.—Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Cauac—Evil prognostics prevented by the fire dance.

"This year, of which the dominical letter was Cauac and the omen Hozanek, after they had elected a chief of the ceremonies, they formed, in order to celebrate it, the image of the god Ek-u-Uayeyab; they carried it to the piles of stone at the west entrance, where they had left the image of the year before. They made at the same time the statue of the god called Uac-Mitun-Ahau, which they placed, as usual, in the most Convenient spot in the chief's house. From there they went together to the place where they found the image of Ek-u-Uayeyab, having taken care previously to ornament the road; arriving there, the nobles and priests incensed this image, after their custom, and cut off the head of a fowl. When this was finished, they took the statue on a litter called Yaxek and placed on its shoulders a gourd with a dead man and, besides, the ashes of a bird which they called Kuch, as a sign of great mortality; for this year was considered very unfortunate.

"They afterwards carried it about in this manner, with devotion mingled with sadness, executing several dances, among which there was one like the crottees, which they called Xibalba-Okot, which signified dance of the demons. In this interval the cup-bearer arrived with the drink for the nobles, which they drank in the place where the statue of Uac-Mitun-Ahau stood vis-à-vis with the image of which they had the care. Immediately they commenced the oblations, the perfuming, and their prayers; a great number drew blood from different parts of their bodies and anointed with it the stone idol called Ekel-Acantun. Thus passed the unfortunate days, after which they carried Uac-Mitun Ahau to the temple and Ek-u-Uayeyab to the south entrance, where they left it until the following year.

"This year, signalized by the character Cauac, and in which the Bacab-Hozanek rules, besides the plague with which it was threatened, was particularly regarded as fatal; they said that the extreme heat of the sun destroyed the fields of maize, without considering the multiplication of ants and birds that devoured the remainder of the seed; however, they added, these calamities need not be entirely general, there were some places where subsistence could be obtained, although with great difficulty. To prevent these calamities they made, at the instigation of the demon, four idols, named Chichac-Choh, Ekhblam-Chac, Ahcan-Uolcab, and Akbuluc-Balam; after having placed these together in the temple, where they perfumed them as usual, they presented to them two pellets of resin named kik, to be burned, also iguanas, bread, and a miter, with a bouquet of flowers and a stone which they considered of great value. Besides, they raised, for the celebration of this feast, a large arch of wood in the court, filling it with wood above "and on the sides in order to burn, leaving in it, however, gateways for entering in and going out* Then, the greater part of the men took each one a bundle of long dry sticks and, while a musician mounted on the top of the funeral pile sang and beat the tambour, all danced with much order and devotion, entering in and going out, one after the other, under the arch. They continued to dance in this manner until evening, when, leaving their bundles of sticks, they went home to rest and refresh themselves.

"When night fell they returned, accompanied by a great crowd; for this ceremony was regarded with great respect among them. Each one taking then his bundle, lighted it and put the fire on the funeral pile, which

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XX OF THE CODEX TROANO

immediately caught fire and burned rapidly. As soon as there was only one brand left burning they announced it to the throng, and those who had danced before assembled together and attempted to cross it, some passing over without injury and some being slightly or seriously burned, imagining that thus they prevented the plague and the anger of the gods, and to avert the evil omens of the year, in the belief that nothing could be more conciliating to their gods than this kind of sacrifice.

"This finished, they returned home to drink and intoxicate themselves; for this was required by the custom of the feast and the heat of the fire."

 

If we turn now to Plates 25, 26, 27, and 28 of the Dresden Codex and study them carefully, I think we shall find enough there to warrant us in deciding that they are intended to represent these four festivals.

In the first place, it is apparent that these four plates, which are copied on our Plates V, VI, VII, VIII, all relate to the same subject, and that they are quite different from those which precede or follow them.

In the second place, the left-hand day-column of each plate contains but two days, and in each case, these are the last two of the intercalated days; those on Plate 25 (PI. V) being Eb and Ben, the last two days of the Muluc years; on Plate 26 (PI. VI), Caban and Ezanab, the last two of the Ix years; on Plate 27 (PI. VII), Ik and Akbal, the last two of the Cauac years; and those on Plate 28 (PI. VIII), Manik and Lamat, the last two of the Kan years. A fact worthy of note in this connection is that each of these days is repeated thirteen times, the exact number of each of these years in a cycle.

In the third place, we see in the lowest compartment of each plate the priest holding in his hand a headless fowl; agreeing exactly with Landa's words, "degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian"; "they beheaded a fowl and presented it as an offering."

In the upper division of each we see the chosen assistant with the head and tail of the Chac, bearing on his back the newly-formed image on his march to the heap of stones at the border of the village, or to the house of the selected chief.

In the middle division we see the priest burning incense, in order, as was their custom, to drive away the evil spirit; the sign or glyph "Ik" in the midst of the flame renders almost certain the correctness of this interpretation.

This agreement in so many particulars between these plates and Landa's statements is certainly sufficient to warrant us in assuming that the two refer to the same things; that is, to the festivals held during the Uayeyab haab or closing days of the different years.

Before attempting to show the relation these plates of the Dresden Codex bear to those of the Manuscript Troano, it will be necessary for me to ask the reader to examine them carefully as I enter into more particular details.

It is apparent from Landa's language that the festival of the last days of one year was intended as a celebration of the new or incoming year; that is to say, the festival of the last days of the Kan year was intended as a celebration of the incoming Muluc year, and, in fact, did not close until the first or second day of the latter. This being the case, we presume that the plate containing the last two days of the Kan year, for example, represents the commencement of the Muluc. year, and that some, at least, of the figures and characters shown on it refer to that year. Following up this idea, I conclude that Plate 25, on which the days are Eb and Ben, the last days of the Muluc year, refers to the commencement of, and may properly be called the plate of the Ix years; that Plate '2G refers to the beginning of the Cauac years, Plate 27 to the Kan years, and Plate 28 to the Muluc years.

Taking for granted that this conclusion is correct—which I think few if any will doubt—let us see what further can be deduced from it.

Landa, Cogulludo, and Perez tell us that each of the four dominical days was referred by the Indians to one of the four cardinal points. As the statements of these three authorities appear at first sight to conflict with each other, let us see if we can bring them into harmony without resorting to a violent construction of the language used. Perez's statement is clear and distinct, and as it was made b)' one thoroughly conversant with the manners and customs of the natives, and also with all the older authorities, it is doubtless correct.

He says, "the Indians made a little wheel in which they placed the initial days of the year. Kan at the east, Muluc at the north, Gix"" or Hix at the west, and Cauac at the south, to be counted in the same order."^[4]

The statement of Cogulludo, which agrees substantially with this, is as follows: "They fixed the first year at the east, to which they gave the name Cuch-haab; the second at the west, and called it Hiix; the third at the south, named Cauac, and the fourth, Muluc, at the north."

Turning now to Landa's work (Relac. des Cosas, §§ XXXIV), we are somewhat surprised to find the following language: "The first of these dominical letters is Kan. The year having this character was the first, and had for its sign the Bacab, the other names of which were Hobnil, Kanal-Baeab, Kan-pauah-tun, Kan-xib-chac. They placed this on the south side. The second letter is Muluc, which is placed on the eastern side, and this year has for its sign the Bacab, which is called Canzienal, Chacal-Bacab, Chac-pauah-tun, Chac-xib-chac. The third of these letters is Yx. The sign during this year was the Bacab named Zac-zini, Zacal-Bacab, Zac-pauah-tun, Zac-xib-chac, and it signified the northern side. The fourth letter is Cauac; the sign of this year is the Bacab called Hozan-ek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-pauah-tun, Ek-xib-chac, which is assigned to the western side."^[5]

This, as we see, places Kan at the south, Muluc at the east, Ix at the north, and Cauac at the west, conflicting directly with the statements made by Cogulludo and Perez. If we turn now to the descriptions of the four feasts as given by Landa, and heretofore quoted, I think we shall find an explanation of this difference. From his account of the feast at the commencement of the Kan year (the intercalated days of the Cauac year), we learn that first they made an idol called Kan-u-uayeyab, which they bore to the heap of stones on the south side of the village; next they made a statue of the god Bolon-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the elected chief, or chief chosen for the occasion. This done, they returned to the idol on the southern stone heap, where certain religious ceremonies were performed, after which they returned with the idol to the house, where they placed it vis-à-vis with the other—-just as we see in the lower division of Plates XXXXIII of the Manuscript Troano. Here they kept constant vigil until the unlucky days (Uayeb-haab) had expired and the new Kan year appeared; then they took the statute of Bolon-Zacab to the temple and the other idol to the heap of stones at the east side of the village, where it was to remain during the year, doubtless intended as a constant reminder to the common people of what year was passing.

Similar transfers were made at the commencement of the other years; at that of Muluc, first to the east, then to the house, and then to its final resting place on the north side; of Ix, first to the north, then to the west;^[6] of Cauac, first to the west, then to the south.

This movement agrees precisely with the order given by Perez; and the final resting places of the idols for the year being the cardinal points of the dominical days where he fixes them; that is, Kan at the east; Muluc at the north; Ix at the west, and Cauac at the south.

There is therefore no real disagreement between the authorities on this point.

If we turn now to Plate VI of the Manuscript Troano we find these four characters in the spaces of the upper and middle divisions. No. 3

Fig. 8.

is in the upper left-hand corner; No. 2 in the lower left-hand corner; No. 1 in the lower right-hand corner, and No. 4 in the upper right-hand corner. We find the same characters placed in the same order in the upper and middle divisions of Plate VII and the upper division of Plate VII*. They are also found in the corners of the spaces of Plates XVIII*, XXVI, XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXII*, but not always in the same order.

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXI OF THE CODEX TROANO

Turning to the "title page" of the same manuscript, we find that these are the first four characters in the second transverse line.

The position of the characters on the plates mentioned led me, at an early stage of my investigations, to believe they were intended to denote the four cardinal points; but the fact that the order was not always the same, and the apparent impossibility of finding words in the Maya lexicon agreeing with Landa's letter characters and at the same time denoting the cardinal points, induced me for a time to doubt the correctness of this theory; but the discovery of the signification of these four plates of the Dresden Codex induces me now to believe that this first impression was correct. It is possible these characters have also some other signification, but that they are intended to designate the cardinal points I can no longer doubt.

In the last or lowest transverse line of characters on Plate 27 of the Dresden Codex (our Plate VII)—the one relating to the close of the Cauac and commencement of the Kan years—we find the character No. 1 (Fig. 8) in close proximity with another character, which I will presently show signifies "stone" or a "heap of stones." If this indicates a cardinal point it must be south or east; if it refers to the place to which the idol was first taken it would then signify south, if to its last resting place it would then signify east. In the corresponding line of Plate 28 (our Plate VIII) we find character No. 2; in that of 25 (our Plate V), character No. 3; in that of 26 (our Plate VI), character No. 4. If we suppose these characters to indicate the final resting places of the idols then character No. 1 would signify east, 2 north, 3 west, and 4 south; but if the first resting place, then character No. 1 would signify south, No. 2 east, No. 3 north, and No. 4 west. That Nos. 1 and 3 relate to the places of the rising and setting of the sun, I think is evident from the following facts:

First. That these are the only two out of the four characters which have anything similar in them.

Second. The lower half of each is precisely like the lower half of Landa's symbol for the month Yaxkin, from which we may infer that it signifies kin, "sun." This also agrees with the fact that the Maya words for east and west (likin, chikin) both end with "kin," which signifies sun or day. Although Landa gives this figure without the wing as the character for the letter "T," I think there can be no doubt that when combined with the side wing it signifies "sun" or "day," both words being the same in the Maya language. I find that Brasseur and Dr. Valentini^[7] reached the same conclusion respecting this character, which bears some resemblance to the Mexican symbol for day , and a still closer resemblance to that for year. I am satisfied, therefore, that these two characters refer to the east and the west, and hence that the only point left for us to decide is, which appertains to the east and which to the west. This I think may be determined from the plates of the Dresden Codex. If No. 1 on Plate 27 must there be either south or east, and our reasoning showing that it could not be either south or north be correct, it follows that it must signify east, the direction assigned to the Kan year, and that here it refers to the final resting place of the idol Kan-u-Uayeyab.

If I am so far correct then character No. 1 (Fig. 8) signifies east, No. 2 north. No. 3 west, and No. 4 south.

If we turn now to Plates 46, 47, 48, 49, and 50 of this Codex we find on each, two square groups or masses of characters consisting of either five or six transverse lines and four columns. One transverse line of each group is composed of these four characters, which, as I believe, are here used to indicate the cardinal points. Assuming my interpretation of them to be correct, it will be necessary to read these lines from right to left to obtain the order given by Perez; for example the lines on these plates read, as the characters stand, thus:

First group, Plate 46.—North, east, south, west.
Second group, Plate 46.—West, north, east, south.
First group, Plate 47.—North, east, south, west.
Second group, Plate 47.—West, north, east, south.
First group, Plate 48.—North, east, south, west.
Second group, Plate 48.—West, north, east, south.

And the same on Plates 49 and 50. Reading these. from the right to the left we have the order given by Perez, but the initial days will be as follows: for the groups marked "first," Ix, and for those marked "second," Gauac, and the order in which they succeed each other, as follows:

1st. Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc.
2d. Cauac, Kan, Muluc, Ix.

The first agrees exactly with the order of the days referred to by Plates 25-28 of this Codex, and the second precisely with Plates XXXXIII of the Manuscript taken in reverse order to the paging. The first also agrees exactly with the order in which the first four characters in the second line of the title page of the Manuscript come, if read from left to right as the numbers above them indicate. If we turn to Plate XXXII* of the last-mentioned Manuscript^[8] we will see that the left-hand column of the upper division consists of the four dominical days placed in the following order, reading from the top downward: Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc, precisely in the order of the four plates of the Dresden Codex; we also find in the space of this division the characters which I have supposed mark the cardinal points, but placed as shown here.

Landa, speaking of the ceremonies connected with the making of idols of wood, remarks (p. 308) that "they offered incense to the four gods called Acantunes, which they had placed at the four parts of the world" (the four cardinal points). But these were of stone, as we have already learned from the extracts referring to the festivals of the supplemental days.

In the lowest division of Plate XXV* there are four idols over which are these four characters; the first, or left-hand one, is the headless figure seen on Plate XXIII, the character over it that which denotes the west; the second the spotted dog seen on Plates XX and XXI, the character over it signifies the north; the third a monkey, possibly the same as seen in the lower division of Plate XXI, the character over it the east; the fourth a bird, the character over it the south. There are other plates on which these characters appear to indicate the cardinal points, but what has been given is sufficient to show the evidence upon which I base my opinion as to the meaning of the characters. The presence of these on Plates 25-28 of the Codex, in the manner there given, is perhaps the surest guide as to the quarters to which they respectively belong; the fact they are so often found occupying the four corners of the spaces of the plates of the Manuscript is what leads us to suspect that they indicate the cardinal points. The chief, and, so far as I can see, the only objection to this interpretation is the occasional change of order in the spaces; but, as we have seen, this seldom, if ever, occurs where they are in a line. The chief doubt is as to the points assigned them.

If my explanation is correct, then it is possible that the Maya words which they represent are as follows:

No. 1 (Fig. 8), Likin, "east." No. 2, Xaman, "north."
No. 3, Chikin, "west." No. 4, Ma-yam, "the middle of the earth" (south), or Nohol, "south."

The inverted character for Ahau in No. 3, and that for Manik in No. 1, may raise an objection in the minds of some to this interpretation, but the reader must bear in mind that I do not yet insist that these characters are the symbols for the words above given. They may refer to priests, utensils, or other things connected with or used during religious ceremonies; for example. No. 3 may be the symbol for Ahkin, "priest," No. 4, for Mayac, "table"; No. 2 for Am, the sacred stone used in casting the horoscope, &c., but at the same time these, by the relative positions they occupy during ceremonies, may serve to indicate the cardinal points, and hence the davs. This being the case, the characters, by long usage for this purpose, would ultimately become the symbols of this secondary signification.

Fig. 9. Referring again to Landa's account of the festivals, heretofore quoted, we observe that one of the idols was finally placed on the heap of stones at the margin of the village In the lowest division of each of the plates—25-28 of the Codex—we see an idol resting on a character like this (Fig. 9); the idol on Plate 25, with a head somewhat similar to that of the Tlaloc

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXII OF THE CODEX TROANO

figures in the Manuscript; those on Plates 26, 27, and 28 apparently part of the trunk of a tree clothed, and around which a serpent is coiled. From this fact I infer that the character signifies a "stone" or "stone-heap." The same character is also found under the figures placed opposite each other in the lower divisions of Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript, the only exception being that under the left figure in the lower division of Plate XXII. I had, from a study of the character itself, come to the conclusion, previous to the discovery of the signification of the four plates of the Codex, that it was the symbol for stone, especially for the stone used in marking the divisions between periods of time. I was led to this conclusion by a careful comparison of Landa's symbol for the month Pax with other similar characters in the Manuscript. If I am correct in this opinion, then the character probably represents one of the two Maya words Piz, signifying "a stone serving to form the divisions in a Katun or cycle," or Fpic, "stones placed one upon another, serving to count the intervals in the cycles." We find this character, as before remarked, in the lower transverse lines of the plates of the Codex, in close proximity to the symbols of the cardinal points, which agrees very well with Landa's statement.

In the third or lowest division of Plate 27 we see the figure of a fish on two Kans, which are in a vessel. This probably represents the "angel" placed on the "palo" or litter "as a sign of water;" though it is possible it simply denotes one of the offerings made to the idol before which it is placed. It is worthy of note that a similar figure is found in the second character of the fifth line of the title-page of the Manuscript; but, in this case, it is in the column which has the symbol for "south" as its second character. As Plate 27 of the Codex relates to the close of a Cauac year, as well as to the commencement of a Kan year, the presence of this figure in these places agrees very well with the interpretation above given. Although we have by no means exhausted our explanation of the four plates of the Codex, we are now prepared to compare them with the four of the Manuscript, and will proceed to make the comparison, reserving what further interpretations we have to give of them to a subsequent part of our paper.

There are four plates in each, relating to the four dominical days or year bearers, and the days used to designate the years are repeated thirteen times on each plate; in the Codex, the last two days of the year are selected for this purpose; in the Manuscript the first only, but even here we see the symbols of the terminal days in the transverse line between the two spaces.

The idols in each are placed on the same character—that which I have interpreted as signifying the "stone" or "stone heap" used to mark the divisions of time. The serpent appears in three plates of each work, and is wanting in the fourth, the latter in both cases being that which relates chiefly to the Ix years. At the bottom of the lower division of Plate 28 (Codex) we see a figure resembling the leg of a deer bound by a double cord; a similar figure appears at the upper left-hand corner of the lower division of Plate XX (Manuscript), our Plate I. I think it is evident that Brasseur was right in interpreting this as the symbol of the Maya word hau, "the quarter of a deer or other animal," from Landa's statement in his account of the festival of the Kan year—"davan al sacerdote una pierna de venado," "they gave the priest a leg of venison."

It is true that this figure is found, in the Codex, in the plate supposed to relate to the Muluc year, while in the Manuscript it is in that which applies to the Ix year, and that in Landa it is mentioned in connection with the ceremonies of the Kan year; but this is not sufficient to destroy the value of these coincidences in our effort to interpret these plates. For, in the first place, there is no reason for supposing the Codex relates to the same time and place as the Manuscript; in the second place, each of the plates in both works appears to refer, in part, to two years; in the third place, Landa's description is not sufficiently exact and minute to make the comparison full and complete. I may also add that, while the plates of the Codex appear to relate only to the ceremonies of the supplemental days, those of the Manuscript apparently refer to other festivals, especially those held at the close and commencement of long periods of time. For example, what is symbolized by the two left-hand figures of the upper division of Plate XXII of the Manuscript appears to be represented in Plate 30 of the Codex.

The Uayeyab idols of the two works are certainly different from each other, though I think it very doubtful whether the figures in either are true representatives of the images; possibly those on the Codex plates are.

A careful comparison of the chief figure in the lowest division of Plate 27 of the Codex with the left-hand figure in the lower division of Plate XXIII of the Manuscript convinces me that the two are intended as symbols of the same idea or as representatives of the same person. That the former is essentially different from the corresponding figures on Plates 25, 26, and 28 is apparent to any one who will take the trouble to compare them. The cape is here in front instead of on the back. The anklets and bracelets—which appear to be used as tokens of caste—are different from the others. There is also a wide variation in the head-dress, which, together with the exposed bone of the lower jaw, the docked nose, and lines of dots on the limbs, indicate that this priest is here representing Death or the god of Death. A cursory examination of other plates of both works where the same figures will be found is sufficient to satisfy any one of the correctness of this opinion. I refer the reader who may have the works at hand to Plates XXX, XXXIV, IIP, XXII*, XXX*, XXXII* of the Manuscript, and also Plates 6, 11, 12, 18, 45, and 53 of the Codex.

A somewhat similar figure is borne on the back of the Chac in the upper division of Plate 28 of the Codex, on which we see the same bracelets, head-dress, exposed jaw-bone, and lines of dots. Landa states, as will be seen by reference to his account of the festivals of the intercalated days heretofore given, that at the commencement of the Cauac year they carried, among other things, a "dead man." According to the interpretation given, Plate 27 refers to the close of the Cauac and commencement of the Kan year, and 28 to the close of the Kan and commencement of the Muluc year, which would place this ceremony in the year following that given by Landa.

Referring now to Plate XXIII of the Manuscript, which relates in part at least to the Cauac years, we see in the lower left-hand corner of the lower division a white figure with the same anklets and bracelets; and, although portly and apparently clothed with flesh, the ribs denoting death are plainly marked. A hand is stretched out as if to catch the skull, which is dropping from the head-dress that arises out of the earthen vessel.

I note the following additional items in which they correspond; in the canopies, or whatsoever they may be, behind the sitting priests in the middle divisions of the four plates of the Codex we observe this figure , a St. Andrew's cross, surrounded by the usual circle—those on Plates 26 and 28 with the cross white on a black ground. Precisely the same figures are found on three of the plates of the Manuscript, those on XX and XXIII with black ground and white cross.

In the lowest transverse line of characters of each of the four plates of the Codex, we find, as heretofore remarked, a symbol of one of the cardinal points. The same thing is true of the plates of the Manuscript, as will be seen by examining the lowest transverse line above the upper space.

The head of the Ara is seen on Plate 28 of the Codex in the same space (lowest division) as the bound "leg of venison." The two are in the Manuscript (Plate XX, lower division), but here the whole bird is figured.

In the upper division of Plate XX we notice issuing from the mouth of the dog two lines of dots each terminating in a little circle or circular dot. In the lower division of Plate 25 of the Codex we see two similar dotted lines arising from the severed neck of the bird. In both works these peculiar lines are on the Ix plates only.

Such are the chief resemblances between the plates of the two works. Some, it is true, are those of common occurrence, and taken alone would not be sufficient evidence to indicate that the plates relate to the same subject; but when we take all the resemblances into consideration, especially the more important ones mentioned, I think there can be but little doubt left upon the mind of any one that these four plates of the two works, in great part, at least, relate to the same subject—the festivals described by Landa as occurring at the close of the years. To which year or years a given plate refers I admit is a point in regard to which there is yet some uncertainty. This necessarily leaves us in some doubt respecting the proper assignment of the cardinal or direction symbols; but this fact does not affect the general correctness of my conclusions as to the subject-matter of these plates and the meaning of the figures and characters.

Leaving the further consideration of the plates of the Codex to a future page, I will now call attention to other figures and characters on the four

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXIII OF THE CODEX TROANO

plates of the Manuscript and give the signification of them so far as I have been able to make this out. I will start with the. assumption that the conclusion drawn from the comparison just made—that they relate in part at least to the festivals of the supplemental days—is correct; and as affording additional evidence, I first call attention to the following facts: Landa, in his account of the ceremonies relating to the Muluc year, remarks that "the devil commanded them to offer squirrels and a cloth cover (or cloth ornament), without embroidery, woven by the old women whose office it was to dance in the temple for the purpose of appeasing the god Yax-coc-Ahmut." In the upper division of Plate XXI (that relating to the Muluc year) we see this cloth, which we judge from the figure was to be worn by the priests. It is plain and without ornamentation, save what is on the strips at the side.

The same account, as will be seen by reference to the quotation in full heretofore made, mentions that "among other things performed at this festival was a ballet or dance executed on very high stilts" (en muy altos zancos). In the upper division of the same plate (XXI) we see one of the dancers on stilts.

It also states that "they were required to present dogs of burnt clay bearing bread on the back"; that "the old women were obliged to dance with these dogs in their hands, and to sacrifice to the god a little dog with black shoulders." In the lower division of the same plate we observe three figures of small unspotted dogs, two of which are seated on human feet, which is doubtless intended to denote that they are carried during the dance. To the right is another figure of a dog marked with large black spots, and bearing on its back the symbol of Ymix or Imix mounted on that of Kan.

It is true these figures do not agree exactly with Landa's description, as he does not appear to refer to the two classes of dog images—the plain and the spotted—but to the latter only. But we may expect this writer, who mentions these things more incidentally than otherwise, to be more or less confused where so many particulars are to be remembered, especially if his work was written in Spain, where he had necessarily to rely to a great extent upon his memory. But the fact that these figures are found on the plate that relates to the Muluc years; the peculiarly marked dog, bearing these symbols on its back; the little dog images on the feet, together with the agreement in other particulars, are sufficient to warrant us in concluding that these figures relate to the ceremonies he describes. Taking the figures and statement together I conclude that the little plain dog-images, three of which are represented, were those carried during the dance, while the spotted one bearing the characters on its back—of which there is but a single figure—represents that which was to be sacrificed. In the collection of pottery made by Colonel Stevenson in 1880 among the Pueblos of New Mexico, are quite a number of plain little animal images, chiefly those of birds, which he informs me were used in like manner by the Indians of these pueblos.

If I am correct in this interpretation, we will then be warranted in concluding that the double character (Fig. 10) signifies "bread," doubtless "bread of maize." Taken separately we know Fig. 10. that the upper is used as the symbol of the day Ymix or Imix, and the lower of Kan; but the primary significations of these words, or rather the words that these symbols stand for, is somewhat doubtful. Perez gives no definition of the former, neither in his lexicon nor Cronologia. Brasseur gives the following signification in his Vocabulary—"Deep pit; issue from a focus or of the breast"; but in a note to the Cronologia (§ II) he makes this remark: Ymix, written Imox in the Quiche Calendar, in that of Chiapas is represented under the image of a marine monster of a peculiar form; it is the Cipactli of the Mexican Calendar, given by Nuñez de la Vega, as the first father of the race of these countries." The latter (Kan) has several significations, such as "a cord or string of henequin," "yellow," "a certain measure," "red earth," "clay," &c. He also gives as other meanings, "increased," "elevated," "manifest," "consolidated," &c. But I judge from Perez's language that the ancient signification was somewhat uncertain.

The Maya word for "maize" is Ixim, and I am strongly inclined to believe that Imix is but a synonym, also that the symbol was originally used to signify this great food plant. I think it also probable that the symbol for Kan was used originally to represent the "grain" of corn, hence the gathered and stored corn or ears, and that the name was derived from the yellow or golden color. On Plates XIX* and XX* of the second part of the Manuscript—lowest division—we observe women bearing burdens on their backs in baskets; the substance carried by three out of six is represented by Kan symbols, and is probably gathered maize.

It is worthy of notice that one of the names of their chief deity Zamna or Itzamna, is Itzen-caan, signifying the "dew of heaven," or "substance from heaven." Itsen and Itmm are given by the lexicons as equivalents, and tzen, and its derivatives, contains throughout the idea of food or that which sustains life. Ixkan-Leox was the name of a female divinity supposed to be the spouse of Zamna; the signification of the name, according to Brasseur, is "Celle de la fronde jaune aux grains de mais"; in other words, the "silk." In the upper division of Plate 19 (Codex) is the figure of a woman bearing the same characters on her back, one above another, as on the Manuscript plate. Just behind her is the figure of a man or male deity, which I judge from the long beard to be Kukulcan, or Zamna, bearing on his back the same two characters. From these facts and others which might be mentioned I am satisfied there was an intimate connection in the minds of this people between maize and this deity.

The two symbols in this form (Fig. 11), and also in reverse order, sometimes with and sometimes without the Fig. 11. accompanying characters over them, are of very frequent occurrence in the Manuscript and Codex. That characters similar to the accompanying ones here shown are used in the Mexican Codices to represent cakes of bread or tortillas is well known; whether they have the same signification in this connection is a point that will be discussed hereafter.

Our next step will be to determine, if possible, which of the figures shown on these plates represent the Uayeyab idols. As we have already shown, there were, according to Landa, four of these, as follows: Kan-u-Uayeyab, for the Kan years; Chac-u-Uayeyab, for the Muluc years; Zac-u-Uayeyab, for the Ix years, and Ek-u-Uayeyab, for the Cauac years. "We may assume, I think, without any fear of being in error, that the left-hand figures in the lowest division of the four plates of the Codex are intended as representatives of these images. They are the only ones placed on the stone-heap symbol; three of them are exactly alike, and to them the priests are offering the decapitated fowls.

Turning to the plates of the Manuscript we find the question more difficult to solve; first, because there are on each plate (except one) two figures seated on stone symbols; and second, because these figures are wholly different from those in the Codex. I think there can be no doubt that one of each of these pairs represents one of these idols. But which one? The one not seated on the symbol is that at the left of the lower division of Plate XXII. We may therefore assume that the white figure at the right with a sinuous line down the face, and seated on the stone symbol is the idol Kan-u-Uayeyab or Chac-u-Uayeyab; the former, if the ceremonies here shown refer to the commencement of the Kan year, the latter if they refer to the close. As the corresponding figure on Plate XXIII (Cauac year) bears on its head the Kan symbol it most likely represents the former, and that on Plate XXII the latter. The corresponding figure on Plate XXI varies considerably from the other two noticed; still there is sufficient resemblance to induce me to decide that it (the one at the right in the lower division) is the Uayeyab idol—Chac-u-Uayeyab or Zac-u-Uayeyab.

The figures on Plate XX present still greater difficulty, if possible, that on the right being wholly different from the others. As this plate refers to the Ix years we should expect this variation, having found such to be the case on the Codex plates, and would decide at once, notwithstanding this difference, that it represented the Uayeyab idol, were it not for certain facts to be noticed. During the festival of the Ix years one of the images made represented the god Yzamna or Itzamna. Whether this deity was identical with Kukulcan or not is a question in reference to which the authorities are undecided. If we assume they are identical, the beard on the figure at the right would lead us to conclude that it was intended to represent this deity. But, on the other hand, the bird with the protruded tongue seated on the head-dress of the figure at the left is one of the symbols of Quetzalcoatl, the equivalent of Kukulcan. We also observe that the Ara, the sun emblem, is immediately opposite the latter, toward which he is pointing his fingers, which is a well-known symbol of Itzamna. Taking all these facts into consideration, I conclude that the figure to the right is the Uayeyab idol.

Fac simile of Plate 25 of the Dresden Codex.

and that the one at the left represents Itzamna, whom I believe to be a distinct personage from Kukulcan. I have been unable to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion in regard to the opposite or left-hand figures on the other plates, except that on Plate XXIII, which I think represents the god of death.

We will now turn to the upper division of Plate XXIII and examine some of the figures contained in it. Near the left margin is the figure of a headless trunk marked with dotted lines and little circles; on it is the symbol of Caban and the figure of a machete. It is probable that this represents the body of the "dead man" which Landa says was carried during the festival of the Cauac years, as the dotted lines and circlets thereon correspond with that borne by the Chac in the upper division of Plate 28 of the Codex. As the festival of the Cauac years was observed during the closing days of the Ix years—those with which, according to the theory I have advanced, the lustres, ahaues, and cycles closed—I think it probable this figure is intended to signify the close of one of these periods, possibly the first, as this appears to be the idea signified in the Codex. I am fully aware of the difficulty of reconciling this explanation with the fact that this figure appears on the plate in the Codex which apparently refers to the Muluc years and is marked by the terminal days of the Kan years. But this fact will not warrant the rejection of my interpretation, as the error, if there is one, relates to the order in which I have arranged the years. I would also suggest that it is possible the calendars of the two works are not precisely alike—one may commence the series with a different year from that with which the other begins; in fact, the order of the plates in the two works seems to indicate this. It can scarcely be doubted that 25 of the Codex corresponds with XX of the Manuscript, yet that in the Codex is first while that of the Manuscript is the last of the four (the order here being, as I have shown, the reverse of the paging). The year in which the figure appears, according to the Manuscript, corresponds with Landa's statement, while that of the Codex does not. If we decide that the series of years commenced with Kan and ended with Cauac, the interpretation would still agree with the Manuscript and Landa, as then we would have to suppose that Plate XXIII refers chiefly to the close of the Cauac and commencement of the Kan years. In the lower left-hand comer of the same division we observe the figure of a deity, with a fiery red face, marked as the symbol for Ahau, bearing in his hand a torch and on his head what appears to be two little wings. This I presume represents Kinch-Ahau-Itzamna (Kinch-Ahau, the lord of the mouth or eye of the sun or day), one of the idols made during the festival of the Ix years. Here it appears to be sinking out of sight below the western horizon, casting back its fiery rays as indicated by the torch. As it belongs to the Ix year, which is here brought to a close, it would of course be retired. The headless figure immediately above it, and the Caban or Cab which signifies "to descend" or "sink below," and the signification of the blue figure, as heretofore explained, all agree exactly with this interpretation. The wings [if such they be] on the head probably refer to the Ara, the sun token. The bird in the center, seated on the head-dress, may possibly represent or symbolize the "burnt bird," or "bird reduced to ashes" (the meaning of the original is very obscure), of which Landa speaks; the bill in the figure, it is true, is scarcely appropriate for a rapacious bird, which the Kuch appears to have been, but exact representations are not to be expected in this work.

The color appropriate to the Cauac year (the one assigned to the south), as indicated by the Maya word Ek, was black; according with this, the large figure at the right of the upper space, and the bird in the lower space, are of this color.

The serpent, we know, was a symbol used in the Mexican Calendar to denote a long period of time, especially the cycle of 52 years. It is also a prominent figure on these plates of the Manuscript, being found, in three of them, coiled under the clay vessels. (See both divisions of XXI, XXII, and XXIII.) Under each of the vessels in XXIII, and that of the upper division of XXII, it is in two coils; in the lower division of the latter the head is thrust out, apparently in compliance with the solicitation of the white personage to the right; on Plate XXI (both divisions) but one coil remains; and on Plate XX we see nothing more of it. What is it designed to represent on these plates? That it is a symbol of some period of time will scarcely be doubted; but what period? Turning to the plates of the Codex, we find that it appears there also on but three out of the four, being absent in both cases on the page referring to the Ix years. We also observe that on each plate of the Manuscript where the serpent appears the vessels bear Kan symbols.

It is evident, from what has already been shown, that the four plates in each work are intended to cover exactly one cycle. This is proven by the fact that on each the day symbols are repeated thirteen times. It is true that the period embraced by the plates of the Manuscript does not coincide with any one cycle, but it covers the thirteen different years of each of the four dominical days, giving them in regular order, thus making one complete cycle. The design in the Codex appears to be to indicate in a general manner the character of the feasts of the supplemental days only, and to show by the thirteen day-symbols that this is to be applied to all the years of the cycle; while the plates of the Manuscript are apparently designed to give the same general idea, but at the same time to refer to a specific period, and also that this period shall include the close and commencement of the two great periods; hence the years are specified in the latter, while they are not in the former; the latter also includes allusions to other festivals than those of the Uayeyab.

Taking for granted, then, that these plates are intended to cover one cycle, and that the serpent denotes a period of time, the natural presumption would be that it here represents a cycle, for, although we find evident allusion to the Ahau in these plates of the Manuscript, we see nothing of the kind in those of the Codex.^[9]

We might very reasonably suppose those on the plates of the Codex indicated the year, but a close inspection of that on Plate 26 will show that it differs considerably from the other two, is evidently in a dying condition, and is marked with the fatal dotted line. I can see no reason for this difference if they were used to denote the year, and, aside from this, the fact that each one of the idols around which they are coiled is crowned with four leaves, indicating the four dominical days, would seem to forbid this interpretation, which certainly cannot be applied to those in the Manuscript. If they refer to the cycle, then each coil will denote two Indications, a supposition with which the pyramid of four steps on Plate XXII (to which I will presently allude) agrees very well. A fact worthy of notice in this connection is that, proceeding with the pages in the order I have adopted, we find on XXIII, where Cauac is the ruling day, the two coils are complete; on the lower or closing division of XXII, where Kan is the ruling day, one coil is partially withdrawn; on XXI, where Muluc is the day, there is but one coil; and on XX, where Ix—the year with which the cycle closes—is referred to, there is none.

The most serious objection to this theory is that if any allusion to the Indications were intended there should be four coils instead of two, as there are four of these periods in a cycle. But the serpent may be used here only as the symbol of the cycle and the coils may have no particular signification; still I think they do have, as there are two to each on the Codex plates, and that they denote the two halves of the cycle. Landa mentions the fact that the two halves of the Ahau were specially noted by the Indians.

It is possible that on the Codex each serpent represents the series of years of one dominical day included in one cycle; that is to say, one column of a cycle as given in the previous tables. I have been led to make this suggestion from what I find on Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex.

Here we see four serpents,^[10] coiled so as to form the sides of a square, and the four squares brought together so as to bring the heads to the c;enter. On the body of each is a series of circles representing as I believe years; counting the small subcaudal one, there are exactly thirteen on each serpent.

Each of these serpent figures may represent an Indication, but the figure and the day signs in the spaces and the order in which they stand incline me to believe that they relate to the series under the respective dominical days. The five day signs in the spaces are doubtless the five added days—this can, I presume, easily be determined; but as I have not entered upon the study of the Mexican Calendar, and have not the proper works at hand for this purpose, I leave this for others to decide. In the upper right-hand square the inclosed figure is black, reminding us of the

Fac Simile of Plate 26 of the Dresden Codex.

black figure in Plate XXIII of the Manuscript. In front of each inclosed figure, and immediately over the head of the serpent, is an urn. The snout of each serpent is crowned with a plume-tipped process. These resemblances, notwithstanding the otherwise great dissimilarity of the figures of this plate of the Borgian Codex to those of the other two works, render it quite probable that they relate to the same general subject.^[11] I think it very probable that the serpent was sometimes used to symbolize the Ahau, as for example on Plates 33, 34, 35, and 69 of the Dresden Codex; that on Plate 33 to denote the 6th Ahau, that on 34 the 3d; that on 35 the 8th, and that on 69 the 10th. The lustres are evidently indicated on the last by the colors.

Turning again to the plates of the Manuscript, we notice the figure of an animal of some kind mounted on the right-hand personage in the upper division of XXI, XXII, and XXIII. The peculiar form of the eye shows these to be quadrupeds. They are doubtless mounted on these individuals to show that they are Chacs, corresponding with those in the upper division of the Codex plates.

We may as well call attention here to the fact that several of these things which appear on the other plates and seem to be equally applicable to all the years alike, are wanting on Plate XX, which relates to the Ix years. For example, the serpent is wholly wanting here; there is no animal denoting the Chac, and one at least of the clay vessels is missing. What does this signify 1 I confess that I am somewhat at a loss how to account for it, but, from my examinations and what has been ascertained, am disposed to explain it by the fact that Ix is the closing year of the lusters and cycles, and that the things mentioned, being symbols of one or the other of these periods or depending upon them, properly disappear with this year. If this view be correct, it will probably enable us to assign a signification to the large (supposed) red-clay vessels placed on the serpent coils in Plates XXI-XXIII. Uayeb-haab or Uayeyab (the latter is but a contraction of the former) signifies the "bed of the year." As the vessels are placed on the serpent, and hence cannot represent incense-burners, it is not impossible that they are symbols of the idea expressed in these Maya words.

The character which, according to Landa is the hieroglyph for the letter u, which in Maya signifies "vase" (also "moon"), is common on the vase-figures throughout the work; but on these vessels we notice parts of other characters which together with the one given may be the symbols for Uayeyab. This I admit is a mere supposition, but it does not appear to be a forced one; moreover, the following explanation by Perez may serve to strengthen it: "They called them [the added days] also uayab or uayeb-haab, which may be interpreted in two different ways. The word uayab may be derived from uay which means 'bed' or 'chamber,' presuming the Indians believed the year to rest during those days; or uayab may equally be derived from another signification of uay, viz: 'to be destroyed,' 'wounded,' 'corroded by the caustic juice of plants,' or with ley and other strong liquids."^[12]

I think it probable that these are cinerary urns, given as symbolic representations of the idea that the years have closed—are dead—and as the ashes of the dead rest in the urns so the ashes of the years may be said to rest in these vessels. This idea appears to be borne out by the fact that the vessel in the middle division of Plate 28 of the Codex, which appears to correspond to these of the Manuscript, has on it the figure of cross-bones, on the top of which are placed three Kan symbols.

Stephens in his "Yucatan" mentions the fact that it is the custom of the Indians to gather up the bones of the dead and preserve them in baskets, boxes, and other similar vessels. He mentions one case where "they were clean and bright as if polished, with the skull and cross-bones in front, the legs and arms laid on the bottom," &c.^[13] It is more than probable that this custom was handed down from ancient times.

What the Kan symbols contained in these vessels signify is a question that puzzles me, and which I have so far been unable to answer satisfactorily. In the Manuscript we see three in both vessels of Plate XXIII; three in the upper and two in the lower division of Plate XXII; also three in the upper and two in the lower division of Plate XXI, but the top one in the Upper is surrounded by a heavy black border, while in the lower a black bird appears to be in the act of devouring a third, presented to it by the white personage at the right. On Plate XX there are two in the similar vessel in the lower division, and two connected with another character in the upper.

Turning to the Codex, we find the arrangement, so far as these characters are concerned, quite different. On Plate 25 we see but one, and that in the middle division; on 26 one in the middle and two in the lower division; on 27 two in the third or lowest division, with the figure of a fish upon them; on 28 three in the middle, above the cross-bones. If the vessels are to be considered as cinerary-urns, figuratively holding the ashes of the dead years, these Kan symbols must be in some way connected therewith, but the numbers on the different ones cannot easily be made to agree with any of the periods of the calendar. Possibly they may simply represent ears of maize or tortillas cast into these vessels. The fish placed on those in the third division indicate, as I believe, that here they are intended to represent corn or bread, for the position of the figure shows that it is meant for one of the offerings made to the idol, which Landa says consisted of "drinks, dishes of food, meats, fish," &c. The vessel just above this, in the same division, probably contains fruits or gourds (calabashes).

If we suppose them to be time symbols, we may possibly find an argument in favor of interpreting them years in the fact that on Plate XXIII, where there are three in the vessel in the lower division, there is a fourth one on the head of the personage at the right, who we have supposed is the personage that represents the year. By counting this we have the four years. The one withdrawn and placed upon the head of the image represents (say) the Cauac year. This leaves three, as shown in the vessel. In the lower division of Plate XXII there are but two, another having been withdrawn to represent the Kan year. So far we meet with no obstacle to our interpretation; but when we come to Plate XXI we find there are three, and on Plate XX two, a fact which is difficult to explain on this theory.

Turning again to Plate XXII, we observe on the head of the individual at the right of the upper compartment two triangles. These remind us very strongly of the triangles on the outer circle of the Mexican calendar stone, and, although these are at the head of the animal, while those are at the tails of the serpents, I think it probable they have the same signification—the completion of the cycle. This opinion, I believe, is confirmed by the figures at the left of the same compartment. Here we observe two falling figures. The lower, pale brown, with cords on his arms and legs, is being dashed to pieces on the pyramidal pile, on which he falls, as shown by the blood which is streaming over it. The upper one is white, the side of the head marked with a sinuous line, as that in the lower right-hand corner of the lower division of Plate XXIII. That these two figures symbolize periods of time can scarcely be doubted, the dark one striking the pyramid that which is expiring. The four steps of the pyramid probably denote "indications" or "weeks of years," and, hence, all taken together represent the cycle. In the dark base we see a sigmoid character similar to that which Landa gives for the letter N, which may possibly be the symbol for the Maya word Noh, "grand." Here we see that one of the steps is black, which is the characteristic color of one of the four dominical days and of one of the four plates of the Manuscript. These facts, I think, are sufficient to warrant us in assuming that the whole pyramid represents the cycle, and is, no doubt, the "monument" raised at the termination of this period, in reference to which Perez makes the following remark: "This period of fifty-two years was called by the Indians Katun, and at its conclusion great feasts were celebrated, and a monument was raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise, as is signified by the word Kat-tun, for a memento and record of the cycles or Katunes that had elapsed."

The two falling figures probably represent years, the dark one the closing year of one cycle or other period and the white the first of the following. I am led to this conclusion from the strong resemblance of the white figure to those in the lower right-hand corner of the lower division of Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have supposed represent the Uayeyab idols.

At the top of the left-hand, or day, column of Plate XX, and elsewhere in these four plates, we find this unusual rod character

Fac Simile of Plate 27 of the Dresden Codex.

sometimes with and sometimes without dots over it. Over the Ix column—Plate XX—there are two of these characters, the upper with three dots over it, the other with one. In the upper edge of the upper space of the same plate there is another without any dots over it. Those over the Muluc column—Plate XXI—are too thoroughly obliterated to be made out, but in the upper space of this plate we see a very distinct one with two dots over it. There are none over the Kan column of Plate XXII, but in the upper space there appears to be one, though too badly defaced to be made out with certainty. There is one over the Cauac column—Plate XXIII—with one dot over it, and in the upper space another, with two dots over it, above which is another in black, but reversed, and without dots. On the title page there are two lines of somewhat similar figures, but presenting some differences, which render it doubtful whether they have the same signification as those on the four plates.

There can be but little doubt that these characters are used here to denote certain periods of time. But what periods is a question I have so far been unable to answer satisfactorily. I will therefore postpone the discussion of this point to a subsequent page.

In the broad line separating the two divisions of each plate we observe certain square characters, some of which are readily recognized as day symbols. Those on Plate XXIII reading from left to right are—first, Ezanab; second, Akbal; third, the character which Brasseur says stands for M, and fourth, possibly a variant of Lamat. On Plate XXII, reading in the same direction—Lamat(?), M(?), Ezanab, and Akbal; on Plate XXI, Ezanab, possibly a variant of Been, Akbal, Lamat, and (?); on Plate XX, Been, Akbal, M(?), Ezanab, and Lamat. Two only in each line can be determined with any degree of certainty. These days are the closing ones of the different years, and are very appropriate in this place, and bear the same relation to these plates as those in the columns of the Codex do to those plates. Their position here also confirms the view I have heretofore incidentally advanced, that the upper division of these plates relates chiefly to the closing days of one year and the lower to the commencement of the following. The character which I have denoted by the letter M is the same as that which I have interpreted as designating "the north," except that it is without the prefix. I strongly suspect that it is the symbol for Am, the sacred stone by means of which they cast the horoscope, and which was doubtless the same as those named by Landa Acantun. The loop or knot on Plates XXI and XXII probably signifies the tying of the years, the close of one cycle or other period and the commencement of another.^[14] There are but two of these, and they probably correspond with the figures on which the Chacs in Plates 27 and 28 of the Codex are walking. These appear to be bundles of cords or reeds bound at four points, representing the four dominical days (the four years), each representing thirteen years of the cycle, or possibly only one year of the luster.

Plate XX, which has Ix as the dominical day, appears to bear one or two of the tokens mentioned by Landa in his description of the festival of the Cauac years. Fig. 12. This author remarks that, "after they have placed the images in the temple, they perfume them, as is their custom, and present to them two pellets of resin from a tree called kik, for the purpose of burning them, also some iguanas, bread, a mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone which they hold in great honor." We see projecting from the head dress of the figure in the lower right-hand corner of the lower division what appears to be a flower. In the upper division we see at the left an individual burning incense. In the corresponding plate of the Codex (25), middle division, is this figure (Fig. 12), which I have concluded is a symbol of the particular incense here mentioned.

 

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1. The reader is reminded again that Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript are the same as our Plates I-IV, a fact which will not be repeated hereafter in the text.
2. By the term "milk," as here used, is meant the milky juice of some plant.
3. Doubtless intended for Chac-Acantun.
4. "Estos indianos pintavan una rueda peqneña, en la cual ponian los cuatro geroglificos de los dias con que principiava el año, Kan al oriente, Muluc al uorte, Hix al poniente, y Cauac al sur, para que se coutasen en el mismo orden." (Cronologla Antigna, § VII.)
5. "La primera pues de las letras dominicales es Kan. El año que esta letra servia era el aguero del Bacab que por otros nombres Haman Hobnil, Kanal Bacab, Kan-paudh-tun, Kan-xib-chac. A este señalavan a la parte de medio dia. La segunda letra es Muluc señalavanle al oriente, su año era agnero el Bacab que llamau Canzienal, Chacal Bacab, Chac-pauah-lun, Chac-xib-chac. La tercera letra es Yx. Su año era aguero el Bacab que llaman Zaczini-zacal-Bacab, Zac-pauahtun, Zac-xibchac, señalavanle a la parte del norte. Lia quatra letra es Cauac; su año era aguero el Bacab que llaman Hozanek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-pauah-tun, Ek-xib-chac; a este señalavan a la parte del poniente."
6. Brasseur makes a mistake in his translation, giving east instead of west.
7. Also Rosny.
8. Roman numerals refer to the plates of the Manuscript; Arabics to those of the Codex.
9. The reader will understand that the word "plates" in this connection is to he understood as meaning only the four of which I have been treating.
10. These are really monsters, as they are represented with anterior limbs.
11. In a pamphlet by Sr. J. M. Melgar, of Vera Cruz, entitled "A comparative view of the symbolical signs of the Ancient Systems of Theogony and Cosmogony, and those existing in the Mexican MSS., as published by Kingsborough, and the alto-relievos on a wall in Chichen-Itza," 1872, which Dr. Foreman, of the Smithsonian, has very kindly translated for me, I find a somewhat different interpretation of this plate of the Borgian Codex. This will be found in my Appendix No. 2.
12. Appendix to "Stephens's Yucatan," I, 437.
13. Vol. I, p. 417.
14. It resembles the Mexican character for the day Ollin or "Earthquake."