A Study of the Manuscript Troano/Chapter 4
CHAPTER IV.
SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE PROBABLE MEANING OF SOME OF THE FIGURES ON THE OTHER PLATES.
PART FIRST OF THE MANUSCRIPT.
Plates II to VII of the first part appear to relate to one general subject, if we can judge of this by the figures and symbols, but what that general subject is I am as yet unable to determine positively, but am of the opinion that they relate, in part at least, to the festivals and profession of the traveling merchants.
The first division of Plate II contains two figures. The one to the left, a quadruped upon a brown ground, has its hind feet upon an oblong figure, apparently a stone, holding by its fore feet to a cord which passes round the object on which its hind feet are placed. A machete is plunged into the back, forming a great wound, from which we see the blood flowing out. The character on which he stands is marked with the trembling cross, which signifies "Ezanab" or "flint." I think it more than probable that this is intended to denote the sacrifice of this animal. It was the custom to sacrifice a dog at the merchants' festival, but it is doubtful whether this figure is intended to represent a dog.
A similar figure and with similar accompaniments is found in the upper division of Plate III. I find among the characters immediately above both of these, this one. 
The right-hand portion appears to be Landa's character for the letter "L." If we suppose the inscription to have any reference to the figures in the spaces, we may give this two possible interpretations—the first Ol, "heart," probably denoting the sacrifice of the animal or person by the usual method of taking out the heart. Or, supposing the first part of the compound character to be simply a prefix or a particle, the chief character may indicate the Maya word Le, signifying "a cord," "a lasso," or cord with a slip knot. I find the same character over the middle figure of the second division of this plate (II), also, slightly varied, over the left figure of the first division of Plate III. In each case we see the cord and also the indications of sacrifice. The same character is also found immediately above the open breast of the sacrificed individual on Plate 3 of the Dresden Codex, but in this case we also see cords around the hands and feet.
In the right-hand compartment of the upper division is a squatting human figure in black on a blue-ground, doubtless representing some deity. He has a fiery red mouth and a very prominent nose, and is holding by the hand a cord, which passes round a character at his feet, probably representing a peddler's pack. On his head he bears an interlaced or cross-hatched figure as a head-dress. This figure I think represents the ancient divinity Chicchac-Chab or Chichac-Chob.[1] The cross-hatched character on the head appears to be used to indicate the sound tzi, zi, or chi, and is probably placed here to denote this deity. Similar figures are found in various parts of of the Manuscript, as, for example, on Plates IV, V, VI, VII, XIX, XVII*, XVIIP, XXII*, XXIII*, XXV*, XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXII*.
There appear, in fact, to be two different personages represented by these figures, as may be seen by reference to the upper division of Plate VI, where the two are brought face to face. The only difference observable is in the form of the eye. According to Landa, the Indians, during the festival of the Cauac years, made four idols named Chicchac-chob, Ekbalam-chac, Ahcan-Volcab, and Ahbuluc-Balam ; the first of which is doubtless one of those referred to. It, is also possible-that some of the 'figures on this group of plates refer to others of these four deities.
In the middle division of this plate (II) is a stooping human figure, with his arms bound behind his back with a cord, and a kind of yoke on the back of his head The edge of a machete is descending upon his neck as if to sever his head from his body. That this figure is intended to show that the individual is about to be slain can scarcely be doubted, as we see,
by turning to the middle division of Plate III, the same person, although still represented as standing, a headless trunk and covered with blood, while in close proximity is the fatal machete.
Above the bound figure we find the character heretofore given, which we have supposed may be the symbol for Ol, or "heart," and, if so, tends to confirm the idea indicated in what has been said concerning these figures. Be this as it may, we have here, undoubtedly, indications of human sacrifice. The mode indicated may not be exactly what we may have been led to expect from what has been stated by the old authors, but this does not necessarily prove our interpretation wrong. It is a significant fact that on the third page of the Dresden Codex we see human sacrifice distinctly shown. Thus it appears that each of these manuscripts bears the evidence of this horrible custom.
As bearing upon my interpretation of these characters, I call attention to the fact that they are also found on Plate 3 of the Codex, in connection with the figure denoting human sacrifice.
The white left-hand figure in the third division (PI. Ill), holding in his right hand the symbol of cu or Cauac, and in his left a spear head, represents, as I judge from the markings and this accompanying character, 
of the gods of death or underworld.
Plates III to VII, taken together, appear to represent among other things a journey of some kind, probably the journeyings of traveling merchants or peddlers. This is indicated by the marks of footsteps and by the figures of individuals with staves in their hands and packs on their backs, which are bound with cords.
The two individuals in the upper division of Plate VI appear to be in the act of producing fire by whirling a stick between the hands with the point pressed on a piece of wood, as was the custom.
The figure in the lower division of this plate is interesting chiefly on account of the peculiar head-dress of the large central figure. This, which is shown in the annexed cut (Fig. 13), represents a couch or seat in the form of a double-headed animal, on which is placed the head of a deer. This bears such a striking resemblance to the double-headed couches or seats found in the ruins of Yucatan[2] as to induce us to believe that they have the same signification in both places, or that the figure in our plate refers to that which was represented in the older 
Fig 13. sculptures and paintings. The peculiarity in the figure of our plate is that the personage seated on the couch is here symbolized by a deer's head, and that on the cheek of the. right head there is one of the death symbols. Is the deer's head here a symbol of the personage represented as seated on the couch in the sculptured tablet of the Palenque palace, and the Beau Relief in stucco! We have no means by which to determine this, but it is my opinion it is.
I suggest, as a possible explanation, that this singular head-dress is a symbol used to denote the peninsula of Yucatan, or, rather, Etel-ceh, the name by which it was known in ancient times. Ceh, as is well known, is the Maya word for "deer." Etel signifies "companion," and Etelet, from "hand to hand'" or "side to side." Hence it may be intended as a symbol of dominion.
This, I am aware, is a somewhat visionary guess, and I give it as such; still it is not impossible that it is substantially correct.
On the jaw of the head, looking to the right, is an imperfect character, which, from evidence found elsewhere in the Manuscript, I am satisfied is a variant of Cimi.
We find that the same deity represented in the second division of Plate VII assumes a different form. The scene appears to be an open, grassy prairie, leading us to infer that here the javelin is being hurled at game, although none is figured.
In the lower division of Plate VII, and extending into the margin of VIII, is a series of five similar blue figures, each seated on a large character like the one here shown. The black numerals not obliterated are as follows, and in the following order: 11, 10, 9. Is it not possible that these signify Ahaues? The head-dresses 
Fig. 14. on three are similar to that seen so often throughout the work on the head of Tlaloc, and which, I presume, signifies the tying of the years. I merely suggest this as a possible explanation, although the order of the numerals is not the usual one.
Plates VIII to XIX appear, from the figures, to relate to the chase. VIII-XIII are devoted almost wholly to figures of animals (mostly deer) caught in snares. It appears from these figures that the method of snaring animals was to fasten a cord to the top of a slender tree, bend it down, and fasten a, slip-knot around a spring or trigger, so that when touched by the fore foot of the animal it would slip up and tighten, and thus hold up the fore part of the body. There can be no doubt that the elongate white stems to which the cords are tied represent trees or wood. If the nodes marked upon them were not sufficient to show this, a study of the similar figures throughout the work would satisfy any one on this point. The curved figure at the foot of the deer in the second division of Plate VIII probably represents a kind of spring or trigger around which the slip-knot is fastened in such a manner that when touched above by the foot of the animal it closes or bends together, so that the knot slips off it and on to the leg.[3] I am aware that this interpretation is widely different from the profound explanation given by Brasseur, still I think it is as near the correct one.
The animal represented in the upper division of Plate IX is an Armadillo. It is evidently in a pit, into which it has fallen through the trap arranged for this purpose. We see no cord here, as none was needed.
The pit appears to have been lined around the sides with upright pieces of wood, to prevent the earth from falling in; then two layers around the top of these, and finally covered with a layer of sticks or small beams, through which a hole was made in the middle, and then pieces laid loosely on this, so that the ends met over the middle of the opening. The animal Fig. 15.—Pitfall and armadillo
passing over steps on these, and, tilting them, falls in. I introduce here a figure of this pitfall, an exact. copy of that on the plate. We here see the method of joining the ends of beams together.
A similar figure, but on a smaller scale, is given on Plate XXII*. The crosses on the ends of the 
Fig. 15.—Pitfall and armadillo. beams are parts of the character so often found on wooden articles. This is evident from the fact that the full character is found on the ends of the crossbeams in the figure on Plate XXII*. The probable signification will be given hereafter, in the chapter relating to the written characters.
In the third space of this plate, and also in the second and third spaces of Plate XIII, there is an outline figure of a scorpion, and in each case the claw at the end of the tail grasps a cord to which a deer, rabbit, or fox is attached. I confess my inability to interpret these figures.[4]
In the left portion of the upper division of Plate X[5] is a broad transverse line containing characters similar to those in the line between the divisions of Plates XX-XXIII. The left-hand character (of the three) bears a strong resemblance to the symbol of the Mexican day Ollin, or "Earthquake," but here possibly represents the Maya day Ezanab, and the middle one. Been. The character to the right is the "death symbol," or symbol of the day Cimi. The red and blue scrolls which are attached to and hang below this line probably denote the supposed character of two different years or days, so far as they relate to the chase. It is a fact worthy of notice that on these six plates there are just eighteen of these captured animals, or one for each month of the year. We can readily understand why the festivals or religious observances denoted by these figures and the day and numeral characters are so numerous and occupy such a large portion of the Manuscript. The priests were fond of the savory venison hams which fell to them. Tn other words, it was a scheme on their part to use the religious fervor of the people to supply their larders with this choice meat.
Plate XIV—the middle and lower divisions of which are reproduced in Fig. 116—I take to be a ritual relating to the hunters' festivals. In the upper division we see two persons dressed as Chacs, and bearing the emblems of the festival to the temple or appointed place. The middle and lower divisions contain entire transverse lines of the same character repeated. If we take them in columns, instead of transversely, we will find that they differ from each other only in the top and bottom characters and the numerals. As an example, I refer to the third column from the left of the middle division (omitting from the count the usual day column at the left). The character at the top is the one already interpreted as signifying "the east"; three of the other columns have each one of the cardinal points, the rest of the characters being the same in each column and in the same order except the numeral and the character below it. The same is true in reference to tho lower division. As these appear to designate mere repetitions, either of actions or words, varied slightly as to direction or number, I conclude that, taken together, they form a ritual for the ceremonies that relate to the chase.
Plates XV-XIX appear to represent tokens of hunting scenes and the ceremonies of the hunters' festival In the upper division of XVII, XVIII, and XIX we see the hunters returning from the chase, some bearing their game, others their weapons, and others flowers in token of success.
On Plates XV and XVII we see some of the game left behind for the vultures, which are devouring it. The middle division of XVI and XVII relate to the same subject; the left figure in the latter is represented as being bitten by a rattlesnake, one of the dangers to which they are subject while pursuing their calling. The figures at the right of the upper division of the same plate represent a master punishing his slave or follower; the difference in the belt anklets and dress showing the difference in condition.
It is more than probable that these figures are to a certain extent cabalistic and also that it is a part of the ceremonies of the festival to represent these incidents of the hunter's profession.
The large figure in the middle division of Plate XV I presume represents an idol, made for the occasion, in the form of a deer. If so, we see here a strong indication of phallic worship. In the lowest division of Plate XVII we observe a woman piercing her tongue with a maguey leaf, while in front is an-incense-burner.
The two figures in the upper division of Plate XIV are doubtless Chacs selected for the occasion, who are carrying to the festival the implements of the chase and a sun image. The character on which the figure in the lower left-hand corner, middle division of the same plate, is standing, is probably a representation of the trap, or rather trigger, used in snaring game.
We observe that the left-hand figure of the lower division of Plate XVI is bearing in his hands a Kan symbol on which is placed a deer's head. We see exactly the same combination in the fifth transverse line of the title-page—a deer's head on a Kan symbol, emblems of their chief means of subsistence, maize and venison.
The figures in the middle division of Plate XVIII are evidently symbolical, as the positions are unnatural. I am inclined to believe the upper of the two figures denotes a supposed phantom, which, according to the superstitions of the Indians, flew through the air, destroying game as it passed. This is a mere supposition based wholly on the figures themselves, yet one that I think is warranted.
The figure in the lower division of this plate (XVIII) probably represents a priest clothed in animal skin, or an idol.
The black and white figures in the middle and lower division of XIX are grinding paints to be used in their ceremonies. The black is the same personage as the right-hand figure in the upper division of Plate VI (Chicchac-Chob). The white one in the middle division is a personage we frequently meet with on the pages of this work and in reference to which I will have more to say hereafter. The white figure in the lower division is certainly the same as those on Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have decided represent Uayeyab idols. It here no doubt signifies a priest dressed to represent this idol.
Plates XXIV-XXVIII appear to relate to one subject—the rainy season, or rains, storms, clouds, &c. I think it quite probable that pictures of this kind seen by the early writers on the manuscripts which they inspected, were the ones they supposed related to the great floods which inundated that country. From a careful study of them I conclude they are of general application, and refer simply to the storms, clouds, &c., of the rainy season of the year, and not to any particular event.
As each of these plates is complete in itself, there is nothing in them, except the subject treated of, to indicate the order in which they are to be taken; but this is too uncertain a guide for us to base any confident opinion upon. All I can say on this point with confidence is that XXIV and XXV appear to relate to severe and destructive storms, and XXVI and XXVII to beneficial and fertilizing rains. The figures in the lower division of the first two I think indicate the formation or commencement of the storm. We see in both a young or small serpent, which, I think, is here the symbol of a cloud. That on Plate XXV is a rattlesnake, indicating its deadly character, as does also the death symbol near by. The apron of the great, robust female is cross-hatched—which here may signify Zih, "origin" or "birth"—and denote that the serpent, which is issuing from behind it, is in process of birth. The character held in the right hand is Ik, "breath," "wind," or "spirit"; the blue lines from the mouth, which strike against the falling figure with the dead eye, denote the fierce storm on its errand of destruction and death.
The beam shooting out from the eye may possibly denote lightning, though in the similar figure on Plate XXVII this appears to be indicated by the red dots in the bound serpent on the head. The intention appears to have been to indicate the Maya equivalent of the Mexican female deity, Chalchihuitlicue. This deity, according to Sahagun, was the sister of the Tlalocs. "She was honored because she had power over the waters of the sea and of the rivers to drown those that went down to them, to raise tempests and whirlwinds, and to cause boats to founder. They worshiped her, all those that dealt in water, that went about selling it from canoes or peddled jars of it in the market. They represented this goddess as a woman, painted her face yellow, save the forehead, which was often blue, and hung round her neck a collar of precious stones, from which depended a medal of gold. On her head was a crown of light-blue paper, with plumes of green feathers and tassels that fell to the nape of her neck. Her earrings were of turquiose, wrought in mosaic. Her clothing was a shirt or upper body garment, clear blue petticoats, with fringes, from which hung marine shells, and white sandals. In her left hand she held a shield and a leaf of the broad, round, white water-lily, called atlacuezona."[6]
Clavigero makes the following statement in regard to this goddess: "Chalchiucueje, otherwise Chalcihuitlicue, was the goddess of water and companion of Tlaloc. She was known by some other very expressive names, which either signify the effects which water produces, or the different appearances and color which it assumes in motion. The Tlascalans called her Matlacueje, that is, clothed in a green robe; and they gave the same name to the highest mountain of Tlascala, on whose summit are formed those stormy clouds which generally burst over the city of Angelopoli. To that summit the Tlascalans ascended to perform their sacrifices and offer up their prayers. This is the very same goddess of water to which Torquemada gives the name Xochiquetzal, and the Cav. Boturini that of Macuilxcochiquetzalli.[7]
The interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis says: "Chalciutli, who presided over these thirteen days, saved herself in the deluge. She is the woman who remained after the deluge. Her name signifies, 'The woman who wears a dress adorned with precious stones' They here fasted four days to Death. They painted her holding in one hand a spinning-wheel and in the other a certain wooden instrument with which they weave; and in order to show that of the sons which women bring forth, some are slaves and others die in war, and others in poverty, they paint her with a stream, as if carrying them away, so that, whether rich or poor, all were finally doomed to perish."[8]
We may therefore, I think, safely assume that the figure in our plate is intended to represent the Central American or Yucatec goddess Xnuc, who appears to be an equivalent for the Mexican female deity described, and that here, at least, she is but a symbol of the mountain range where the storms were formed, and from whence they rushed down into the valleys and plains below. Whether the large figure in the lower division of Plate XXVII is intended to represent the same deity is somewhat uncertain, but judging by the blue hair, blue ear-circle, the bound serpent on the head, and the similarity in the form of the mouth, anklets, and wristlets, I am disposed to believe it is, notwithstanding the material differences in other respects. The mouth of the latter, the peculiar form of which is more distinctly shown than in the former, reminds us very strongly of that of the symbol of the Mexican day Ehecatl, "wind," as given in the various Codices. I am disposed to think that the figure in Plate XXV represents her as the storm-brewing goddess, while that in Plate XXVII shows her as the giver of beneficial and fructifying rains. In the former the eye simply shows the lightning flash, while in the latter it is surrounded by the curved Tlaloc sign, or what is supposed to be the sign of the Tlaloc eye, though certainly not limited to this deity.
The figure in the lower division of Plate XXIV is evidently intended to express the same idea as that in the lower division of XXV; but I am at a loss to decide what deity is denoted. A god with four hands, as here shown, is an anomaly in Mexican and Central American mythology. I have failed to find any such represented in the Codices, though I have looked through them somewhat carefully for this purpose. Nor have I found any mention of such an one in any of the works I have at hand.
Prof Edward S. Holden thinks he sees four hands to the figure on the Leyden Stone, but I must confess I have been unable to find more than two which appear to belong to the principal personage. He is of the opinion that the figure on our plate is intended to represent the Mexican god of war, Huitzilopochtli[9] It is possible that this surmise is correct, as it agrees in several important respects with the dark figure in the upper division of Plate XXV, which I think beyond doubt represents this deity.
As the reader will find the characteristics and symbols, and also a very reasonable and probably correct interpretation of these given at length by Bancroft in his Native Races, I will omit the mention of them here. I only add that here we see the feathers, the shield, the snake belt, the arrows and spear, and everything, even to the attitude, that betokens a warlike deity. The accompanying serpent, which here clearly denotes a cloud, is not wanting; the rain pours down in fearful torrents, and on each side is the death symbol. This god we know was a companion of, or, rather, accompanied by, Tlaloc, whose figure we see by turning to the adjoining Plate XXIV. But here, instead of being in his favorite blue, we see him clothed in black and bearing on his arm the shield that forms one of the tokens of the war god. On this we see the symbol for Ik, "breath" or "wind," twice given, betokening the storm and the whirlwind. In his right hand the spear-hurler, or, as here used, the lightning symbol, while in front of him is the Uayeyab idol or figure representing the year, upon whose head the torrents are descending, and upon whom the angry Tlaloc appears to be venting his wrath. If a supposition, hereafter more fully explained, that this figure represents Zamna, or corn, prove correct, the signification of what is here shown is at once clear.
Above the head of the god, sailing through the air, is a batrachian, or frog-like animal, a symbol of abundant water.
The large character in the middle, which has the inner space blank, was doubtless intentionally left so. I am unable to guess its meaning, unless it be a time symbol of some kind. The transverse line of partially obliterated characters at the top are similar to those found in the middle transverse line on Plates XX-XXIII, which probably have the same signification here as there.
As before remarked. Plates XXVI and XXVII appear to belong together, and to refer to the milder and beneficial rains.
In the upper division of the former we see Tlaloc, accompanied by his four Chacs, the latter without any marks of distinction, as here the intention appears to be to represent them as rain-givers only. The former is shown here in his usual blue color, but the scorpion-like caudal appendage is uncommon, and, taken in connection with the plate on the loins to which it is attached, is, as I believe, a time symbol of some kind. We notice that the claw at the tip appears to clasp the single red numeral character surrounded by dots. In this space we also observe the symbols of the four cardinal points, one by each Chac.[10] The figures in the lower division of this plate, I think, are easily interpreted. Here is the cloud, or moisture, represented in the form of a serpent, with a Tlaloc head to denote its beneficial and fertilizing influence. Tlaloc, who has been riding upon it, now starts upon his descent to earth, bearing upon his back the symbol of abundance of food—a vase filled with corn and a vine loaded with fruit.
I am aware that I have heretofore referred to the serpent as a symbol of time, but this diversity in the application of this symbol has been recognized by others. Bancroft, after a thorough consultation of the numerous authorities in his extensive library, remarks, in speaking of the attributes of the Mexican god Huitzilopoctli: "Huitzilopoctli is also a snake god. * * * * If the snake signifies in one case time, in another world, and in another instance water, or the yearly rejuvenation of germs and blossoms, the eternal circle of nature, divination, soothsaying, it is quite proper, for all these qualities are found united in the god."
The figures in the upper division of XXVII are very similar in character and signification to those just described. Here is the snake cloud floating along, the crimson underlining indicating either the lightning or the effect of the setting sun. On the head stands Tlaloc, while he pours out the rain from the inverted vase in his hands. On another part stands a goddess, possibly Ixmol, also pouring the refreshing rain on the parched earth.
The central figure in the lower division of this plate has already been alluded to and the conclusion reached that it is the female deity Xnuc, the mountain, or mountain range, from which the rains of that region mostly come. The chief parts of the figures in this division may be thus explained: The blue lines, the rain flowing out from the skirts and down the sides; the serpent, the embryo cloud on the summit, through which the lightning, represented by the red dots, is playing. Here we see the four Chacs, with their distinguishing marks upon them; also Tlaloc, with a singular headdress.
From a careful study of these four plates I conclude that XXV precedes XXIV, and that XXVII precedes XXVI, in other words, should proceed to the left in the order paged. Plate XXVIII appears to relate somewhat to the same general subject as the preceding group just described, but is not so directly connected with them as they are with each other. It seems, in fact, to belong between this group and the one which follows (in the order of the paging), and apparently precedes the former.
The chief objects of interest on this plate are the figures in the second and lower division. The larger figures either represent two deities closely allied and belonging to the same class, or are symbolic. As they are frequently met with throughout the Manuscript I presume they are recognized deities. In this place I think they represent the earth or soil, which, parched and dry in consequence of a severe drought, are here represented as looking up toward the heavens, as if supplicating rain upon the planted and sprouting maize, the emblems: of which they bear in their hands. As will be noticed elsewhere, there are very strong reasons for believing that the lower figure, and probably both, represent gods of death, or that they are symbols of death. This agrees very well with the explanation I have suggested. The lower figure has in one hand the bread symbol, in the other that of sprouting corn. In the hands of that of the second division are smaller figures, bearing Kan characters, here doubtless used as corn symbols.
These smaller figures with the two-colored face, which will be found frequently introduced on the next five plates, certainly represent something of the utmost importance in, or bearing a close relation to, Maya agriculture.
Without stopping just here to give my reasons for the belief, I venture the opinion that they are here given as figures of the deity Zamna, or Itzamna, but with the—as I presume generally understood—idea, or belief, that Itzamna and maize were equivalents, or so closely related, that to figure this deity in connection with agricultural subjects was equivalent to figuring maize, or possibly seed in a broader sense.
The blue, serpent-like figure with purple margin in the third division of this plate (XXVIII) is possibly intended as the symbol of a floating cloud. The chac in front, Tlaloc resting quietly on one of the curves, the blue color and purple lining all correspond with this idea. But the Zamna figures and vegetable sprouts upon it do not agree with this interpretation. Still I believe it to be the idea intended.
Plates XXIX-XXXIII appear to relate entirely to agricultural puruits, especially to the cultivation of maize, cacao, some vine, and possibly, cotton.
In this connection I would call special attention to the first (top) and second divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI, and the two Tlaloc figures in the lower division of XXXIII In these we undoubtedly have the planting of seed, most likely corn, represented. The number of grains deposited in a place appears usually to be five, but occasionally six seem to be dropped. The opening or hole in the soil is made with a pointed wooden stick, always more or less bent or curved in the figures. According to Landa the custom of the native farmers was to make holes at regular intervals, and in each deposit "five or six grains" of maize. The number appears to be indicated in the plates, not only by the figures of balls dropped, but also by the spread fingers with knobs at the tips, showing that five was the established number. As further evidence of the correctness of this interpretation, the individuals represented on Plates XXX and XXXI, as engaged in this work, have their heads covered with a kind of matting or straw hat, indicating that they are in (he sun, where the head needs protection. The character in this headgear, as will hereafter be shown, probably signifies ppoc, "a hat" or "head-covering."
The similar operation represented in the lower division of Plate XXXIII, where Tlaloc, or a priest attired as this deity, is the planter, probably refers to the seed of some other plant, possibly the gourd or bean, or the leguminous plant figured in the second division of the same plate.
As I have expressed a belief that the figures with a two-colored face are given to represent Zamna, or Itzamna, one of the chief Maya deities or culture heroes, I will give here in part my reasons for this opinion.
First. As has been heretofore intimated, and as will hereafter be more fully shown, the Imix and Kan symbols are undoubtedly often used to denote bread and maize, and the word, or name, Itzamna has as its primary signification seed from which plants issue, the chief reference being to maize. Second. In the plates now under consideration the figures with the two-colored face appear to have some intimate relation to agricultural pursuits.
Third The Kan symbols and these figures are both represented as being attacked by quadrupeds, birds, and worms.
For example, on Plate XXIX, left-hand figure of the second division, we see a bird picking up the planted seed before it has sprouted; in the next figure to the right, same division, we see a small fox-like quadruped seizing it after it has sprouted; in the third division, same plate, and lower divisions of Plates XXX, XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII, we see quadrupeds, birds, and worms attacking these supposed Zamna figures.[11] In the latter cases the intention was probably to signify that the plant was attacked by these enemies. The figure in the lower left-hand corner of Plate XXX shows three worms at different heights, probably signifying that the root, foliage, and fruit were attacked. The symbol ca in the eye of this figure may be considered a symbol of the cultivated calabash, though it is probably intended to signify that the plant (which I take to be a maize symbol) is dead, having been killed by the attacks of these insect foes.
I am aware that the explanations here given may be considered as somewhat overstrained, yet I am convinced that a close and careful study of these figures and all that can be found relating to them will end in leading others to the same conclusion. I may also add that the difference in the plants or varieties represented by these figures (if such be their signification) is shown by the eye and the marks on the head-dress, which here appear to refer to foliage. Possibly these differences have reference only to the different kinds of corn, but this I think is indicated by the color. See, for example, Plate XXX, third division, the yellow and white.
The peculiar birds in the third divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI may have reference to certain auguries; otherwise I can give no guess as to their meaning,
The next to the right-hand figure of the third division, Plate XXIX, probably represents some such plant as maguey, or yucca.
The lower left-hand figure of Plate XXXI I think simply represents the act of watering the parched and dying-maize plants. The Kan character here bears a sprout, or plant, which appears to.be drooping and dying. Although the figure holding the jar is Tlaloc, I think this represents artificial watering, and not rain.
Plates XXXII and XXXIII appear to relate principally to the cultivation of cacao, cotton, and some climbing plant, and to severe drought.
The figures in the upper division I think relate to the cultivation of the cacao, either to the festival held specially by the planters, as described by Landa,[12] the particular part taken by them in the festival held to induce the gods to give them rain, or some incident in the process of cultivation.
Landa, in his description of their special festival in the month Muan, states that "they gave to each of the officers a branch with the fruit of the cacao." This is doubtless represented by the figures holding branches in their hands.
The figures in the second division of these two plates represent two different plants—one evidently a vine supported by a stake, just as grape vines are now supported, on which hang what appear to be pods, possibly beans of some kind. The other plant has a fruit represented by a little circle surrounded by a ring of dots, possibly cotton.
In the third division of these plates there are figures of fox-like animals bearing torches and leaping over a sleeping Zamna figure and an incense-burner. In the place of the eye is a character resembling that for C or Chuen. It is possible that it here stands for the Maya word chocou, "hot," or chocoual, "heat," and that the animal with the torches is a symbol of the scorching, burning heat of the sun.[13] This idea agrees very well with what we see in the division above (second). The figures here appear to represent cultivated vines, which are parched and dying from the effect of heat and drought. The Tlaloc head at the foot of one of. these shows that they are also to some extent symbolic.
The third and fourth divisions of Plates XXXIV and XXXV evidently relate to painting the vessels, &c., alluded te by Landa, where he says that "during this month (Yaxkin) they commenced to prepare themselves, according to custom, for a general festival which was celebrated in Mol, on a day which the priest designated, in honor of ail the gods. They called it Oloh-zah-kam-yax. After the. ceremonies and usual incensing which they wished to do, they smeared with their blue paint the instruments of all the professions from those the priest used, even to their wives' spindle and the doors. of their houses." Here we see the priests dressed up to represent certain deities, with paint-pot in one hand and strip of yucca or maguey leaf in the other, applying the blue paint to their vessels (see Fig 25).
The following statement, by Col. James Stevenson, regarding the method in use among the Zuni Indians in making and applying paints to their pottery, will illustrate this: "When the pigment is properly reduced and mixed with water so as to form a thin solution, it is applied with brushes made of the leaves of the yucca. These brushes are made of flat pieces of the leaf, which are stripped off and bruised at one end, and are of different sizes adapted to the coarse or fine lines the artist may wish to draw. In this manner all the fine lines on the pottery are produced."
The figures in the upper division of these two plates perhaps represent priests with calendar wheels, determining the time at which the coming festival shall be held.
Those in the second division, of Plate XXXV are probably in the act of preparing the paint.
PART SECOND OF THE MANUSCRIPT.
The title-page.—Although this is occupied almost wholly by characters, 1 think it is best to discuss its general import in this connection.
One of the first things that strikes us as somewhat singular, and as having some hidden meaning, is the fact that there are ten transverse lines (the numerals are not considered separately from the characters to which they belong) and seven characters or groups of characters in each line, making seventy in all—exactly the number of plates in the Manuscript. This arrangement by sevens cannot be accidental, and must therefore have had some particular meaning understood by the author and those for whose use the work was composed. That it does not refer to any of their divisions of time I think is clear from what has been shown concerning their calendar. When I first noticed this arrangement I was of the opinion that it indicated the number of different subjects treated of in the manuscript, and that the page should be considered in columns. But subsequent study has led me to doubt the correctness of the first part of this theory.
We observe that the first (top) line consists of seven day characters as follows (counting from left to right as numbered): Ymix, Ik, Akbal, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, and Manik. Two are obliterated, but there can be no doubt that the missing ones are Kan and Chicchan, a conclusion I had reached before I had seen Rosny's work or Dr. Brinton's article. Brasseur supplied the fourth space with Ahau and the fifth with Kan.
In this connection I call attention to the fact that on the left-hand slab of the Palanque Tablet there are just seven double characters under the large initiatory hieroglyph. Omitting the four characters by the upright of the cross, the number of columns is an exact multiple of seven, whether we omit or include the single ones in the transverse lines above the heads of the priests.
Counting the large initiatory character as four—as it covers four spaces—and each double one as two, there are 245 characters on the entire tablet—an exact multiple of seven. It may be worthy of notice also that there are just seven characters in and immediately around the cross (included in the above calculation), viz, two on the upright, omitted in Dr. Rau's scheme; two each side, and one immediately to the left of the lower end of the arrow shaft (also omitted in Dr. Rau's plan); that there are 17 (= 10+7) characters in each column of the outer slabs.
This may be accidental, and, as a rule, but little confidence should be placed in such calculations; but this, taken in connection with what we find in this line in the Manuscript, is sufficient to lead us to believe that this septenary arrangement is not accidental, but intentional, and has some specific, hidden meaning.
The tablet on the inner wall of Casa No. 1 (Stephen's Cent. Am, II, 343) has on it fourteen columns, each with ten characters, making 140 in all; but those on the outer corridor of the same casa have each twenty columns of twelve characters. The tablet of Casa No. 3, which appears to be closely related to the Tablet of the Cross, presents no such septenary arrangement, yet even here there are (counting long and short) seventeen columns, and in the extreme right and left columns just seventeen characters. I find this arrangement by sevens frequently in the Mexican Codices, but in most of these cases it is apparent that this results from the division of 13, as a corresponding arrangement by sixes accompanies, or is to be understood.
Returning to our plate, we may, as I think, make use of this septenary characteristic in determining some of the numerals that are partially obliterated. The red are sufficiently distinct except the missing ones in the upper line, in reference to which there is no question of doubt in the minds of students of this work; and the right-hand one of the line next to the bottom—the only question here being whether this is 18 or 19. Adding together all the numbers indicated by these red numeral characters (including the seven in the upper line), we find the sum to be 153, if we count the right-hand one of the 9th line 18, or 154 if we count it 19. As the latter number (154) is an exact multiple of seven, we conclude that this character is 19, and this agrees with the eroded space and the position of the dots over the remaining portion.
This septenary arrangement does not appear to hold good with the black numerals.
Returning to the first or top line we observe, as before remarked, that it commences with Ymix. According to Landa the Mayas began the computation of their days, that is, their calendar, with one Ymix. We quote his language here, as it is somewhat singular:
"It is curious to note how the dominical letter [of the year] always comes up at the beginning of its year, without mistake or failing, and that none of the other twenty letters appears. They also used this method of counting in order to derive from certain letters a method of counting their epochs and other things, which, though interesting to them, does not concern us much here. It is enough to say that the character or letter with which they begin their computation of the days or their calendar is called one Ymix, which is this 
which has no certain or fixed day on which it falls. Because each one changes its position according to his own count; yet, for all that, the dominical letter of the year which follows does not fail to come up correctly."[14]
It appears that the Chiapenec, Tzendal, Soconuscan, Quiche, and Cakchiquel calendars began the list of days with Imox, following it with Ik or Igh. This fact indicates a common origin of the calendars and of the people. It also renders the statement of some of the old authorities, that the names of the days were taken from the names of their deities and heroes, quite plausible. If this be true, we have possibly in the seven days here given the names of the seven chief deities; and the characters on the page are to be read in columns, each column having at the top one of these sacred names. The characters in the second line appear to accord with this view, as the first four, counting from the left, are those which I have attempted to prove indicate the four cardinal points. As a further examination of this plate would require me to enter into a discussion of the characters themselves I will defer further notice until I reach that subject.
If the figures furnish us with any evidence by which to judge of the contents, I decide without any hesitancy that Plates I*-X* of this part of the work relate to one general subject, to wit, the work and festivals of the apiarists. We may be somewhat surprised to find so large a portion of the Manuscript devoted to the festivals of this limited class, whose industry was generally considered of but minor importance except in certain localities. But here again, as I believe, we detect the cunning of the priests. This was a scheme to supply their board with honey. Moreover, it is quite probable this Manuscript pertained to a section where the production of honey was an important industry.
The objection to the theory that these plates relate to these particular festivals may be raised, that the insects represented by the figures on them are not bees, but beetles (coleopterous insects). The wings and abdomen are, it is true, very much like the elytra and abdomen of beetles, but there are abundant reasons for believing that the opinion I have advanced here, which appears to have been held by Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, is correct.
First. We find nowhere any reason for believing that beetles played an important part in the religious ceremonies of the natives of Yucatan. Second. We do know, from the most satisfactory evidence, notwithstanding the assertions of some writers to the contrary, that bees were abundant in some sections, and there is reason to believe that they were domesticated and reared for their honey; in fact, the collecting of honey appears to have been an important industry in some localities. I quote in proof of this statement from Clavigero, Vol. I, page 68:
"There are at least six different kinds of bees. The first is the same with the common bee of Europe, with which it agrees, not only in size, shape, and color, but also in its disposition and manners and in the qualities of its honey and wax. The second species, which differs from the first only in having no sting, is the bee of Yucatan and Chiapa, which makes the fine, clear honey of Estabentùn, of an aromatic flavor, superior to that of all the other kinds of honey with which we are acquainted. The honey is taken from them six times a year; that is, once in every other month; but the best is that which is got in November, being made from a fragrant white flower, like jessamine, which blows in September, called in that country Estabentùn, from which the honey has derived its name.
"The third species resembles in its form the winged ants, but is smaller than the common bee and without a sting. This insect, which is peculiar to warm and temperate climates, forms nests in size and shape resembling sugar-loaves, and even sometimes greatly exceeding these in size, which are suspended from rocks or from trees, and particularly from the oak. The populousness of these hives are much greater than those of the common bee. The nymphs of this bee, which are eatable, are white and round, like a pearl. The honey is of a grayish color, but of a fine flavor. The fourth species is a yellow bee, smaller than the common one, but, like it, furnished with a sting; its honey is not equal to those already mentioned. The fifth is a small bee without a sting, which constructs hives of an orbicular form in subterraneous cavities; and the honey is sour and somewhat bitter. The Tlalpipiolli, which is the sixth species, is black and yellow, of the size of the common bee, but has no sting."
He also adds, in a foot-note on page 68, the following statement: "The honey of Estabentùn is in high estimation with the English and French who touch at the ports of Yucatan; and I have known the French of Guarico buy it sometimes for the purpose of sending it as a present to the king."
Landa, in speaking of these festivals, makes particular mention of beekeepers, or keepers of beehives.
Third. A careful study of these plates of the Manuscript I think will satisfy any one that the bee is the insect' intended, although the figures are inexact.
Take, for example, the yellow figure in the middle division of Plate V*. The hair indicates that this is a female, and the long tongue shows it has a sucking apparatus.[15] There can be but little doubt that it is intended as a representation of the queen bee, or Ahaulil-cab, "the queen of bees."
As but few particulars in regard to the festivals of the apiarists have been recorded we have but little to guide us in an attempt to explain the figures in these plates. Landa states in reference to them that "In the month Tzoz the bee-keepers (or masters of the hives) prepare themselves for the celebration of their festival in Tzec. * * * * They had for their patrons the Bacabs, especially Hobnil. They made at that time great offerings, particularly to the four Chacs, to which they presented four plates, with pellets of incense in each one and painted round the border with figures of honey [honeycomb?], in order to obtain an abundance by this feast."[16]
Some of the figures appear to relate to the operations and incidents of the industry, as we have seen is true of those that refer to hunting and the hunters' festivals. We see here what appear to be their hives, either artificial—made for domesticated bees—or those cut from the tree containing the honey of the wild bees. Notice, for example, the figure in the hands of the female in the right of the lower division of Plate V*. The upper part bears a different mark from the lower. The lower part is marked with the chief characteristics of the symbol for Cauac, which, as heretofore stated, when given in this way appear to signify that the thing upon which they are 'placed is made of wood. The characters on the upper portion resemble Caban, and here probably signify Cab, "honey," or Cabnal, "a hive of honey"; but it is proper to warn the reader that in other places, as will hereafter appear, it is used to denote the material of which a seat is made. I think it more than likely that here it refers to the vessel in which the honey is contained. I presume this to be the case, because the individuals in the lower division of Plate IX* appear to have lifted the honey out of the vessel which lies at their feet; and we also see on the arm of the individual at the left of the lower division of Plate V* a figure marked with this same character. As he has a staff in his right hand he is probably returning from a successful bee-hunt, bearing his prize. According to Landa the apiarists held two festivals during the year, one in the fifth month (Tzec), and the other in the eighth month (Mol); that is, in October and December. But according to the red and black numerals in these plates the one referred to appears to have been held annually, on the days Gib, Caban and Ezanab, in the 17th month—Kayab—corresponding to the first part of June. The female in the lower division of Plate V* is probably Colebil-Xbolon-choch, a goddess supposed to be the patron of the apiarists.
I would also call attention to the following additional items on these plates which are worthy of notice.
On Plate III*, upper division, next to the left-hand figure, we notice a kind of cross arising out of the body of a bee. On this cross are parts of a partially obliterated figure, which, upon close inspection, I decide without hesitation was that of a bird, reminding us of the bird on the Tablet of the Cross at Palanque and on crosses in several of the Mexican Codices. A foot, the tail, and parts of the wings are yet plainly visible. The right-hand figure of the same division also shows a plant in the form of a cross arising out of the body of a bee. I presume these relate to the requests to the gods for rain to make the plants produce flowers for the bees.
The figure at the right of the middle division of the same plate, which I take to be the god of death, appears to be in the act of breaking a vessel of earthenware, which, as the presence of the cross-bones indicates, is intended to signify death. The character between the parts of the broken vessel probably signifies "divided" or separated.
The figures along the lower margin of the middle division of Plates VII*, VIII*, IX*, and X* are chiefly representations of offerings made to the gods of the bee-keepers, as here we see the leg of a deer, bread, maize, &c.
The broad rectangular red figures in the middle division of the plates last mentioned, and elsewhere, from which the bees are flying, may represent hives which were suspended by cords. If not, I am wholly unable to guess their meaning.
As I have not been able to group the remaining plates of the Manuscript in a satisfactory manner, I will content myself with referring to such figures as I think I can explain, without attempting, except in a few cases, to show their connection with others.
The females and god of death figured on Plate XP appear to be weaving, or making ropes. The figures themselves indicate this so plainly as to leave no doubt in my mind in reference to it. Moreover, some of the written characters, as I think, correspond with this interpretation. It is probable the figures are also symbolic representations of human life. The female figure, I presume, is intended to represent the goddess Ixchel, who, in addition to her other powers or attributes, was supposed to preside over the formation and birth of infants. The interlaced or crosshatched bundle before her accords with this idea, if my interpretation of this reticulate figure be correct—that is, that it signifies zih[17] or zihil, "birth" or "origin."
The presence of the god of death so close at hand and the death symbol before him in the second division, and twice in the lower division, are doubtless intended to signify the uncertainty of human life. The Ezanab character on the head of this god in this place—as this is not usual—must have some particular signification especially applicable to what is here symbolized. As some of the cognate words, especially where the aspirate is used, denote "certainty," it is possible that it is used here to signify the certainty of death.
Plates XII* to XVII* undoubtedly relate to the manufacture of idols. In the second division of XII* (see Fig. 34) we see the artists painting them with the slip of yucca or maguey leaf, as described by Colonel Stevenson, and also by Mrs. Stevenson in her admirable little pamphlet on the manners and customs of the Zuni Indians.
In the third division we observe the priests consecrating the implements and the wood out of which their wooden idols are to be made. These plates, I think, refer to the manufacture of both kinds of idols, those of burnt clay and those of wood. The wooden block is here represented by the oblong figure with Cauac characters on it; the implement by the twisted figure on or against the block. My reasons for believing that this is a tool of some kind used in working wood is that in the third division of Plate XXIII*, I see it in the hands of individuals who are evidently doing something to trees. The trees appear to be severed as though cut off by a rude saw of some kind.
The figures in the second division of Plates XIII* and XIV* probably represent the idols in the kilns, or in their positions for baking; what the birds on them signify I am unable to say; possibly they relate to auguries. The figures of bent trees in the third and lower divisions of Plate XIII* may denote the temporary cabins in which they worked.
The figures in the lower division probably represent what Landa alludes to when he says, "where they placed the wood with a great urn (tinaja) for to keep shut up (or inclosed) the idols all the time they were at work upon them."[18] We see here the priests offering incense in a singularly shaped burner (Fig. 1 7) over these unfinished idols.
The wood of which the images were formed was probably placed in these urns and steamed, in order to soften it, or, after carving, to give the images themselves the desired color.
The attention of the reader is called to the figures on which the individuals in the upper division of this and of Plate XIV* are seated. The characters with which they are marked denote, as I believe, that they are wooden seats or platforms.
In the left-hand compartment of the third division of Plate XIV* we see one of the priests, or artists, dressed to represent the god of death, preparing the paint. The other two figures in the same division show them at their devotions in their cabins. In the lower division they are at work carving the images. The peculiar form of the instrument here figured (see Fig. 35) leads me to believe it was of metal.
In the upper division of Plate XV* are the "messengers," who were sent by the priests to procure the wood, with machetes in hand, chopping down the trees. Although Landa states that cedar alone was used in this work two different species of trees are evidently represented here, the black one doubtless the native ebony out of which their "black" images were carved.
Division two of Plates XV* and XVI*, and division four of XVII* and XVIII*, represent the artists at work carving images, but here the machete is the chief implement used.
The upper division of XVII* contains two groups of figures which I find it difficult to interpret satisfactorily. I think these are symbolic representations, and not pictographs. The left group may possibly signify that out of the earth (represented by the head in the lower left-hand corner) springs the tree (denoted by the curved beam with Cauac characters upon it); that it finally produces a god (the figure at the top) to which the people and priests offer incense and viands. If this be the true interpretation it is a severe satire upon their worship, and reminds us strongly of the sarcasm of the prophet Isaiah on the religion of the idolaters of his day.
The group to the right is possibly a figurative representation of a similar idea. At the base are two Tlaloc heads, emblems of fertility, out of which arises a tree in the form of a cross, on which is Seated an idol. The plant probably signifies the "tree of life," or "life-giving plant." Similar crosses found in other Codices, with two indicated halves, denote the meeting of two periods of time—that is, the close of one period and the commencement of another; but it is doubtful whether any such idea is connected with this one. I think it has reference to the newly-formed god, as we see the priest here also presenting offerings. The character at the foot of the priest, according to what we have heretofore ascertained, denotes bread. In the third division we probably see the newly-made images in baskets, covered with cloth, as stated by Landa, whose description of this work will be found in Appendix No. 3, I.
The persons represented in the upper division of Plate XVIII* are piercing their ears and sprinkling the blood on tortillas, or on the sacred stones Acantun.
In the upper division of Plate XIX*, and running over upon the right margin of XX*, and in the second division of the former, we have, as I believe, a series of figures relating to one subject. The earnest desire of the Maya woman for posterity is a fact well known; it is also well known that to this end it was their custom to beseech the aid of their deities with earnest prayers. In this series of figures we see, I think, this custom represented and its result. Commencing at the right of XIX* and moving toward the left, there is, first, the woman pleading with one deity, who turns his back upon her—that is, refuses to grant her prayer; the next one listens, but gives no favorable response; the third is more favorable; and now the first (shown again in the fourth figure) and the second (shown again on Plate XX*) are disposed to be gracious.
In the second division is shown the result. Proceeding from the right towards the left we observe the tightening girdle; next, one strand broken and then the other. The figures on which they are sitting are probably intended for mats.
Although this series may have a general application it is possible that it refers also to incidents in the life history of some goddess, or noted female of the early days of the nation.
The figures in the third division of XVIII* an,d XIX* may have some relation to the series first referred to; but, if so, I have not succeeded in finding it out. The lower divisions of XIX* and XX* are occupied with figures of women bearing burdens. The substance borne by three out of the eight is denoted by Kan figures, which, as I have heretofore intimated, represent maize. The two burdens indicated by death symbols possibly denote the bones or ashes of their dead; I think it likely some of them denotes calabashes, gourds, or some vegetable of this kind.
This "death symbol," as I have called it, may also be used as the symbol of some such vegetable product, especially as there are one or two Maya words of similar sound-that signify calabash, gourd, &c. The right-hand figure of XX* is carrying something which probably denotes squashes, and the two at the right of XIX* their lares and penates.
The figures in the third division of Plate XX* (see Fig. 86) form the sequel to the first and second of XIX*, but we are not to understand this as representing baptism,[19] as the sprinkling is not performed by a priest, nor is there a priest present; but rather as ordinary ablutions
The two figures in the left compartment, upper division of XXI*, are undoubtedly time symbols. The triangular Ezanab character in front of the Chac probably denotes the close of a luster or Cycle, as this is the last of the intercalated days of the Ix years. The circles on the curved figure may signify years or Ahaues.
The females in the lower divisions of XXI* and XXII* appear from their hair to be young unmarried persons, who are probably praying unto the gods, represented by the idols before them, to give them husbands, or to grant some special favor.
The upper division of Plates XXIII*-XXVIII* appear to relate to warfare. On Plate XXVII* we see the victors returning, leading their prisoners and captured animals, singing and dancing as they move along. By the wayside is one of the slain enemies being devoured by a vulture. Here the priest is seen also with his captive, but, as might be expected, it is a woman.
On XXVI* and XXV* we see the prisoners delivered into the hands of the priests to be sacrificed. Holding by the hair, as here shown, appears always to indicate that the individual is to be sacrificed. Repeated examples may be found in the Mexican Codices.
On the former there is also the figure of a bird plucking the eye out of one of the slain; but here, as I think, something more is intended than simply that a vulture is devouring a dead man. The peculiar eye and black body show very clearly that this is the same bird as that on the right in the upper division of Plate XXVIII*. In the latter we see the figures of two birds in deadly conflict. What is the meaning of this picture? I believe it is a kind of pictograph, somewhat similar to those drawn by modern Indians, and that it signifies a battle between two tribes, represented by these two birds. The bird with the red circle around the eye denotes that tribe to which the author of the Manuscript belonged, and which, as a matter of course, was victorious. This is shown by the figure on Plate XXVI* previously referred to. As further evidence of this we see the other bird a captive in the hands of the individual at the right hand of the upper division of Plate XXIII*.
On Plate XXIV* we observe the god of the conquered tribe a captive in the hands of the deity of the victors, and in front of them a soldier running away with captured spoils, and the priest with the captured woman. On Plate XXIII* is the figure of a Chac firing the dwellings of the conquered village. The last-mentioned figure is the one Brasseur interpreted as signifying the craters of a double volcano.
The reader is not to understand that I claim that the order in which these figures are mentioned is that in which they should come, nor is it claimed that they denote here a real battle, as it is probable they represent only a kind of play enacted during some festival; yet there is doubtless an allusion to some real battle or war. My principal reason for believing it represents only a play is the significant absence of weapons.
The following account of the celebration of a Pipil victory is taken from Bancroft's Native Races:
"When information was received from their war chief that he had gained a victory, the diviner ascertained to which of the gods sacrifice was to be made. If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days, and upon each day they sacrificed a prisoner. These sacrifices were made as follows: All those who had been in the battle returned home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing with them the captives who were to be sacrificed, their wrists and ankles decorated with feathers and chalchiuites and their necks with strings of cacao-nibs. The high-priests and other ministers went out at the head of the populace to meet them with music and dancing, and the caciques and captains delivered over those who were to be sacrificed to the high-priests. Then they all went together to the court-yard of their tuepa or temple, where they continued dancing day and night during the time the sacrifices lasted. In the middle of the court was a stone bench on which the victim was stretched, four priests holding him by the feet and hands. The sacrificing priest then came forward, adorned with many feathers and loaded with little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with which he opened the breast of his victim, tore out the heart, brandished it toward the cardinal points, and finally threw it into the air with sufficient force to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court, saying, 'Receive, God, this thank-offering for the victory.' This sacrifice was public and beheld by all the people."
- ↑ I am aware that Ekchuah was the merchant's patron.
- ↑ Bancroft's Native Races, vol. iv, pages 317, 318, and 329; Stephens's Yucatan, vol ii, page 182; Waldeck, plate xvii; Dupaix, plate xxvi (Plate 20, Kingsbury, iv).
- ↑ Herrera (Dec. iii, Bk. vi, chap. 3) says they killed their game with gins and snares. The Gentleman of Elvas speaks of a method of catching conies with snares similar to that figured in the Manuscript (Hackluyt Transl. ii, 183).
- ↑ Sr. Melgar (Comp. View, &c.) suggests that it denotes the zodiacal sign Scorpio, and hence autumn. But such a supposition would imply a knowledge of Oriental astronomy not warranted.
- ↑ See Fig. 97.
- ↑ Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. lii, p. 368.
- ↑ History of Mexico, Vol. i, p. 252, Cullen's Trans.
- ↑ Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vi, p. 120.
- ↑ "Studies of American Picture Writing"; in Annnal Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
- ↑ I have been in considerable doubt as to whether these minor deities are Chacs or Bacabs, as there appears to be much confusion in the writings of the old authors in reference to them; but have decided to apply the name Chacs to those which appear to be related to the rain gods. I think it probable that the two terms apply to the same deities.
- ↑ The reader is referred to the quotation from Landa in reference to the ceremonies of the Cauac year (page (66).
- ↑ See Appendix No. 3.
- ↑ I call attention here to Landa's statement, heretofore quoted, in reference to the calamities to be expected in the Ix years, especially severe droughts. Also to the fact that an image of Zamna is introduced in the festival.
- ↑ Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, p. 236. Y mucho de notar saiga sierupre la letras que es dominical en el primero dia de sn año, sin errar ni faltar, ni venir a salir otra de las XX alii. Unsavan tambien dcste modo do contar para sacar destas letras cierto modo de contar para sacar destas letras cierto modo de contar que tenian para las edades y otras cosas quo annque son para ellos curiosas, no nos hazeu aqui mucho al proposito; y por esso se quedaran con dezir quo el caracter o letra de que començava su cuenta de los dias o kalendario, se llama Hun Ymix y es este el qual no tiene dia cierto señelado enque craya. Porque cada uno le muda la propia cuenta y contado esso no falta el salir la letra qui vieue per dominical el primero del año que se sigue.
- ↑ The bee is a mandibulate insect, but has an elongated tongue for extracting the nectar of flowers.
- ↑ See Appendix No. 3, E.
- ↑ In writing Maya words I follow the orthography of the lexicons, but in referring to the signification am guided by what I suppose to have been the sound—for example, tz, z;, and in some cases ch appear to be used to denote the same sound, or at least are the ruling elements of similar words having similar signification. As a matter of course the natives could make the distinctions in their pronunciation. I may also as well state here that I make no claim to a knowledge of the Maya language. I simply refer to the lexicons and grammar for such use as I desire to make of it in this paper.
- ↑ See Appendix No. 3 H.
- ↑ As to the Maya baptism, see the quotation from Landa's Relacion and Translation, Appendix No. 5.