History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 15

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XV.

ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS — CORTÉS IN SPAIN.

1527-1529.

Vicissitudes of the First See — Bishop Julian Garces — The Iconoclast Zumárraga — Lamentable Vandalism — Character of the Clergy — Arrival of Dominicans — Rivalry of the Orders — Introduction of Nuns — Meeting of Cortes and Pizarro — Death of an Ideal Soldier — Excitement Over Cortés' Arrival in Spain — Playing the Gallant — His Reception by the Emperor — Marks of Favor — He is Made a Marquis with Large Grants — Politic Soothings of Discontent — . Why He Lost the Governorship — His Contract for South Sea Dis coveries — His Bride and Jewels — Papal Concessions — Return To New Spain — Ovation to The Hero — Hostility of the Oidores.

New Spain had assumed the position of Castile's leading colony in the Indies, and the cross had ex tended its sway from ocean to ocean before the church proper stepped forward to assume control. Nevertheless a see and a bishop had been granted prior to a single conversion. On the strength of the glowing reports brought by the expeditions of Córdoba and Grijalva, Bishop Fonseca had hastened to confer upon his confessor, Julian Garcés, a Dominican, the title of bishop of Cozumel, and this proving an in significant island, his jurisdiction was extended over Yucatan.^[1] The peninsula remained unsettled, how ever, and the see was in 1526 extended over the Tabasco and Vera Cruz districts to Chiapas, including Tlascala, the latter being designated as the centre and episcopal seat, chiefly as a mark of favor to this loyal little state, and partly because of its location.^[2]

Thus commissioned, Father Julian presented himself in October 1527^[3] to assume charge, and was hailed with all the demonstrations properly attending the reception of the first prelate. A septuagenarian of a noble Aragonese family and of brilliant attainments, which had procured for him the position of royal chaplin,^[4] he could not fail to command great respect, even if his influence was not widely felt among the tumultuous factions which kept the country in a ferment. He arrived in the midst of the disputes between Cortés and Estrada, and exerted himself to conciliate these unquict spirits; after which he retired to Tlascala, there to pursue his duties with the zeal and energy of a younger man, holding aloof as much as possible from political affairs.^[5]

The limits assigned to his see indicated that another was already under consideration, to embrace the more important districts of the lake valley and the promising regions west and south. The bishopric was indeed decided upon about the same time that Garcés obtained the Tlascala see,^[6] and was offered to the deserving and highly esteemed Pedro de Gante, who since 1523 had labored as Franciscan lay brother in Mexico Valley, foremost as teacher and apostle. Deserving and well fitted as he was for the post, the offer is said to have been due chiefly to*his relationship to Charles V.^[7] He had more than once been urged by his superiors and others to accept preferment in his order and in the church, but had always declined to leave his humble position, and to this decision he still adhered. The see was thereupon bestowed, the 12th of December, 1527,^[8] on Juan de Zumárraga,^[9] guardian of the Franciscan convent of Abrojo.

The emperor was in the habit of retiring to this place occasionally for meditation, and had become impressed by the zeal and austerity of the friar, and by his efficient conduct in suppressing witchcraft in Biscay. Such qualities appeared to be needed in a country so racked by abominable superstitions and reckless factions, and as the first audiencia was about to leave for New Spain when the appointment was made, Zumárraga received orders to accompany them without waiting for consecration. He was invested with the additional power of protector of the Indians, and ordered to watch over the observance of the many laws issued in favor of his oppressed protégés.^[10]

On arriving at Mexico he found it extremely difficult to carry out these instructions, for a check upon the ill treatment of the natives touched the nearest interests of the settlers. The audiencia instead of aiding him opposed every measure, as we have seen, and even came to open conflict with him, leading to the excommunication of the two oidores. While correct enough in his course, he was thought to use the pulpit too freely for commenting on the acts of the officials, and the second audiencia received power not only to restrain his language, but to limit his interference as protector. Yet this was but the spirit of the archenemy of witchcraft which had so captivated Charles; and checked in one direction, it broke out in another. His zeal was vehement. Eager to extend the faith, and observing how difficult it was for the people to receive it, he thought the cause must be the heathen relics which kept alive in their hearts their ancient history and religion, hallowed by time, and consecrated by persecution and suffering. Avaricious conquerors and zealous friars had left few public monuments to be cherished, but in the homes of the natives was many a treasured image, and many a picture record of aboriginal tradition, art, industry, and society.

This chain of bondage to old memories must be broken; and in imitation of the example set not long before by Jimenez in regard to the Moors, Zumárraga started out his friars and loyal neophytes on a fresh and searching raid, notably for the abominable scrolls and manuscripts, wherein every sign or picture seemed to the prelate the embodiment of satanic art and witchery. From local and family archives, from public places and from private houses they were brought and cast into one vast pile m the market-place and there burned, It was the crowning act of misguided zeal! And what a pyre was there! Records of the strange unfoldings of an aboriginal civilization, of half-developed myths, of curious customs, of evolving sciences, perhaps of arts already lost. This pious vandalism was not confined to Mexico city, but in all the larger cities and towns great heaps of human experiences were gathered and committed to the flames. And like these pillars of smoke, which on every side were seen ascending to heaven, shall this act of the first bishop of Mexico forever rise before our minds as dark and unwise. And those fires smouldered, now and then lighted afresh — ay, for centuries before church and laity began to realize what they were doing. How fared the results of Boturini's researches? how fared later the archives of Mexico and of the states to the south?^[11]

Notwithstanding the grievous mistake he had committed, Zumárraga's fiery zeal could not fail to achieve also much real good. Quick to observe and of fluent speech, he succeeded in teaching, during the first years at least, a wholesome lesson to the mercenary and indolent of the clergy who formed his staff.^[12] Among the settlers this address proved less effective, owing to the shock given to his influence by the audiencias. For the natives he ever appeared a champion, as must be expected from his position as missionary, bishop, and protector. His jurisdiction was rapidly extending with the formation of settlements in different. quarters, and the spread of conversion under the daily increasing band of friars,^[13] who were penetrating southward into Oajaca and Guatemala, and north-westward into Michoacan and New Galicia.

The Franciscans did not long labor alone, for other orders hastened to share in the promising harvest. Early among these were the Dominicans, twelve of whom were sent from Spain, in company with the twelve Franciscans. Their head, Vicar-general Tomás Ortiz, was detained at court for a time, and his associates waited for him at Santo Domingo. He joined them finally with an additional number, and from the whole selected the symbolic twelve^[14] with whom he reached Vera Cruz in June 1526, in company with Ponce de Leon.

The malady which brought to his death this prominent personage wrought havoc with the friars, as well as others, and soon their number was reduced to seven.^[15] Friar Tomás, who on a former occasion had evinced little regard for the glories of martyrdom, hereupon took alarm and hastened to depart with three of his companions, leaving Padre Betanzos alone with Deacon Lucero and the novice Casas.

Among those who accompanied Ortiz, chiefly on account of ill health, was Vicente de Santa María, a favorite of the Dominican general. Finding himself safe again on his native shore, his missionary zeal blazed up anew, and with assistance from the sovereign he returned to New Spain in 1528, at the head of a larger company than the first, though sickness and other causes reduced the number to six before he reached Mexico.^[16] Installed as vicar-general and inquisitor, he gave an impulse to mission work, reenforced as he was shortly after by a dozen or more friars.^[17]

At first they agreed very well with the Franciscans, who surrendered to them several districts already occupied,^[18] and joined in opposing many of the iniquitous measures of the audiencia; but soon the old rivalry broke out, creating not only a division on public questions, but internal dissensions, which found vent chiefly on the subject of Indian treatment, and the forcible spread of conversion, the Franciscans favoring the alliance of sword and cross. The larger nuiuber of the latter, and their earlier occupation of the field, gave them precedence among both settlers and natives, and the Dominicans were obliged to exert themselves for a share of influence. Some features of their order gave them an advantage, and they attracted attention by the imposing beauty of their convent.^[19]

Among the early missions founded by the order were those of Pánuco, Oajaca, and Guatemala.^[20] That of Oajaca was intrusted to Lucero, now a priest,^[21] and to Deacon Minaya, who in the middle of 1529 founded the first convent at Antequera,^[22] about the time that Betanzos had undertaken his apostolic tour to Guatemala, there to lay the foundation of Dominican labors.^[23]

When Cortés returned from Spain in 1530 he brought twelve friars of the order of mercy, endeared to him by the sage and gentile influence of Father Olmedo. Their leader, Juan de Leguízamo, acted as confessor to his family.^[24] Under the special care of the marchioness came besides a number of Concepcion nuns, who founded the first nunnery under the name of Concepcion Purísima. It was endowed by four young ladies who had already sought shelter from the world in the house of Andrés de Tapia, and who now assisted in spreading the order throughout New Spain, and in training its noble maidens.^[25]

 

Cortés had meanwhile embarked with friends, and after touching at the Islands to display his retinue and riches, he entered the famous little seaport of Palos toward the end of 1528.^[26] With characteristic devotion he knelt, immediately on landing, to express thanks for being permitted to regain his native shore after so many vicissitudes. While awaiting the landing of his party and effects, which involved considerable delay under the cautious restrictions then ruling, he proceeded to the convent of La Rábida near by, there to perform his devotions and despatch advices. It was in this sacred spot that Columbus had sought shelter when on his way to advocate those grand projects which were to reveal a new world; to point out the field whereon the conqueror might achieve fame while giving new domains and fresh souls to the king and church. Here also Pizarro, the conqueror of the other great empire in America, is said to have met the victor of Montezuma; the latter with his great achievements ended, the former at the opening of a brilliant career.^[27] Another strange coincidence: with Cortés was Juan de Rada, a valiant soldier during the conquest, who afterward joined Almagro, and avenged his death by cutting down Pizarro in the midst of his successes.

During the voyage Sandoval had been ill, and on landing he was taken to the house of a rope-maker to receive the necessary care. The hardships he had undergone in the Indies, particularly during the Honduras campaign, had undermined his health, for he sank rapidly. During a fit of depression he sent for Cortés. While the servant was absent, the host, a burly, brutal fellow, entered the room and stealthily examined it. Sandoval pretended to be asleep. The man thereupon broke open the treasury-box containing a number of gold bars and carried them away, the sick man, unable even to stand, being afraid to make an outcry lest the robber should murder him. Cortés soon entered, but no trace could be found of the man, who appears to have gained Portugal with his booty. Sandoval did not long survive. In his will he named the general as executor. To his sisters he gave the greater part of his fortune,^[28] the remainder being left to convents and poor people to form a crown of blessings to his memory. He was buried with great pomp in La Rábida, Cortés and all his suite assuming deep mourning, which was not alone upon the surface. Poor Sandoval! so young, so gentle, the purest and ablest of them all, and to die so soon on his return with all the joys and glories of home unrealized. An enemy even could not meet this cavalier without admiration of his character, and none could long be his associate without learning to love him. Though but thirty-one he had by his bravery and skill achieved a reputation equal to any, as one of the foremost captains in all the Indies. He had not been given the same opportunities for independent achievement as Alvarado, but neither had he nor would he have stained his name with the cruelties of Tonatiuh. He was also more prudent than the latter, and more frank and loyal, and probably abler than Olid, the third of the great captains of Cortés. In the total of his admirable qualities as man and officer he surpassed any of his associates, and gradually assumed the chief place in the affection of his leader, who usually addressed him by the endearing name of "Son Sandoval." His men also loved him as they did no other commander for his kind demeanor, his rare disinterestedness and his constant regard for their welfare, even to the neglect of his own comfort and advantage — a marked contrast to the absorbing selfishness, insatiate greed, and relentless cruelty of nearly all the adventurers who overran the new region, and controlled the destiny of its peoples. And now after his multitudinous dangers and strange adventures, he reached the shores of Spain only to die of disease and find a grave in the soil which gave him birth.

The news of the arrival of Cortés created quite a revulsion of feeling at court, where his presence was entirely unexpected. The prestige of success with high honors and reputed wealth drove calumniators for the moment to the wall. Doubts and suspicions were dispelled, and one vied with another to honor the so lately assailed soldier. The court was then at Toledo, and the king ordered the towns along the way to receive the hero with suitable demonstrations. Crowds thronged the line of march to behold the famous captain, and to gaze at the strange retinue. The Indians in flowing plumage and gaudy ornaments had been seen frequently enough since Columbus first brought them to Spain, but the tumblers and athletes, the albinos and monstrosities, were new, and most of the animals, while curious interest was attracted by the plants and merchandise, and the heavy coffers that betokened rare treasures raised eager expectation. All this, however, served but as a frame to the picture of the leader, who was conspicuous by his dignified bearing and simple elegance of dress.

On approaching Seville he was met by the powerful duke de Medina Sidonia and conducted with great pomp to his castle, receiving in return for his own presents several fine Andalusian horses.^[29] From here he proceeded to Guadalupe to hold a novena at this celebrated shrine, and to obtain masses for his dead friend. It so happened that María de Mendoza, wife of the powerful secretary, Cobos, was there at the time, attended by a large suite. Aware of his influence with the fair sex, Cortés resolved not to miss so good an opportunity to win the approval of the imperial favorite. Never did his fluent tongue serve him to better purpose than when he made his bow before Doña María. He even ventured upon a mild flirtation with her beautiful sister, sighing a subtle allusion to the chains that bound him to another.^[30] All the ladies were enchanted with the gallant and talented hero, who could so well supplement his fascination with rich presents, and Doña María wrote the most glowing commendations of her protégé to her lord, sufficient at least to dissipate many of his prejudices against the adventurer.^[31]

In promise of coming honors, the sovereign was pleased to assign Cortés quarters during his stay at court. On approaching Toledo he was met by the duke of Béjar with a brilliant retinue, who conducted him into the city. The following day, in company with the admiral of the Indies, Cobos, and others, he was received by the emperor, and kneeling to kiss his hand was graciously commanded to rise. He thereupon gave an outline of his achievements, and illustrated the resources of the country with specimens of produce, natives, and treasures. In conclusion he made excuses for the length of his speech and the boldness of his utterances, and presented a memorial wherein his services were more fully recorded. The emperor appeared greatly impressed by the story of the conquest, related with all the skill and grace of which the Estremaduran was master, and by his self-possessed dignity and evident loyalty. Charles frequently called the hero to his presence to be entertained by his conversation, or to consult him upon affairs of state, particularly concerning Mexico, and many of his suggestions for its government were carried out. Taking their cue from the emperor, the courtiers danced attendance upon the adventurer, and stayed awhile their supercilious slander. Cortés became the fashion; and he seemed to play his part as well at the court of Charles as at that of Montezuma. His audacity was charming; at times, indeed, startling to old courtiers. One Sunday, it is related, he had been commanded to attend mass at the court chapel. He surprised the assembly by coming late, and further by passing in front of royalty and taking a seat beside the duke of Nassau, a sovereign prince of Germany. The disturbance was hardly calmed by the information that Cortés had been instructed so to proceed. A still more conspicuous mark of favor was a visit of the emperor to his chamber during an illness arising from change of climate and other causes. This act of condescension created general remark, and was regarded by many as sufficient compensation for the greatest services.^[32]

More substantial honors were accorded by cédulas of July 6, 1529, whereby Cortés, in consideration of his many achievements in acquiring for the crown and church so many provinces, at great personal risk, and in order to set an example for good and loyal service, was granted twenty-two towns in New Spain, chiefly in Oajaca, to contain not exceeding twentythree thousand vassals, including their lands and subordinate hamlets, civil and criminal jurisdiction, offices and rentals, and with full power to dispose thereof according to his pleasure and that of his heirs.^[33] He had been offered his choice throughout New Spain, although the kingdom of Michoacan was pointed out for selection; but he preferred the fertile valley of Oajaca, together with a few places particularly admired in and round the lake valley, including the two favorite towns of Coyuhuacan and Cuernavaca, which he had fancied from the first, Huastepec, with its famed gardens, Jalapa, the beautiful health-resort lying half-way between Vera Cruz and the plateau summit, the seaport of Tehuantepec, and several places in the fertile province of Matlalzinco. The text of the grant contained the usual ambiguities which enabled opponents to dispute the claim on many points, and reduce it, as will be related in a later chapter. He also received certain lands and lots in and near Mexico city, notably the two palaces, old and new, of Montezuma, and two isles in the lake, Xico and Tepepulco, each about half a league in circumference, and intended for hunting-parks.^[34]

There was one thing above all, however, that Cortés longed for — a title. Wealth he possessed, and lands he could acquire, but the credential of nobility, to raise him above the rank of adventurer, give him a place in the select circle of the court, and even to admit him into the fellowship of grandees, this the sovereign alone could confer, and charily enough it was dispensed to the man of inferior connection, however great his merits. The emperor understood the longing, and perceiving the necessity for some such recognition of great services, since the grant of estates was really a mere confirmation of what Cortés already possessed, he gave him the title of Marqués del Valle de Oajaca.^[35] Henceforth the name of Cortés gave way gradually to the designation Marqués del Valle, Oajaca being rarely used, though the mere term 'the marquis' was his common appellation in New Spain, just as 'the admiral' was set apart for Columbus.^[36] The title and authority of captain-general of New Spain and provinces, and coasts of the South Sea, were also conferred on him, with power to appoint and remove lieutenants.^[37]

Cortés had evidently expected a dukedom, with a proportionately larger domain, for when the several documents for title and estates were presented, he declined to receive them, declaring the reward unequal to his services. When summoned before the emperor, he observed that the sovereign could not have been properly informed of the extent and resources of the country he had gained for the crown, or of the immense efforts for its conquest. "Cortés, what I have given is not in final payment of your services," was the politic reply. "I shall deal with you as the archer at practice, whose aim gradually improves till he hits the mark. Receive therefore what I have given, as an earnest, until, with a better understanding of how matters are yonder, I shall be able to conform more entirely to your merits."^[38] Cortés could not but kiss the royal hand and accept, though he was by no means satisfied. Indeed, when the partial concession of a habit of Santiago was tendered, he declined it on the ground that no adequate rental or encomienda accompanied the title to support it.^[39]

Among his most cherished desires was the reinstallation as governor, both as a solace for his injured pride, and for the power it conferred to grant offices, encomiendas, and other favors to adherents. The latter was sufficient inducement both for patrons and friends to support the application with powerful arguments and repeated instances. But the counterargument of opponents proved stronger, upheld as they were by reports from New Spain, where his enemies now held sway. Neither did the emperor desire a repetition of the troubles which promised to arise from such an appointment, nor, perhaps, to hold out the temptation it offered to an ambitious subject not wholly satisfied with the reward granted for his services. The suspicions concerning Cortes' loyalty had evidently revived to some extent, and it had furthermore been concluded for the present to try the efficacy of an audiencia in that country. In any case the result of the residencia must be awaited. The crown had long been impressed with the policy of not confiding the government of a new region to its conqueror, and this even before Columbus demonstrated the wisdom of the measure by his failures. The Great Captain had aspired to rule in Naples, but was recalled for a different reward. These and other answers were given to the applicants, but, aware probably that a delay would lessen their chances, they persisted till the emperor returned a sharp refusal. "Speak no more of it," he said to the duke of Nassau, who was among the supporters of the petitions; "he has now a marquisate with greater rental than all your duchy yields." Cortés' influence was evidently waning, and while the reason may readily be found in the severe reports of the residencia judges, additional ones have been alleged in the offence he is supposed to have given the empress by bestowing on another the choicest of the gems brought from Mexico, after receiving her intimation to inspect them, and by neglecting to court the favor of the president of the council and Secretary Cobos, on obtaining his marquisate.^[40]

One more concession was made, however, both as an honor and to promote the interest and extension of the crown, by permitting him to make discovery expeditions in the South Sea of New Spain, and to conquer and settle any island or coast thereof, westward, not included in the grants to others, such as those to Narvaez and Guzman. Of all such discoveries and conquests he was made governor, magistrate, and alguacil mayor for life, with power to appoint officials and deputies. Further, one twelfth of all such land was granted to him till a full report concerning its nature and resources should enable the sovereign better to decide. This grant was in consideration of the expense he would incur as discoverer and conqueror. He must be governed by the regulations lately issued for discovery expeditions, wherein it is forbidden to take anything from the natives without payment or permission, including their labor, or to carry them away from their country, or to enslave them, save for refusing the faith or to submit to the sovereign. Two friars or clergymen must accompany the expedition to convert and instruct the natives, to prepare a report upon them and the country, and to give permission for enslavement when this was deemed indispensable. Enrolment of men for the expedition must not be made from among actual settlers.^[41] This commission was issued in October 1529 by the queen, the emperor having gone to Italy to be crowned.

In the distribution of favors the friends and companions of Cortés also received a share in the form of coats of arms, offices, and lands, together with a confirmation of the encomiendas already granted them. All who took part in the actual conquest were permitted to carry weapons even in Spain.^[42] The young native nobles who came with Cortés were given in charge of Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo to receive dresses and religious images, and to be taken home.^[43] To the daughters of Montezuma, whom Cortés had taken under his care at Mexico, were confirmed the estates given them by him on their marriage,^[44] to the great delight of the natives, who regarded this act as a favor to the whole people. The services of the Tlascaltecs were further remembered by exempting them from being given in encomienda even to the crown.^[45]

Shortly after receiving the title of marquis, Cortés was formally united to the woman already bound to him by his father,^[46] the beautiful and spirited Juana Ramirez de Arellano y Zúñiga, daughter of the second conde de Aguilar, and niece of the duque de Béjar,^[47] a connection which admitted him to the intimate circles of the highest society in Spain. Brilliant as the marriage must be regarded for Cortés, it does not appear to have been looked upon as a condescension on the part of the bride, for the groom ranked as one of the most famous generals of the age, the rumored possessor of untold wealth and unlimited resources, and withal a gentleman by birth, whose credit for services rendered and opportunities to render more, promised for him even greater honors and grants than he had received. All this was tempting even to the foremost of Spain's grandees, among whom wealth was not over-abundant, and the uncle the duke is said to have been quite eager for the match. Many of the grandees dated their boasted titles but one or two generations back, and beyond this they ranked with the ordinary nobility, to which Cortés' ancestors belonged.

Juana was indeed an envied bride, and the more so when she appeared at court decked in the magnificent jewels bestowed by her husband. The choicest were five stones of great size and brilliancy supposed to be emeralds, and so pronounced by experts, for one of which forty thousand ducats was offered.^[48] They had been cut by Aztec lapidaries with admirable skill and taste, three in the form of a rose, a bugle, and a fish, the fourth as a bell, with a pearl for clapper, and bearing on the rim the inscription, "Blessed the one who reared thee." The fifth and finest was in the shape of a cup, with golden foot, and four chains secured by a pearl which served for the handle. The golden rim bore the scripture text, "Inter natos mulierum non surrexit major."^[49]

Quite a number of people were gratified with a share of the precious stones, pearls, and gold trinkets brought by Cortés, all distributed with politic calculation. A portion was set apart to procure spiritual favors, through the instrumentality of Juan de Rada, who was sent to Italy to kiss the feet of Clement VII. in the name of his master, to relate his efforts for the advancement of the faith, and represent the spiritual wants of the newly conquered region, among which were more friars, and a reduction of tithes. The pope held solemn services to render thanks for the acquisition of so many souls, and issued a number of bulls granting absolution to conquerors for excesses, indulgencies for churches and hospitals, and special favors for Cortés and Rada, for the former notably the perpetual patronage of hospitals founded in his name, and the legitimation of his natural children.^[50] The favors for Rada consisted chiefly of recommendations for his advancement, and these not being carried out, the disappointed soldier went to Peru, where in the capacity of an Almagrist captain he led the onslaught wherein fell the mighty Pizarro.^[51]

After the departure of the emperor from Spain, Cortés found no reason to prolong his stay. He felt on the contrary that he must hasten back to Mexico to protect his interests before it was too late. The decision of the crown to appoint a new government for New Spain gave cause for delay, however, as it would be preferable that he should not enter into Mexico before the change had taken place. The representations from there sought, indeed, to prevent his return at any time. The India Council appear to have advised him to wait yet a while; but, finding that the delay would prove long, he disregarded the hint, and early in the spring of 1530^[52] he left Seville, attended by a brilliant retinue of companions and servants, nearly four hundred, well armed and equipped, and befitting his position as a leading noble of the kingdom, and the central figure in the empire he had won. He was accompanied by his wife and mother, and proud indeed must have been the parent to share in the ovation which fell from every side upon the renowned conqueror, and to witness the scenes of his achievements.^[53]

After waiting at San Domingo for over two months, in vain expectation of the new oidores, Cortés found the cost of maintaining four hundred men too severe; he therefore proceeded, and arrived safely at Vera Cruz the 15th of July.

His reception was not unlike that tendered him four years before, when he was hailed by oppressed natives and persecuted Spaniards as a savior. It was not fully understood on the present occasion what power he possessed, but the mere presence of the hero, fresh from the hallowed circle of the court, and radiant with the honors and retinue of a grandee, was enough to obtain for him an ovation worthy of his pretensions. The natives, in whose eyes none could compare with Malinche, the conqueror, were the most demonstrative, as with flowers they strewed the path before him, and crowded round to place at his feet their presents, from the humble offering of provisions on the part of the poor common people, to the embroidered robes and glittering jewels of the caciques and nobles.^[54] The demonstrations by the Spaniards, who flocked from every part of the country to meet him,^[55] were fraught chiefly with abusive accounts of the audiencia, and loud complaints over the outrages committed against them.

Cortés exhibited his commission to the municipality of Vera Cruz, and caused himself to be proclaimed captain-general, whereupon he took formal possession of Izcalpan, five leagues from the port, as one of the towns granted him by the crown.^[56]

Both alarmed and angered at these independent proceedings, the oidores sent orders for all Spaniards to return to their towns under severe penalties,^[57] so as to enable them to keep back Cortés, and perhaps to drive him from the country. The natives were forbidden to hold intercourse with him, or to supply him food. As for the authorities at Vera Cruz who had countenanced the captain-general, they were punished, and Alcalde Mejía received orders to dispossess him, and cast down the gibbet erected on his grant in sign of authority. The oidores had heard of the coming of new members from Spain, but seem to have at first regarded them as intended to replace their defunct associates, and they felt therefore as confident as ever. Others understood the case rightly, however, and many had suffered too much already from the audiencia to fear additional persecution, so that they preferred to remain with their old leader.

While at Vera Cruz, Cortés received a decree from the queen forbidding him to approach within ten leagues of Mexico, until the new audiencia arrived, lest his presence should give rise to troubles.^[58] He resolved nevertheless to leave the unhealthy coast and establish his headquarters at Tezcuco, although this lay within the prescribed limit, for here alone could he have ready access to supplies for his numerous retinue. In their alarm the oidores sent an appeal to Guzman for aid, and took steps to defend the capital. Cortés being both unwilling and afraid to create disturbance, commissioned Bishop Garcés and some of the friars to represent his peaceful intents. If their military preparations had for an object the pacification of some district, he as captain-general would take charge of any such undertaking, otherwise he implored and even commanded them to pursue a peaceful course. This representation had a certain effect, but the resentment of the oidores was not relaxed. They laid hands on the remaining property of their opponent, cutting off all supplies from that source, and then sought by strict orders and severe punishment to lessen his intercourse with the natives, and by diminishing the contributions on which he subsisted to drive him away.^[59]

Galled by the deference shown to him, they sought to rouse a hostile feeling among the Spaniards by declaring that the laws restricting encomiendas and other privileges were due to his efforts. Under these restrictions Cortés' party was brought to such a stress, according to his own statement, that more than a hundred died from want of food, including his aged mother. This, however, was exaggeration, and the deaths must be attributed chiefly to the usual fever which so frequently attacked new-comers. Though resolved not to be driven to overt acts, he felt it necessary to intimate that unless the persecution relaxed he would be obliged to seize the towns granted him by the emperor, so as to save the rest of his party from starvation. Greater harmony was also necessary to check the growing insubordination among the natives, who felt encouraged by the dissension to attack isolated Spaniards.^[60] Reasoning and meditation had their effect, and Cortés remained at his camp to await the new rulers.

 

 

1. 'Obispado llamado Carolense, y Santa María de los Remedies, en la Peninsula de Yucatan.' By bull of January 24, 1518, corresponding to the civil year 1519. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 241-2, 227-40, with copies of bull, etc. He was bishop on September 6, 1519, says Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 80; while the date in Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., 225, is January 9, 1518; and in Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 324, October 13, 1519. See also Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., 16, 17.
2. For limits, see Concilios Prov., 1555-65, loc. cit. The papal bull was dated October 13, 1525, corresponding to 1526, and the royal decree, September 19, 1526.
3. Mex. Extractos de Cédulas, MS. 7.
4. Born at Munebrega in 145?, he had studied at the university of Paris, and attained a high record for learning, which assisted to advance him in his order. 'Llamábanle por su eloquente Latinidad el segundo Nebrija, y redivio Ciceron.' Granados, Tardes, 324. Fonseca first designated him for the see of Cuba, ere he proposed the delusive advancement to Cozumel. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii, cap. xi., and previous authorities; also Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 465-6; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 112-13; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 104; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 192.
5. The cathedral erected by him was 'dedicada a la Concepcion Immaculada de Maria.' Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 243.
6. It was created October 13, 1525. Morelli, Fasts Novi Orbis, 104; Villa Señor, Theatro, i. 28. This date is confirmed by the very limitation of the Tlascala see, and despite the assertions of Lorenzana and other authorities, who confound the bull of 1530 for the bishop and cathedral with that for the see.
7. See Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 251.
8. Cédula, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 5, granting him control of tithes.
9. He was born at Durango — 'at Zumárraga,' says Vetancurt, Menolog., 61, if so, a village subject to Durango — in 1468, and after assuming the Franciscan habit he rose rapidly to the positions of guardian, definidor, and provincial. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 19 et seq.; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 69; Torquemada, iii. 448.
10. The bull confirming his appointment was issued only on September 2, 1530. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 213. Beaumont adds, 'Clemente VII., en consistorio secreto de 12 Agosto de 1530 . . . erigió la catedral de México," Crón. Mich., iii, 251-3; and, confounding this act with the erection, he wrongly challenges Calle, Mem. y Not. Gonzalez Dávila, loc. cit., assumes that he was consecrated at Tlascala by Garcés, but he is wrong in both date and fact. The different letters of the two audiencias call him simply 'bishop elect.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 119, etc. We shall follow him back to Spain for consecration in a few years.
11. Even among sixteenth-century men, however, there were those who objected, though passively, tothe destruction at lease of the temple-buildings; and Torquemada, iii. 47-50, finds it necessary to come forth in defence of the deed. Vetancurt, Chron., 4, etc., speaks in a similar strain, The emperor wrote approval, as Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 1. 26, fails not to point out. Among modern writers there is but one opinion, of condemnation, although Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 388-9, seeks to magnify the efforts of later missionaries to repair the injury by preserving what knowledge they could gather. Others chose to regard the loss as trifling, one writer in U. S. Cath. Mag., 1844, 142, taking this view on the ground that Aztec hieroglyphics were undecipherable!
12. There was evident need for reform, as accusations were already made against friars and clergy during this first decade, and an imputation against their morality stands forth glaringly in royal cédulas for this period, wherein public mistresses of the representatives of the church and of married men are made subject to certain fines, and to banishment and lashes in extreme cases. Puga, Cedulario, 54-5. The term 'public mistresses' indicates that secret concubinage was not greatly condemned.
13. In 1527 and the following years regular reénforcements of friars came, according to Vetancurt, Chron., 4, and other writers; yet Herrera states that before 1531 there were not over 100 in New Spain, of all orders combined. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 407. Friar Jacobo de Testera obtained permission to bring 120 Franciscans, who arrived after this date. Torquemada, iii. 261, 305, 310.
14. His second company from Spain consisted of seven besides himself, and from the nine survivors at Santo Domingo he selected the remainder. Mendieta gives the names of the seven as Vicente de Santa María, Tomas de Berlanga, Domingo de Sotomayor, Pedro de Santa Maria, Justo de Santo Domingo, Gonzalo Lucero, and Bartolomé de Calzadilla, the last two deacon and lay brother, respectively; and those who joined at Santo Domingo as Domingo Betanzos, Diego Ruiz, Pedro Zambrano, and Vicente de las Casas, novice. Hist. Ecles., 363-4. Torquemada writes in one place Ramirez instead of Ruiz. Several old authorities, including the Dominican chronicler Remesal, appear ignorant of this formation of the band, the latter giving a list made some time after their arrival, which embraces two novices received at Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 11,12. See also Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 3; Vetancvrt, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 34. Ortiz had gained his position chiefly through his service as vicar at Chiribichi, Torquemada, iii. 40, 598, whence he escaped from the massacre perpetrated by the natives. His intriguing character has already been pointed out.
15. Remesal mentions four of the dead. Dávila, Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 4, has five names. Ortiz left with Betanzos, as prelate, and held 'tambien el oficio de Comissario de la Inquisicion,' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 41, hitherto exercised by the Franciscan custodian, yet we find Aguilar named by Cortés as Inquisitor.
16. Names in Granados, Tardes, 330-1. Remesal seeks vainly to account for the falling away of the priests. At first it was proposed to take 40, but a number of these were directed to Venezuela, and Santa Maria left with 24. They were given free passage, 1,500 pesos for a convent, 100 pesos for robes and other necessaries. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ii.
17. 'Entre todos fueron veinte y dos,' before Betanzos went to bring more. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 364. Several of these attained the dignity of bishops.
18. Notably Tlahuac, Coyuhuacan, Amequemecan, east of the capital, and other sections. Vetancvrt, Chron., 26.
19. 'Che è vno dei grandi & forti edificij & buoni che sia in Spagna.' Rel. Gentilihvmo, in Ramusio, iii. 309. It was founded in September 1526 on the street named in consequence Santo Domingo, Libro de Cabildo, September 17, 1526; but according to a writer in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 329, it was occupied only in 1530. It was afterward surrendered to the inquisition office, which again has given place to a medical school. The convent was removed to the site now occupied, and dedicated in 1575. Torquemada, iii. 40; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 62-4.
20. Convents were also erected at Puebla, Vera Cruz, Goazacoalco, in the towns transferred by the Franciscans, and notably among the Miztecs and Zapotecs. Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 75; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 210.
21. Born at San Juan del Cuerno, Andalusia, of poor parents. He perfected his education after admittance to the order. After 1535 he was removed from Oajaca to Miztecapan, where he died. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., 1. 8-20.
22. Twelve building sites were granted on July 24, 1529. The establishment became a priory in 1549. Id., Palestra, 1-15; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 98, 121.
23. As early as 1527, says Remesal, though it must have been a little later. He returned to Mexico in 1531, thence to undertake an important mission to Rome. Hist. Chyapa, 51-8; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., 380-5, 396-7. Betanzos was of a noble family from Leon, educated for the law, but turned pilgrim, and, being disowned by his father, he took the habit in 1514. Although occupying no very prominent office, he ranked high in the order for his austere virtue, his apostolic zeal, and his efforts to promote its interests. Dávila Padilla, Hist, Fvnd. Mex., 5-32; Torquemada, iii. 41-2, 94, 106, 454-5.
24. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 231.
25. By order of July 12, 1530, the audiencia had been enjoined to found an establishment of beatas for teaching Indian maidens. Puga, Cedulario, 42. Vetancurt gives to Friar Antonio de la Cruz the credit of bringing the first three nnns; namely, Paula de Santa Ana, Luisa de San Francisco, and Francisca Evangelista. Trat. Mex., 41. Gonzalez Dávila names Elena de Medrano as leader. Teatro Ecles., i. 7; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 237. Beaumont assumes that Augustinian nnns also came with Cortés. Chrón. Mich., ii. 264. Brotherhoods were fostered to encourage a religious feeling, and the Archicofradía de Caballeros de la Santa Vera Cruz is claimed to have been founded as early as 1523, by Cortés, See names and other information in Pap. Var., xlvi., pt. iii. 4.
26. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 283; Sandoval, Carlos V., i. 895. Bernal Diaz writes December 1527, meaning 1528 no doubt, while Herrera, followed by Prescott and others, gives the end of May 1528. There are several reasons supporting the better authority of Gomara and Sandoval. 'En quarenta y vn dias llegó a Castilla, sin parar en la Habana.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 224. Both of which statements appear to be unfounded.
27. The meeting probably took place in another part of Spain, though historians and poets have preferred to associate it with a spot hallowed by the presence of Columbus. The intercourse between the two men was natural enough, for they had known one another in the Antilles, and were allured by the similarity of their enterprise and renown. 'Fue cosa notable ver juntos a estos dos hombres, que eran mirados, como Capitanes de los mas notables del mundo, en aquel tiempo.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvst., 121.
28. 'Vna hermana . . . se casó con vn hijo bastardo del 'Conde de Medellin,' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
29. Herrera states that he avoided Seville, where Alvarado then happened to be, preparing to return to Guatemala with his newly secured commission as governor. Remesal gives as reason that he was offended with the late lieutenant for neglecting to marry his cousin, as agreed. Hist. Chyapa, 39. It is probable that the avoidance was mutual, and based in part at least on the interference of Alvarado in Cortés' projects to his own advancement. For full particulars, see Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series.
30. It has even been hinted that Doña María made an effort to unite the two, and that Cortés' unwillingness made her his enemy, greatly to his prejudice. But this is unlikely, for the alliance with the ducal family was already a settled affair. Bernal Diaz hints that the match would have procured him the greatest favors at court. Hist. Verdad., 225. The sister married not long afterward the adelantado of the Canaries.
31. Bernal Diaz states that, Cobos was so pleased that he showed his wife's letters to the king.
32. It was the greatest of all favors bestowed upon Cortés, 'desafuciado de los Medicos.' Pizarro y Orallana, Varones Ilvst., 120. This occurred a few days after his arrival at Toledo, says Bernal Diaz, at the instance of Béjar. Hist. Verdad., 225.
33. 'Como de cosa vuestra, propia.' Appeals from him or his alcalde mayor could, however, be made to the king, council, or audiencias; no fortress must be erected without permission; mines and salt-fields were retained for the crown; but the jurisdiction, revenues, and tribute otherwise due to the crown were conceded to him and his heirs. In case of transfer, church and convents could not be included without royal permission; nor could a sale be made without first giving the refusal to the sovereign. The estate was subject to the regulations for government issued December 4, 1528. Possession could be taken from date. This document, wherein Cortes is addressed as 'Don, and (governor and captain-general of New Spain,' is dated at Barcelona, July 6, 1529, and countersigned by Secretary Francisco de los Cobos, the bishop of Osma, who was the president of the Council, and Doctor Beltran, licentiate for the court. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 291-7. The towns named in the cédula are: Caljmacan (Coyuhuacan), Atlacabuye (Atlacubaya, later Tacubaya), Matalcingo (Matlalzinco), Taluca (Toluca), Calimaya, Quanixaca (Quauhnahuac, later Cuernavaca), Guastepeque (Huastepec), Acapiptla (Acapichtla), Antepeque (Antepec), Tepuzlan (Tepotzotlan), Guaxaca (Oajaca), Cayulapeque (Cuitlopan probably), Tlantequila (Tenquilaba), Bacoa (Tepeaca probably), Teguamtepeque (Tehuantepec, a seaport), Yalapa (Jalapa), Utlatepeque (Huitlatepec), Atroyatan (perhaps Atloixtlan), Quetasta (Cuetlachtlan), Tuztlatapeca (Tuxtepec, evidently), Yzcalpan. Gomara, who differs considerably in spelling, adds Etlan, as the twenty-second town. Hist. Mex., 284. The list of the towns, hamlets, and farms, according to the modified list of 1532, is given in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 500-2. See also Puga, Cedulario, 66-7; Montemayor, Svmarios, 150-2.
34. The latter, known also as El Peñol del Marqués, was the scene of exploit when the first fleet sailed against Tenochtitlan. See Hist. Mex., i. 625, this series. The boundaries of the lots and the land along Tlacopan road are minutely given in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 376-81; Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 48-9. See also Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 7. The grant of the isles is dated 6th of July, that of the lots, July 27, 1529, though Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 28-9, prints July 23. Among the lands was the Tlaspana, afterward known as Rancho de los Tepetates.
35. This grant is dated July 6th, the 'July 20th,' in Col. Doc. Inéd., i, 105-8, being an error. Yet in a cédula of April 1st he is already called Marqués. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 379-80.
36. The grant of marquisates became more common after this, chiefly in connection with services in the Indies. Pizarro received it, and Cobos was made Marqués de Cameraza, shortly after Cortés, There was an evident disinclination to increase the number of dukes, and so this half-way concession was tendered where the merits really deserved a dukedom.
37. This commission is also dated July 6th, but is merely a formal repetition of one issued April 1, 1529, in answer to an appeal for his reinstatement, both as governor and captain-general. He was told that the governorship could not be granted till the residencia reports arrived. Real Cédula and Titulo, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 379-80, 384-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 71; Col. Doc. Inéd., 1. 103-5.
38. Cortés, Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 224-5. A substantial increase in favors never came, and for years afterward we find him clamoring about the neglect, and the reduction in his grauts owing to ambiguous documents.
39. Yet his name remained on the register of the order. Torres, Hist. Órdenas Mil., 103. The honor was hardly worth his while, as a marquis. His two natural sons Martin and Luis received it. Most writers, including Prescott, consider the reward as a whole gratifying, but his biographer Pizarro y Orellana hesitates not to write, 'Todas parecieron pequeñas, considerando los servicios, lealtad, y hazañas deste gran Caudillo' — an expression which appears to echo a wide-spread sentiment. Varones Ilvst., 120.
40. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 225-6, points wholly to these additional reasons, particularly to the latter. Cortés relied too much on the support of Béjar, and of the sovereign prince of Nassau, by whose friendship he was deeply impressed, while Cobos and President Loaisa objected to this foreign interloper. 'Porg no piense ningun conquistador que se le deue,' is Gomara's chief reason for the refusal of the government. Hist. Mex., 284.
41. These essential features for the government of discoverers, part of a cédula issued November 7, 1527, are incorporated in the commission to Cortés dated October 27, 1529. On the 5th of November following, a confirmatory cédula was issued, detailing certain powers to be exercised by the governor, such as exiling and punishing objectionable persons. The text of both is given in Puga, Cedulario, 36-7; Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 108-22, ii. 401-5; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 490-6, xxii. 285-95; Alaman, Disert., ii. app. ii. 21-5; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, v. 325-6. By decrees of May 9 and June 9, 1530, Juan Galbarro and Juan de Samano of Tenochtitlan were appointed treasurer and comptroller, respectively, of the lands Cortés might discover and occupy in the South Sea. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 77-83.
42. 'En estos Reynos, como en la Nueva España, pudiessen traer armas ofensiuas, y defensiuas.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iv.
43. The dress is described in a special decree to that effect, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série 11. tom. v. 88.
44. So far one or two out of four had married it appears. Cortés' successor took away the grants, and these were now restored, chiefly as a matter of policy.
45. Herrera, loc. cit.
46. Béjar 'trato con mucho calor de casar le. Y assi le caso con doña Iuana . . . por los poderes que tuuo Martin Cortes.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 284.
47. The father was Cárlos Ramirez de Arellano, the mother, Juana de Zúniga, daughter of Conde de Bañares, first-born of Álvaro de Zúñiga, first duke of Béjar. Both families came of royal blood. The title of Conde Aguilar de Inestrillas was created in 1476, in favor of Arellano, first gentleman of the bedchamber. The title of the duke de Béjar was created in 1485. Siculo, Cosas Mem., 24-5; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 236; Alaman, Disert., ii. 123. 'Hermana del Conde de Aguilar,' says Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i., from which it would appear that the father had already died.
48. But refused, says Gomara, though Herrera, ubi sup., writes: 'Le dauan por elia mercaderes de Seuilla; quarenta mil ducados,' to resell to the Great Turk. The stones have since been classed as jade or serpentine, since no emeralds exist in Mexico. Alaman, Disert., ii. 31.
49. These five stones, 'que las apodaron en cien mil ducados,' were lost when Cortés landed at Algiers in 1541, during the storm which wrecked a part of the Spanish fleet. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 284, 347; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 75. These, the 'finest jewels possessed by woman in Spain,' had been described to the empress, and roused her curiosity. Cortés was informed that she wished to see and probably to buy them, and, unwilling to part with them, they were sent to his wife before appearing at court, according to Gomara. This was probably represented to the empress with a little exaggeration, and she remembered it to his prejudice, Bernal Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 226.
50. These are named as Martin Cortés, Luis de Altamirano, and Catarina Pizarro. The only hospital so far founded by Cortés was de la Purisima Concepcion, now Jesus Nazareno. The bulls are given in Alaman, Disert., 11. app. ii. 26-48, By request of the sovereign to whom belonged the patronage of churches, Cortés surrendered the bull granting to him such privileges. Puga, Cedulario, 75; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 237-41.
51. He was an hidalgo from the mountains of Castile. Almagro the elder at first placed him in charge of his son Diego, who later made him maestro de campo. 'Su Santidad le hizo merced . . . de le hazer Conde Palatino,' is Bernal Diaz' addition to favors granted him by the pope. Hist. Verdad., 227.
52. A royal decree forbidding his entrance into Mexico is dated March 22, 1530, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 403-5, hence he must have left before that date. In a letter to the emperor, Cortés explains that he waited for some time at Seville, and subsequently at San Lúcar, hoping to join the new oidores. Escritos Sueltos, 177-8. Alaman assumes without good reason that he was bidden to wait for the oidores. Disert., ii. 32.
53. Under their care came a number of Franciscan nuns and a dozen friars of the order of Mercy. Bernal Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 231; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 412.
54. A later investigation made it appear that the costly presents were withdrawn from the eyes of officials, and that Cortés sent secretly to Spain some 10,000 pesos' worth of trinkets. Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 531-40.
55. 'Casi todos los Españoles de Mexico, con achaque de salir a recibir le. En pocos dias se le jutaron mas de mil.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 286-7.
56. Also called La Rinconada. According to his opponents these proceedings were arrogantly conducted, 'con alguna manera de bollicio,' and this is not unlikely with so large a band of turbulent followers. It is even said that he claimed all manner of authority not mentioned in his commission, and threatened to hang the oidores. Letters of Salmeron and Guzman, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 190, 412.
57. 'So pena de muerte.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vill. cap. 11.
58. This bore the date March 22d, and was read to him also at Tlascala by an officer of the audiencia, on August 9th.
59. Algaciles were constantly busy arresting chiefs and purveyors ald leading them to punishment with halters round the neck. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 228.
60. The lord of Tezcuco killed several chiefs and took refuge in sanctuary to escape arrest, Zumárraga, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 181. 'Y no en muchos dias faltuan mas de dozientos,' writes Gomara somewhat hastily. Hist. Mex., 287.