History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 17

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XVII.

CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.

1526-1534.

Coruña's Mission — Advance of the Cross — Entry of Guzman into Michoacan — His Atrocities — Terrible Fate of King Tangaxoan — Campaign in Cuinas, Cuitzco, and along Chapala Lake — Battle of Tonalá — Raids from Nochistlan — El Gran Teul — Operations in Jalisco — In Quest of the Amazons — The Greater Spain — Crossing the Espíritu Santo — On to Aztatlan — Devastating Floods — Branding Slaves — The Amazon Myth — Change of Plans — Founding of Towns — Guzman Defies the Audiencia — Castilla's Discomfiture — Nemesis — Bibliography.

It has been related how Cortés, lured by ever present rumors of gold and pearls, had sent forth expeditions which skirted the southern sea from rich Tututepec to distant Jalisco, and then retired to Colima and Tzintzuntzan to form nuclei for proposed colonies, and starting-points for more effective invasions, In Michoacan the exploitation of mines proved a means to attract and maintain settlers chiefly of a reckless class, whose conduct was not calculated to create admiration. The native king, indeed, had cause for bitter complaints, and after the overthrow of Salazar, in 1526,^[1] he came to Mexico for redress, there to observe for himself the beneficial influence of friars, particularly in restraining the colonists in excesses against natives. Of a timid nature, Tangaxoan thought it politic not only to accept baptism, with the name of Francisco,^[2] but to ask for friars to accompany him and spread their faith in his kingdom. This was accorded, and Martin de Jesus, also known as De la Coruña, one of the twelve Franciscans,^[3] set forth with two or three companions.^[4]

They were well received, and soon a convent and church arose, the latter dedicated to Santa Ana, wherem began their proselyting work. A not altogether politic iconoclasm created a hostile feeling among the people, abetted by the native priests, and but for the decided attitude of the king and his courtiers in favor of the friars, their task would have been difficult. As it was, idol after idol was cast down, and temples were purified of their abominations, or destroyed,^[5] and since the wrath of the gods, manifested only in impotent oracles, seemed powerless against the attack of these solitary men, the people recovered from their first shock and began to look more kindly on a religion held by doughty conqueror and patronized by royalty. This change was greatly promoted by the exemplary life of the friars, unselfish, devoid of greed, patient, benevolent, and sympathizing, and these virtues touched the people in particular through the care of children and invalids. With the arrival of more friars,^[6] conversion spread, and hermitages and convents were soon established in different towns, as Guajangareo, Patzcuaro, Acámbaro, Uruapan, and Tarécuaro, all of which were subordinated to the mother institution at Tzintzuntzan, a city confirmed as capital by decree of 1528.^[7]

Michoacan and Colima.

Thus spread a peaceful conquest, marred only by occasional excesses from ruthless colonists, and the Tarascans were becoming reconciled to the Spanish domination, tempered as it was by the influence of the cross. But the peace of Michoacan was not destined to be of long duration. The wealth of its hills was against it, as demonstrated not alone by the unruly conduct of the first colonists, but by the infamous proceedings of the first audiencia against Tangaxoan Caltzontzin, king of Michoacan, who had been summoned to Mexico and there held captive, with significant intimations that it would be as well for him to arrange for a plentiful supply of gold.

It was in December 1529 that Nuño de Guzman left the capital as one flying from retribution. He appeared in Michoacan at the head of a well-equipped army, accompanied by the king, who now served in the additional capacity of hostage.^[8] The return of the monarch was sufficient in itself to give rise to demonstrations of joy, notably at Tzintzuntzan, although the festivities were soon marred by bitter grief. Immediately after his arrival the president required the king to furnish the Spaniards with from six to ten thousand servants for the march northward, and a few days later, under pretext that Tangaxoan did not supply the necessary provisions, Guzman placed him in irons and confined him in a room near his own. Gold and silver were also demanded, but the amount given was far from satisfying Guzman's greed, and Tangaxoan was repeatedly tortured^[9] in the effort to ascertain from him the hiding-place of his store of precious metals, small amounts of which were still brought in from time to time in the vain hope of obtaining the royal captive's release.

As soon as the requisite number of natives had been furnished they were distributed among the Spaniards, and the march of the army continued, the lord of each town or village being carried along in chains as a guaranty of submission on the part of his subjects, after the manner of Tangaxoan, Don Pedro the governor, and Don Alonso, the king's son-in-law. From Tzintzuntzan they went to Puruándiro, fording the river Tololotlan, or Lerma, February 2, 1530, at or near Conguripo. From the day, they named the river Nuestra Señora de la Purificacion del Buen Paso, taking formal possession by appropriate ceremonies, on February 7th, of the country on the northern bank now visited for the first time, and building a kind of walled church, or hermitage, also dedicated to Our Lady of the Purification.^[10]

Encamping near the ford, Guzman proceeded to further try the king, charging him with the murder of several Spaniards, relapse into paganism, and the treacherous design of laying an ambush for the army. Observing that his prisoner was not willing to confess crimes which he never had committed, Guzman resolved to apply more forcible remedies.

Two Tarascan interpreters were the first victims. Information was demanded as to the number of Christians killed by their ruler, the time since the occurrence, and the whereabouts of Caltzontzin's wives and treasure. It was of no avail that they protested ignorance, the lash and dripping water were employed to revive their memory, and at last fire was applied to the feet, until the toes dropped off.^[11]

During the following three days Don Pedro, Don Alsonso, and even Tangaxoan were subjected to the same treatment, all except the application of fire, and with the same result. They were firm in denying the possession of treasure, and affirmed, as was doubtless true, that the gifts already made represented the accumulations of many years, and that as their country produced but little gold they had no more to give.^[12] Irritated by failure, Guzman sentenced the ruler to death, declaring him guilty of all the charges; and after having been dragged over the plain tied to the tail of a horse, Tangaxoan was burned alive at the stake.^[13]

To the last Tangaxoan protested his innocence and his good faith toward the Christians, called on his people to witness how the Spaniards rewarded his devotion, and asked that his ashes be taken home^[14] for burial. This request was disregarded, however, and the ashes were thrown into the river by order of Guzman.^[15] These facts were brought out at the trial of the infamous president in later years, and are supported by statements of the best authorities. I believe there is no circumstance to be urged in behalf of Nuño de Guzman which can justly relieve him of the black crime of having foully and without provocation murdered the kind-hearted Caltzontzin.^[16]

These proceedings materially affected the progress of the expedition, for the news spreading throughout the neighboring districts caused the natives either to fly, or to rise in defence of their homes, only to encounter certain defeat. Any other leader would have been startled by the desolation which met his eye on every side, but Guzman seemed rather to accept it as a flattering tribute to his renown, and made light of the alarm manifested by some of his followers, declaring that he would assume the responsibility before the crown of all his acts.

During the stay of nearly two weeks at the camp by the ford of Purificacion, and while the proceedings against Caltzontzin were carried on, detachments were sent out in different directions to receive the submission of the towns, and they met with no resistance.^[17] Then, after military ordinances were published, the army started down the river on or near the northern bank, and after a march of six days arrived on the borders of Cuinao, or Coynan province, watered by the stream known afterward as the Zula. Chirinos, the late worthy associate of the tyrant Salazar, who accompanied the expedition as captain, was sent in advance to demand submission. He found the chief town abandoned, and the inhabitants in rapid flight, yet defiant, though a slight skirmish, involving the capture of a few of their number was all that resulted from the demonstration. For several weeks the army remained in the camp outside of Cuinao, the town itself having been burned, doubtless by Guzman's order, although it was claimed, as also in many later instances, that such deeds were due to the Aztec and Tlascaltec allies who could not be controlled. Meanwhile expeditions were made into the neighborhood by detachments under Guzman, Chirinos, and Cristóbal de Oñate, to reduce the country and to ravage. Their task was not difficult, for the villages and farms were all abandoned, while straggling fugitives hovered in the distance. A number gradually came in to tender submission, and among them the cacique, upon whom the devout Guzman himself exerted his oratorical power in behalf of the faith for which he was thus mowing a path. It is unnecessary to say that the chieftain was convinced by the arguments of his teacher.^[18]

From here a message was sent to the adjoining province of Cuitzeo,^[19] which lay on both sides of the main river on and near the shores of Lake Chapala,^[20] the chief town of the same name being on the southern bank and within the territory discovered by Francisco Cortés in 1524. It was, however, no part of Guzman's policy to avoid that territory or to respect the rights of preceding explorers. Chimalhuacan and the Ávalos provinces he regarded as legitimate fields of conquest, and he anticipated pleasure as well as profit in wresting these regions from Cortés.^[21] The natives of Cuitzeo, however, were not at all inclined to receive the strangers with open arms, and their cacique sent answer "that he knew what sort of men the Spaniards were, and challenged them to enter bis country." Guzman is said to have hesitated as to what course he should pursue, but Cristóbal de Oñate soon solved his doubts by tauntingly observing that Cortés would never have achieved his glorious triumphs had he allowed himself to be regulated by formalities and requerimientos. He made his demands with foot in stirrup, and entered the very camp of the foe to hear the answer.^[22] The march was accordingly directed toward Cuitzeo, and before long they came in sight of the enemy. When at a gunshot's distance, a native champion came forth to test in a personal combat the valor and weapons of the Spaniards. He was easily vanquished by Juan Michel, a Portuguese soldier, who obtained permission to exhibit his prowess, and the defeat so terrified the Indians that they hastened to seek shelter at the river. Here they recovered their courage, and, on attempting to cross the stream on rafts and by fording, Guzman's forces were attacked in the water and a desperate struggle ensued in the current, on the banks, and on the river island, where the foe had intrenched themselves.^[23]

This continued for several days with severe losses on both sides, Guzman's being mostly confined to his native allies. A few horses were killed, but great care was used in disposing of the bodies so that the foe might not know that those dreaded monsters were vulnerable to their weapons. At last the river was passed, Cuitzeo was taken, and within a fortnight the neighboring places on or near the northern shore of Lake Chapala, and on both sides of the river from La Barca to Poncitlan, were reduced to allegiance by a series of minor expeditions, described with some detail in the records, but a fuller narrative of which is neither practicable nor desirable here.^[24]

From Cuitzeo the Spaniards proceeded to Tonalá,^[25] the aboriginal name of the region about the present Guadalajara, entering and taking possession of the chief town, also called Tonalá, on March 25th. The town and province were at the time under a female ruler, who received the Spaniards with kindness, mindful of the former visit of Francisco Cortés; but some of her people, notably those of Tetlan, well informed of Guzman's proceedings in Michoacan and the murder of Tangaxoan, were indignant that their mistress had welcomed the enemy of her race, and two or three thousand of them gathered with hostile demonstrations on a height overlooking the capital, near the actual site of Guadalajara. A demand of submission was haughtily spurned, whereupon Guzman led the charge against them, assisted by Oñate and Verdugo. A lively battle ensued, for the natives fought with a desperation hitherto unparalleled; but they were comparatively few in number, and had at last to succumb, with great loss. During the struggle Guzman's lance was wrested from his grasp and directed against himself, but one of his companions turned the weapon from its course and saved his life. It is even said the fight was so hot that Santiago himself felt obliged to appear in succor of his faithful children.^[26]

After this battle the whole province was quickly brought into subjection; in fact, there was no further resistance. Yet the hostility of the Tetlan warriors gave Guzman a pretext for plundering^[27] and burning, the latter part of the performance being always attributed to the unmanageable Indian allies. On the ground that the province had not been permanently subjected by Francisco Cortés, Guzman claimed it as a new conquest, and in commemoration of his great victory two chapels were built, one within the town, dedicated to the holy virgin; the other on the lofty battle-ground, dedicated to the victoria de la cruz, by which term the chapel became known, and in token of the same a cross was erected, some sixty feet in height, which could be seen for many a league, bearing witness to the irresistible valor of Christian soldiers.

After a fortnight's stay at Tonalá, about the beginning of April, the army resumed its march,^[28] passing almost wholly through deserted farms and villages. Near Contla a body of natives ventured to attack the vanguard under the maestro de campo, in retaliation for which a hill village was suprised while the inhabitants were engaged in religious exercises.^[29] On approaching

Nueva Galicia

Nochistlan, Guzman learned that numbers were prepared for resistance. Messengers were sent to demand peaceful submission, only to be driven back by missiles. When the army came in sight, however, the natives retreated toward the mountains, the cavalry pursuing and capturing a number. The torch was now applied to the deserted town, and detachments were sent to explore and conquer the neighboring districts. One band under Chirinos, sent to Teul, passed through an ancient city, with many large buildings similar to those found in Mexico by the first Spaniards, but returning to Nochistlan the accompanying natives burned the relics. Another successful expedition was made under Verdugo^[30] in the direction of Xalpan; within a few days the lords of that region appeared in the camp, tendering their submission, and delivering some Idols, which were immediately destroyed.

The people in Nochistlan, though fugitives, had not abandoned all thoughts of resistance; and when one day a body of about five hundred came to the deserted town in search of provisions, they attacked and killed a number of Aztecs and Tlascaltecs and pursued the remainder to their camp. Immediately some Spaniards, and later Guzman himself, mounted and went to.the rescue, but night having set in, the enemy retreated in safety to the peñol.^[31] Next morning, at the head of a division, Oñate started in search of the fugitives, and was followed a few hours later by Guzman. During the day various encounters took place; the enemy were in all cases put to flight, though several horses were wounded. The army remained here about a month, celebrating holy week ina small church hastily erected. Soon after easter, having previously taken possession in the name of the crown, the march was resumed,^[32] and after three or four days they reached the "grand Teul," the principal aboriginal town of all this region, spoken of as a kind of sacred stronghold built on a high mesa, and containing fine temples, fountains, and statues of stone.^[33] But hallowed as it was to the entire native population of that region, it possessed little attraction for the Spaniards, whose forces under Chirinos had reduced it to ashes.

From here it was decided to cross the western range in search of the large and populous provinces on the South Sea, distant some twelve days' journey, and as provisions were scarce, with few prospects of replenishing along the route, the army was divided. One division under Chirinos marched westward across the Nayarit Mountains, by a difficult route which can not be exactly traced by the records, and arrived at Tepic early in May.^[34] Guzman with the remainder followed a route to the south, recrossed the river, and approached Tepic by way of Iztlan and Ahuacatlan, likewise over bad roads, where part of the baggage was lost. They met with no resistance, though some of the villages had been abandoned. On reaching Jalisco, the last place explored by Francisco Cortés in 1524, they learned that Chirinos had been in Tepic

Tonalá, as distinct from the operations of the main army, exploring part of Aguascalientes and extending as far as Jerez in northern Zacatecas. According to these authorities the main army remained south of the river, waiting ^[35] for three days, and was then only two leagues distant. Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour they immediately joined him. Guzman remained at Tepic about three weeks to refresh the horses and to await reénforcements from Mexico. In the mean time parties were sent out in different directions to receive the submission of the native chieftains and to gather supplies for thearmy. There was no organized opposition here, though the general feeling in the province was hostile, as indeed it could not long fail to be under the treatment of Guzman's raiders, and as the commander really wished it to be, so that the conquest might not seem too easy, and that an excuse for plunder might not be wanting. The caciques of Jalisco declined the honor of becoming vassals of Spain, and all the efforts of three or four embassies to persuade them were in vain; they even went so far as to kill several of the allies and one Spaniard, who, too confiding, had strayed from the camp. Thereupon an expedition against Jalisco was undertaken in three divisions, commanded by Guzman, Chirinos, and Oñiate, respectively; but besides securing a few prisoners and burning the towns and villages on the way, nothing was achieved. Having previously been informed of Guzman's plans the natives fled to the mountains, and though pursued for eight leagues, rough ground saved them.^[36]

When Guzman halted he learned that the ocean lay but two leagues distant, whereupon he proceeded thither the following day and took possession. After extending his exploration a short distance in a northern direction, and having Discovered a port, supposed to be the best on the whole coast,^[37] he returned to Tepic, whither meanwhile the caciques of Jalisco and neighboring towns had repaired, voluntarily tendering submission. A garrison was established, the nucleus of the villa de Compostela founded the next year, and regular officers were appointed to collect tribute and otherwise attend to the emperor's interests in this region. In the last days of May the horses were rested, the province was pacified, and the army ready to advance.^[38]

 

Although successful in the acquisition, or rather appropriation, of vast tracts of land properly belonging to the conquest of Francisco Cortés, so far the expedition was deemed a failure, having "yielded but little gold and silver. It was expected, however, that the northern provinces and especially the country of the Amazons, the Hesperides of the sixteenth-century Spaniards, would yield ample compensation for all hardships. Progress hither was checked somewhat by the hostile attitude of the inhabitants of Centipac, or Temoaque, a rich and populous province on the northern bank of the Tololotlan, where Captain Barrios had been sent to explore and seek a ford. He crossed the river, but was repulsed with some loss by the native chieftains, who sent back a warning to Guzman not to invade their country on penalty of being cooked and eaten. The main army, however, marched at once from Tepic and reached the bank of the river on the 29th of May,^[39] when the commander, clad in his best armor and mounted on a gayly caparisoned steed, entered the stream, and halting in the midst of the current named it Espíritu Santo. Then mounting the opposite bank, closely followed by the army, Guzman took possession of the new territory for Christ and Charles, by waving his sword and with it cutting down some branches of trees; he ordered the trumpets to be sounded, and pompously proclaimed that this new conquest be thereafter known as "la conquista del Espíritu Santo de la Mayor España," or Greater Spain. The acts of possession and naming were properly certified before the notary, and the whole world was defied through loud-voiced heralds to appear and dispute the regularity of the proceeding. But no champion of aboriginal rights, nor envoy from any old-world nation appeared to utter a protest.^[40]

The army of Centipac soon appeared drawn up not far from the shore to utter a more practical protest by disputing the further advance of the mvaders. That the Spaniards might not be terrified by superior numbers and escape annihilation by flight, a part of the native force was at first placed in concealment; but the leaders soon realized that their full strength was needed, as the Spaniards attacked and were attacked simultaneously at several points, one part of the native force fallmg furiously on the division in charge of the baggage. For several hours a desperate struggle was carried on, the natives exhibiting not only valor, but a skill in military tactics unprecedented in Spanish experience of aboriginal warfare. Superior weapons, discipline, horses, and at least equal numbers, including auxiliaries, at last gave the victory to the invaders; the brave defenders of Centipac fled, but relatively few escaped.

Armed resistance in this and the adjoining provinces was at an end, and the army of Nuño de Guzman was drawn up next day to thank the holy spirit for the victory.^[41]

For two or three days the army remained encamped near the river, in a town Called Temoaque according to some documents;^[42] then they marched northward, crossed a large river, and encamped at the town of Omitlan on the northern bank. The river, doubtless from the day of crossing, June 5th, was Called Trinidad, and was probably that now known as the San Pedro.^[43] Here the festival of Corpus Christ! Sunday was celebrated on June 9th, and here they remained about forty days to refresh horses and men, await correspondence and reënforcements from Mexico, and receive the submission of the country. The province was fertile, supplies were plentiful, and the inhabitants well disposed at first; but very soon, despoiled of their property, most of them fled to the mountains. From Omitlan several officers returned to Mexico,^[44] and by them Guzman sent his report to the emperor, dated July 8, 1530, a document which, except where it refers to the outrages committed, is one of the best authorities extant. Guzman requests the emperor to confirm his past acts and the names he had given. He announces his intention to march four or five days later to Aztatlan, three days farther on, a province reported to be rich and populous, which he desired to reach before the threatened rising of the rivers should stop his progress. From Aztatlan he proposed to press on to the Amazon country, reported to be ten days distant.^[45]

About the middle of July it was resolved to proceed, and Gonzalo Lopez, who after Villaroel's return to Mexico had been made maestre de campo, was sent in a northerly direction to find suitable winter quarters. Passing over flooded roads, where sometimes the water reached to the stirrups, Lopez Discovered Aztatlan, the chief town of a province of that name, and with this information he returned to the camp. A few days afterward the whole army resumed the march; but instead of three days, as expected, it required nearly a week to reach Aztatlan, on account of the rainy season and the marshy nature of the soil. Several days alone were spent by the maestre de campo with the vanguard in building two bridges over swollen rivers, which otherwise it would have been impossible for the foot-soldiers to pass.^[46] Aztatlan reached at last, they establish themselves in winter quarters, and remained there about five months. This province, situated on the northern bank of probably the actual Rio de Acaponeta,^[47] afforded food in abundance, and at first, as long as the rains did not prevent raids for plunder, all went well.

While here, Guzman learned that his presentiment of a change unfavorable to him in the government of New Spain had been verified. A letter from the oidores Matienzo and Delgadillo arrived in the first week of September, announcing the return of his enemy Cortés and the overthrow of the first audiencia. Certainly Guzman congratulated himself for having so timely and with such advantage escaped the company of his former associates. Although probably on the same occasion he was summoned to appear in Mexico, he was in a mood rather to increase the present distance from the capital, until he could return as the conqueror of a new kingdom.^[48] But in any case it would be better not to leave the territory wholly to his enemies, particularly as the late oidores would doubtless attempt to prove their own innocence by heaping blame upon him. It was difficult, however, to find a person intelligent and at the same time trustworthy enough to plead successfully for the absent governor. Nevertheless he would do what he could. So he selected the former veedor, Peralmindez Chirinos, whose interest he considered as linked with his own, especially since the appointment at Tepic of his nephew, Hernando Chirinos, as veedor. With a letter of Guzman, and accompanied by ten or twelve other Spaniards, Chirinos set out from Aztatlan for Mexico.^[49]

Scarcely had Chirinos departed when a fresh misfortune befell Guzman. About the 20th of September, when the rainy season was nearly over and the patience of the inhabitants quite exhausted, a sudden rise in the river at midnight, preceded by a tempest, and, as some say, by the appearance of a comet, submerged the whole region of the camp for about two leagues in circumference, and made it literally aztalan, place of waters — now known as Etzatlan. The slight shelter of the soldiers — for the army was not encamped in the town — was blown or washed away; hogs, cattle, and large numbers of sick allies were drowned; and it is even said that the towns near the river were flooded; the waters subsided rapidly, but left the army in a critical situation.

The rich stores of food which the natives had been forced to supply were now spoiled, and as the people had for the most part fled to the mountains, there were no means of replenishing the store. A pestilence attacked the auxiliary troops, carrying them off by thousands; the survivors were threatened with starvation.^[50] Notwithstanding this, Guzman persisted in his plans of further exploration northward, and it was in vain the Aztec and Tlascaltec leaders implored permission to leave that vale of death and remove to some healthier locality. In vain they offered all their booty, jewels, gold, and silver. The leader's inflexibility could not however prevent attempts to escape. A number of Indians ran away; others were killed in the attempt; and not a few recaptured were hanged, while others anticipated such a fate by committing suicide. Even the Spaniards become rebellious, and at least one of their number was hanged as an example.^[51]

What concerned Guzman most was the decrease of his force. He was determined on this adventure. In fact, he must go on; he could not well turn back. It was sad for him to see his men perish, not because of the men, but because of himself. Even now if he would continue his expedition he must have reënforcements. The maestre de campo, Gonzalo de Lopez, was therefore sent to Michoacan and the Avalos provinces for Tarascan warriors and carriers, together with hogs and other supplies.^[52]

At length Guzman became convinced that he must remove from that spot if he would not see the whole army perish, for disease was daily thinning his number. A division under Lope de Samaniego was sent northward to Chametla, where they met with a friendly reception, and brought back fowl and fish. As they gave a good account of the place Guzman resolved to remove thither, sending first Verdugo and Proaño with a small force to prepare quarters, a task which they easily accomplished, aided by the friendly natives. At the same time, that is, at the end of November or beginning of December, Garcia del Pilar was sent southward to hasten the return of Lopez, who had been absent about forty-five days. He found the worthy maestre^[53] at Ahuacatlan faithfully engaged in branding slaves,^[54] for the northern market. On their return with succor they found Aztatlan almost deserted, Cristóbal de Oñate alone having remained in charge of the baggage.

About three weeks after Verdugo had been sent to Chametla, Guzman followed with the main army, and was kindly received by the natives,^[55] who sent them food, and furnished a thousand carriers to transport their baggage. But continued friendships the Spaniards could not endure. Would not some of the survivors of this sickly army, some of the soldiers of this dastardly commander, prick these unsophisticated natives to the commission of some rash act which would justify the Spaniards to rob and enslave them! Nothing more easy; and by the time the maestre de campo and Pilar arrived with reënforcements the country was mm a state of glorious hostility. Enslavement flourished so that soon almost any number of human beings could be obtained at the rate of five pesos each. Those captured in raids were divided among the Spaniards present.

After a month's stay at Chametla the army proceeded northward to the Quezala province, and thence to Piastla, easily subduing the natives of the district. The women were becoming more beautiful as they continued their course, which seemed to indicate that they were approaching the object of their dreams, the country of the Amazons. And indeed, glowing reports of Cihuatlan, the 'place of women,' confirmed the marvellous tales which had reached the capital.

All was so unknown; great patches of untraversed earth spread out in the boundless blank plains; it was as easy for the credulous sixteenth-century men to believe one thing as another concerning those lands as concerning the unexplored sky or the dark bowels of the earth — to believe of all these places to be what they were told, whether by home sages or foreign savages. And it may not be the last time that these Spaniards awoke to disappointment, when they learned at Cihuatlan that the Indians had been telling stories to amuse them; that there was no Amazon island or other great wonder there awaiting them. Yet for a long time they continued to talk of these things, and in a measure to believe in them though they knew them to be false. Still, the determination of the commander was to go forward. Marching yet farther north they came to Colombo, in the province of Culiacan, where they remained for seven months. Fruitless explorations were sent out in divers directions; tracts of barren land inhabited by rude people offered little mducement for further efforts. The fading of the Amazon myth tended to lower the enthusiasm of the soldiers, but Guzman remained steadfast. It is even hinted that vague rumors of the later famous Seven Cities had reached his ears, and served to fire his mind, now weakened by hardships and disease.^[56] So impaired was his health that he had to be carried in a litter. Be this as it may, the march was renewed, now in an easterly direction over rough roads and across steep mountains.

But Guzman's star was sinking, and however much his efforts attempted to avert it, he was finally compelled to yield before nature's barriers. Confronted by the fact that to continue would entail the loss of his entire force by starvation, be returned to Culiacan, where the villa de San Miguel was established. Local authorities were appointed, and a number of soldiers left there as settlers, to whom were given repartimientos. With the remainder of his army Guzman began about the middle of October 1531 his march southward, to protect what he chose to regard as his rights in Jalisco. Having failed to find the Amazon Isles, and having also by his unwise and oppressive policy estranged the inhabitants and destroyed the riches of the provinces to which he had some claim as Discoverer, and which should have satisfied his ambition, he felt that the region south of the Rio Grande del Espíritu Santo must be preserved at any cost. Perhaps to a man of his temper these lands seemed all the more desirable because another had a better right to them. His northern possessions properly managed would have brought him wealth and fame; he chose to return and renew his quarrel with Cortés, and thus bring upon himself ruin; but he had the satisfaction of knowing that in these later years his old enemy was hardly less unfortunate than himself. Guzman had asked the emperor to confirm the name he had bestowed of Greater Spain, his own title as governor of that province, his distribution of the towns among his friends, and his right to enslave rebellious natives. His petition was granted except in the matter of making slaves, and in the substitution of the more modest and appropriate name of Nueva Galicia. This confirmation of his authority was probably received by Guzman before his return to Tepic.^[57] His authority as governor of Pánuco was continued, but of course at the coming of the second audiencia he lost his governorship of New Spain.

It is not likely that definite southern limits were at first assigned to New Galicia, and the governor's first care was to distribute the Jalisco towns among his partisans,^[58] encroaching without scruple on the earlier encomiendas of Francisco Cortés and others in southern Jalisco, the Ávalos provinces, Colima, and even Michoacan, maintaining that the former Discoverers had not permanently occupied the territory, and that he had been obliged to reconquer it — a plea of some plausibility, were it not that the hostility of the natives and the necessity for reconquest had resulted altogether from his own outrageous acts.^[59] He founded, either immediately or within a few years, several Spanish settlements. Among these was the villa of Santiago de Compostela, in the immediate vicinity of Tepic and Jalisco towns, for a long time the capital of New Galicia.^[60]

Not long afterward Juan de Oñate was sent to establish Espíritu Santo, Called later Guadalajara, in honor of Guzman's birthplace. The first founding was Coat of Arms of the City of Guadalajara. at Nochistlan; but in 1533 the town was removed to the Jacotlan Valley, near Cuquio, and finally in 1541 placed south of the river, in Tonalá. Even in 1533 the transfer was talked of, the latter place being deemed more convenient, but Guzman objected, preferring to hold that region for himself.^[61]

During this time La Purificacion on the Colima frontier was also founded by Guzman, all with an eye to defeating his archenemy in case of open rupture.^[62]

While thus engaged in establishing his authority in the south of New Galicia, Guzman was beset with serious difficulties from the first. The second audiencia had come with instructions to proceed with the residencia against the former president and oidores, and while hastening to seize the property of the implicated officials, they had summoned Guzman to answer at Mexico to the fast accumulating charges, including not only abuses as head of the administration, but the illegal appropriation of treasury funds for his expedition, the torture and execution of Tangaxoan, and other outrages. Guzman paid no attention to the orders of the government at Mexico, which he refused to recognize, still styling himself president and governor of New Spain. His policy was to communicate directly with the crown, and thus gain time to establish himself firmly in his new possessions, and to take advantage of circumstances in finally defending his conduct before the emperor.

Meanwhile he sought through the agency of friends at court, who had so far served him well, and by means of letters, to exculpate himself. In a tone of injured innocence he protested against the sequestration of his property, and the maliciousness of the charges against him. "What justice is it that permits such measures without a hearing? Is this my reward for having served your Majesty with so much labor, faithfulness, and honesty?" It is well for some that they can make up in brazen assurance what they lack in humanity and integrity.^[63]

His refusal to attend at Mexico for trial was based on the ground that the conquest in the north-west demanded his constant attention, and as even his opponents recognized that interference therein might imperil Spanish interests, the audiencia resolved to postpone the case.^[64] Soon after came orders to investigate the main charges, and depositions were taken and forwarded to Spain.^[65]

The authorities at Mexico clearly saw the futility of discountenancing the acts and attitude of Nuño de Guzman. Indeed, with the forces at his command, he could afford to bid defiance even to armed opponents, as he stood prepared to do. Cortés had naturally objected to the advantage taken by Guzman of his Discoveries and plans for conquest, but this could no longer be remedied, and all he might do was to take possession for New Spain of the districts actually subjugated by his lieutenants, and at the same time afford an opening as settlers to a number of the needy adherents who had followed him from Spain. While taught by his own acts in similar cases, and by the trickery of others, he allowed himself nevertheless to suppose that the authority of sovereign and audiencia would be sufficient to obtain respect for the claim. In this belief, as captain-general, he commissioned Luis de Castilla, a knight of Santiago, of noble family, to proceed with a hundred men to settle and rule the country bordered on the north by Rio Tololotlan.

Castilla approached Jalisco from the south at the same time that Guzman returned toward it from the north. Informed of the presence of a rival, the latter hastened to install a municipality at Compostela, as capital of the district, and to let the intimation reach Castilla that he had been anticipated. Luis replied that he came in the name of his Majesty, and must take possession. (Guzman was by no means prepared either to yield or to shed the blood of officers armed with a royal commission; yet peradventure he might capture him. To this end artifice alone was left to him; so he sent a message full of bland assurances, declaring that the commands of the sovereign would receive his humble obedience, and even bidding the knight welcome as a valued neighbor. Satisfied, Castilla encamped at Tetlan, preparatory to entering Jalisco on the morrow.^[66]

The object of Guzman's message was to throw the recipient off his guard. Following it came Captain Ojiate with some fifty trusted cavalry to seize upon whatsoever advantage might offer. Informed of the negligence prevailing in the enemy's camp, he pointed out the easy task of capturing the company. It was finally agreed to undertake it, and, stealing forward under cover of the night, at the first break of dawn they fell upon the camp with a thundering "Viva Dios y el rey, y su gobernador Nuño de Guzman." The soldiers of Castilla were so completely taken by surprise that they made no eflort at resistance, and all were quickly disarmed under the eyes of their leader, whom Oñate sought to reassure with affected consolation. Finding that his person was respected, Castilla's fears abated, and he hastened to use the permission granted to exhibit his credentials at headquarters. On beholding him, Guzman broke forth with the fierce inquiry why he presumed to enter with an armed force into his territory. Castilla answered by presenting the royal commission in dignified silence. This being read, Guzman kissed it with great humility. As for obeying it, that was another matter. The cédula had evidently been issued under false representations, for the province of Jalisco had never been subjugated by Cortés, and as the sovereign could not desire to give to another his hard-earned conquests, wherein he had founded the first settlements, he must appeal to Spain before obeying the order. While a notary drew up the answer and protest, the governor sought to charm his captive by a display of his brilliant conversational power; but when he dismissed him, he changed his tone, and bade him depart with his followers within four hours, under penalty of a traitor's doom.^[67] The threat lent wings to Castilla, and he hastened crestfallen to report his failure to the captain-general. "It appears that the Castillas in New Spain are better fitted to govern in peace," caustically observed Cortés as he turned his back upon him.^[68]

This was the governor's last triumph; from this time his prosperity waned. His friends and supporters one by one left him, some of them estranged by his arbitrary misrule, others because the star of his foe seemed in the ascendant. The refusal of the king to confirm Guzman's license to enslave the natives thinned the settlers' ranks; the governor's severe punishment of certain persons who disobeyed the law — a tardy attempt to conciliate a powerful element among his foes — drove away others; while of the remaining colonists many were drawn away by exciting reports of the gold Discoveries in Perú. The governor had the petty satisfaction on several occasions, as will appear, of refusing water and other aid to the vessels sent out by Cortés, or of plundering those vessels when cast aground on the coast; but so weak did he become finally that he offered no resistance when Cortés marched to Jalisco to recover his vessels.^[69] Shortly after Castilla's return, the audiencia, doubtless at the petition of Cortés, had ordered Guzman to confine the exercise of his authority to the region north of Jalisco, and in no case to interfere in the government of Colima, Michoacan, or Tonalá.^[70] This was confirmed by a peremptory order from Spain of April 20, 1533, bidding Guzman not to interfere in the southern encomiendas, and not to call himself hereafter governor of Pánuco. A month later he was required to report in future directly to the audiencia of Mexico in all matters affecting Nueva Galicia.^[71] Of his later transactions we know little save in connection with the seizure of Cortés' vessels, and in allusions to petty campaigns against natives whom oppression had driven into revolt, and to visits to his possessions at Pánuco.^[72] The succession of disappointments and humiliations encountered in the desertion of comrades, in signs of disfavor at court, in pending residencias, and in subordinating him to the government at Mexico — all this, in connection with dwindling credit and resources, could not fail to bend his haughty spirit. "I am driven to despair," he writes, "without a crust to eat."^[73]

Better boldly face the storm, he concluded, than endure this torture. He would throw himself at the feet of the emperor and seek mercy. He accordingly placed Cristóbal de Oñate in charge of the government, and set out for Pánuco, to collect additional funds and seek means of conveyance to Spain. His star willed it, however, that he should turn aside to Mexico, there to meet a portion of his just deserts.^[74]

 

 

1. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 215, places this visit during the troublous time of Salazar's rule; but had he come then that rapacious tyrant would have held him a prisoner to extort treasures, for Albornoz writes in 1525 that the king should be sent for and seized, because he resisted the miners. Carta, in Icazbaleta, Col. Doc., i. 502-3.
2. So Torquemada, iii. 332, assumes, followed by Beaumont, yet it is not unlikely that the baptism took place later, though not after 1529, as shown by Pilar, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., it. 248. Alegre names him Antonio. Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 92, and so does Chimalpain. Hist. Conq., ii. 78.
3. He is highly spoken of for his charitable character and rigid observance of rules. After working zealously in Michoacan he went with Cortés to California, became guardian at Cuernavaca, returned to Patzcuaro, where he died probably in 1558. Vetancurt says September 25th, omitting the year. Menolog., 185; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 780; Torquemada, iii. 435-7; Beristain says 1568.
4. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 376. In a memorial of Gonzaga five are mentioned: Angel de Saliceto, or Saucedo, later known as Angel de Valcencia, Gerónimo de la Cruz, Juan Badiano, or Badillo, properly Vadier, Miguel de Bolonia, and Juan de Padilla, and Beaumont insists on accepting them, but Torquemada points out that some of these arrived only in 1527. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 731, 745-6, takes a ground opposite to the clear statements of Mendieta, and perverts his quoted authority, Torquemada.
5. The chroniclers gravely relate that idols even of gold and silver were destroyed or cast away. 'Juntò vna gran suma de idolos, y à los de metal, y oro los arrojò en lo mas profundo de la laguna.' Vetancvrt, Menolog., 105.
6. The records of Acámbaro give the names of several additional friars who are said to have arrived already before the close of 1526. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 27-53. 1527 is a more correct date.
7. Puya, Cedulario, 27. Beaumont enumerates several more establishments, notably round Lake Patzcuaro. Crón. Mich., iii. 243-8.
8. The king was apparently at liberty, but a guard, specially appointed to watch him, would have made futile any attempt to escape. Guzman, 4a Rel. Anón., 463.
9. García del Pilar and the alcalde Godoy were employed for the purpose, but the statement of the former leaves it uncertain whether the king was tortured while in Tzintzuntzan. An order was given, but before it was carried into effect two friars interceded and the king was restored to his prison, where he was kept altogether about three weeks, until the march of the army was resumed, Pilar, Relacion, 248-9; Guzman, 4a Rel. Anón., 463.
10. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 354-60, followed by Ramirez, Proceso, 203-6, and others, represents the army as having reached the river on December 8th at Conguripo, whence they went to Tzintzuntzan, thence to Purándiro, and after advancing a few leagues crossed a great river. No one would suppose from this version that Conguripo and the crossing near Puruándiro were identical as is the fact; clearly the authors had no such idea themselves. Other writers, as Frejes, Hist. Breve, 73, and Romero, Not. Mich., 122, make December 8th the date of the final crossing. But most of the original documents say the river was forded in February, while Guzman in Ramusio, iii. 331, and Oviedo, iii. 563-5, affirm it was on Purification day, or February 2d. The confusion in dates, and consequent blunder in the route, arises doubtless from the fact that certain writers, learning that the event took place on the day of Nuestra Señora, have supposed it was the Conception, December 8th, instead of the Purification, February 2d, of our lady. Throughout this campaign there is the greatest confusion in dates. I have spared no pains in ascertaining in each case the exact or approximate dates; but I have not deemed it best, except in a few cases for special reasons, to show in notes the methods of arriving at my conclusions. I have abundant material at hand for such notes, but they would be long and numerous, and serve no useful purpose save perhaps as a record of the author's industry.
11. Only a few Spaniards who enjoyed the confidence of the general were present at this infamous proceeding, conducted in a small hut outside the camp. Pilar, Testimonio, in Ramirez, Proceso, 266.
12. Pilar and the author of the 4a Rel. Anón. state that the day after the torturing of Caltzontzin, several of Guzman's followers left the camp and returned some days later with a great quantity of gold and silver, found in a house indicated by the king when under torture. Pilar, Relacion, 250-1, and Guzman, 4a Rel. Anón., 461-5.
13. 'El pregon decia por haber muerto muchos cristianos,' Guzman, 3a Rel. Anón., 439, 'decia el pregon á este hombre por traidor, por muchas muertes de cristianos que se le han probado.' Sámano, Rel., 262. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 230, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 752, affirm that the king was strangled, but they are evidently mistaken. Pilar, Testimonio, in Raminez, Proceso, 269, says, 'luego pusieron fuego á la leña, y comenzó á arder, y asi quemó al dicho Cazolzi, hasta que naturalmente perdió la vida.' Don Pedro and Don Alonso were only saved from sharing the king's fate on account of the intercession of the former contador Albornoz and of Father Miguel de Boloña. Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 800.
14. 'Mandaba que despues de quemado cojiese los polvos, y cenizas de el . . .  y que alli hiciese juntar á todos les señores de la dicha Provincia, y que les contase . . . que viesen el galardon, que le aban los Christianos.' Pilar, Testimonio, in Ramirez, Proceso, 269. Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 29, says, 'though the king's will was complied with, the Tarascos remained quiet; their own king had accustomed them to pusillanimity.'
15. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 752, following an old manuscript, claims that the greater part was saved by friends and servants of the late king, and secretly buried at Patzcuaro, with all the honors and solemnities due to his rank.
16. It is fair to present the excuses that have been offered for Guzman's act. Oviedo, iii. 564-5, says the king refused to give information about the northern country, and that he confessed the murder of 35 Spaniards, whose remains were used at pagan festivals. Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 426, tells us he had relapsed into idolatry and sacrificed Spaniards, dressing himself in the skins of the victims. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 23-4, says he was accused of disloyal plots, was formally tried and convicted, and that so learned a lawyer as Guzman would not have proceeded illegally! Guzman himself in Carta a S. M., in Ramusio, iii. 331, says that Tangaxoan was tried on many charges, especially that of rebellious designs, impudently referring to the records of the trial. If from the standpoint of the times we admit relapse into idolatry as a justification for his death, it is very evident from the friendship of the friars for Caltzontzin that there was no such relapse in his case.
17. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 27, without naming any authority, states that one of these expeditions penetrated to Guanajuato. According to Tello, Guanajuato was then conquered. Both Mota Padilla and Navarrete, who follows him, Hist. Jal., 29, mention Penjamo as one of the pueblos subjected at this time.
18. It is amusing to read Guzman's account of this effort, and to note the flow of devout sentiments from his pen. Truly, the sovereign must have congratulated himself on possessing so earnest a champion of the cross. See Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 363-4. According to Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 29, Fray Martin de Jesus made here an attempt at conversion, but this is more than doubtful, for he is nowhere else mentioned as a member of the expedition. It is also said that, while in Cuinao, messengers returned from Michoacan, bringing more gold and silver than ever before. They had been sent by Don Pedro and Don Alonso, who by this means sought to obtain exemption from further torture. Pilar, Rel., 251, and Guzman, 4a Rel. Anon., 466.
19. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 384, followed by Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 500, tells us this was not Cuitzeo de la Laguna near Lake Chapala; but they are clearly in error.
20. Chapala, lake in Jalisco; Laet, 1633, L. Chapala; Jefferys, 1776, L. Chapala; Kiepert, 1852, lake and city Chapala. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 496.
21. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 27, here as well as in the rest of his account of Guzman's campaign, seeks tu defend the unscrupulous policy of the president.
22. Cortés . . . con las armas en la mano y el pié en el estribo; remitia sus embajadas, mas las respuestas las oia en las mismas canales de las poblaciones,' Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 30.
23. Captain Vasquez, armed with a sword and a buckler, was the first who leaped into the river, and, followed by some of his foot-soldiers, opened the attack upon the natives intrenched on the island. Sámano, Relacion, 268.
24. It deem it useless to give long lists of town names, most of which can be found on the maps, but very few of which are applied to the same localities as in aboriginal times. The original towns were for the most part destroyed, and those which succeeded them under Spanish auspices have in many instances experienced several changes of locality, while retaining the same names. As a rule I shall name only such towns as are necessary to show the route followed, and such as acquired some importance in later times. Among the acts of cruelty perpetrated in this region was the setting a fierce dog on the fat cacique of Cuitzeo for alleged neglect in furnishing supplies, an act attributed by Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 426-8, to a 'delirious impulse' on the part of Guzman. A Mexican chief also was so beaten for some fancied misconduct that he lost permanently the use of his hands. Guzman, 4a Rel. Anón., 467. Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 35, speaks of the artificial formation of a ford by filling the river with sand. Guzman, Ramusio, iii. 332-4, tells us of finding cannibals and burning a sodomite; he regrets the idolatrous tendencies of the natives, and says — uncontradicted so far as I know — that he is himself the greatest sinner of all, but hopes that God in his great goodness will accept his efforts for the conversion of gentiles. Oviedo, iii. 565-6, speaks of ovens filled with human bodies frying in their fat and blood, to be used as food.
25. Chirinos was detailed with one detachment to reach Tonalá by a different route and render Guzman assistance in case of need. Guzman, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 370; Tello, in Hist. N. Gal., ii. 342, and others imply that Chirinos was instructed to conquer the northern regions, joining the main army at Tepic; but probably the division of the army was not effected till later. On the march from Cuitzeo to Tonalá the 'friendly Indians' were kept in chains, or under strong guard, by order of Guzman; to prevent them from escaping or abandoning the baggage. Guzman, 4a Rel, Anón., 467,
26. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 39, says the attack was made while the Spaniards were seated at a banquet given by the queen, while most of the original authorities and eye-witnesses state that the battle was fought before Guzman entered Tonalá, but the president's own report shows clearly that it took place after he had left the town. Sámano, Relacion, 269-70; Guzman, 3a Rel. Anón., 441; Id., 4a Rel., 468; Lópes, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 419-20. The day after the battle Chirinos arrived, and was sent to the other side of the river to disperse the reassembling fugitives, but owing to the ruggedness of the country his expedition failed. Guzman, in Id., xiii. 374.
27. 'Yo no les muestro boluntad de querello [gold and silver] ni que vengo á ello . . . yo les he mandado decir que no tengo necesidad de oro, sino de que sean buenos,' says the president hypocritically in his letter to the emperor in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 373-4.
28. According to Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 53, and Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 391-2, a garrison was left at Tonalá under Captain Vasquez de Buendía. Guzman appropriated Tonalá to himself, but later the crown took it from him and made it a corregimiento. Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 177.
29. Á Tolilitla. . . hallélos en una borrachera, por donde creo que no nos salieron de guerra.' Guzman, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 375. The places touched since Tonalá were Chapetala, Ximoamtla, Ixcatlan, Hacotla, Contla, Tolilitla.
30. He was a brother-in-law of Diego Velazquez, the governor of Cuba, and companion of Narvaez. After the capture of the latter, he enlisted in Cortés' army, and at Villafañe's conspiracy, without knowing it, he was chosen as successor of Cortés. Later he settled in Mexico, holding alternately the officers of regIdor and alcalde. See Hist. Mex., i. passim, this series.
31. This peñol is said to be the same on which Alvarado fell in later years.
32. Tello, followed by Mota Padilla, Beaumont, Frejes, Ramirez, Navarrete, and Gil, speaks of expeditions under Chirinos and Oñate, from Cuitzeo and
33. There is much doubt about the locality of 'the grand Teul.' No extensive ruins so far as I know have been Discovered in the region of the pueblo which now bears that name. For a description of the aboriginal remains in this region, see Native Races, iv. 578-93, this series. Guzman calls Teul, Teblichan, and also Teul or Tonauipan.
34. The country was so rugged that of the 17 days employed they could travel only three days on horseback. Guzman, Carta, 383. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 343-5, compares this crossing the sierra to Hannibal's crossing the Alps. The Tepic natives thought the Spaniards must be birds, regarding the route as impassable to men. Ramirez, Proceso, 207-8, thinks Chirinos reached the coast north of the Rio Grands and returned southward to Tepic.
35. at Aztatlan until joined by Oñate's force, thence proceeding to Tepic, where was Chirinos' division. Gil even makes Guzman in his march from Aztatlan to Tepic pass as far south as Mascota. But all these statements are indefinite and contradictory to those of Guzman and others, who agree that the main army crossed the river and marched by way of Nochistlan to Teul. None of the latter speaks of any independent branch expedition, but Oñate or Chirinos are repeatedly mentioned as having been sent forward to reconnoitre. Oviedo, Herrera, and Salazar agree with this version, at least with that which refers to Guzman's march in person through Nochistlan. See Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 343-7, and others, ubi sup.
36. The author of the 4a Rel. Anón., 469, asserts that Jalisco had peacefully submitted, but rebelled when an excessive tribute was imposed, in consequence of which Guzman burned the town.
37. Just below the present San Blas; Guzman Called it Martouchel, and as Mantanchel, or Port of Jalisco, it was known for many years. Map-makers and writers evidently considered it distinct from San Blas.
38. Here were appointed Francisco Verdugo, treasurer; Cristóbal de Oñate, contador, or auditor; Juan de Samano, factor; and Hernan Chirinos, veedor, or inspector; but most of these officers seer to have gone on with the army.
39. This date — Espíritu Santo day — is given by Guzman, in several of the original documents, and by Oviedo, in. 571. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 347, makes the date May 1st, which is the day of San Felipe and Santiago. This author was perhaps misled by the name Santiago afterward applied to the river. Beaumont, Crón. Mich.,i. 401, says the crossing took place early in 1531. A native captured near the river was delivered to the blood-hounds for refusing to give information.
40. Tello, 349, names it Castilla la Nueva de la Mayor España. The title Greater Spain was bestowed with a view to eclipse the glory of Cortés as the conqueror of New Spain. Mota Padilla, Cony. N. Gal., 23, etc., says that Guzman gave this name at the first crossing of the river on the Michoacan border. Ramirez, Proceso, 208-11, strangely confused in this part of Guzman's trip, Identifies this Rio Espiritu Santo with the Rio de las Cañas instead of the Santiago de Tololotlan. The crossing was probably not far from Santiago Ixcuintla. For account of ancient remains on this river, see Native Races, iv. 575, this series.
41. Seven or eight Spaniards, 10 or 12 horses, each worth about 400 pesos de minas, and hundreds of native allies, all of whom were probably valued less than a single horse, were killed, while a large part of all the forces and about 50 horses were wounded more or less seriously. Guzman tells us that several of the Indian allies were killed by the lance-thrusts of the Spaniards, the struggle being so close it was impossible to distinguish them from the foe. Oviedo represents the force of the enemy at 12,000, that of the killed as 5,000, and says all the Spaniards were wounded. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 347 et seq., and Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 401, state that the entry into this province was without resistance, and minutely describe the ceremonies and attentions at the reception.
42. The author of the 3a Bel. Anón., 446, calls the place Atecomatlan.
43. The small stream between the Tololotlan and San Pedro could hardly have been Called a large river by Guzman and others, who imply that the Trinidad was the first large stream north of the Tololotlan.
44. Captain Bocanegra, the maestre de campo Vallaroel, and the comendador Barrios, according to Sámano, 279-80, and Lopez, 432, 436. As to the latter, both authorities are confused. He is also mentioned as having returned from Aztatlan three months later.
45. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 356-93, and in Ramusio, iii, 331-9. Guzman also asserts that a church was built at Omitlan.
46. Sámano, Rel., 279-80, speaks of a river called Santa Ana from the day of crossing, July 26th; and says they afterward crossed another river, on which lay Aztatlan on Santiago day, or July 25th!
47. It was certainly on either the Acaponeta or the Rio de las Cañas, the present boundary between Jalisco and Sinaloa. The two streams are not over 10 miles apart at their mouths. The 3a Rel. Anón., 446-7, makes the distance from Omitlan 10 leagues, and adds that when the army had forded the stream and were pursuing the foe they came to a larger river, which stopped the pursuit. It is clear that no such stream could have been found near the Cañas and north of it. The 1a Rel. Anón., 288-9, makes the distance 10 or 12 leagues from Espiritu Santo River. The statements are not definite enough for exact location in a country like this, where there are several streams, each with branches, to say nothing of possible changes within three centuries. The name Aztatlan applied in later times to a town on the Acaponeta, is considered by Ramirez, Proceso, 208-11, as worthy of notice in this connection. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 349-50, says that Aztatlan was burned, vaguely implying that a battle was fought in which a great number of natives perished, and that subsequently the province submitted, the Spaniards being received amidst dances and festivities. He also gives an account of a public performance arranged in honor of the strangers, a fight between a tiger and a caiman in the yard of a house. According to the 3a Rel. Anón., 447, the relics of a Christian trader who had died seven years before were found at Aztatlan. Have we here a trace of the missing Villadiego?
48. The author of 4a Rel. Anón., 470, says he had received the news of the arrival of Cortés already at Omitlan, though the message of the oidores reached him only at Aztatlan. Beaumont asserts that it was at Tepic, but his account of this expedition is very confused. Crón. Mich., 11i. 400-1.
49. In his letter to the emperor, dated Chametla, Jan. 15, 1531, Guzman refers to another sent from Aztatlan. Guzman, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 406. According to the 1a Rel. Anón., 292-4, Chirines returned from Chametla north of the other point named.
50. The accounts given of this inundation are doubtless exaggerated. It is said that the soldiers escaped drowning only by climbing trees; that 1,000 sick Indians were drowned; that of the remainder only 500 survived the famine and the pestilence; that the survivors had to live on toads and insects; that all the Mexican leaders perished, etc. Beaumont, Crón Mich., ui. 399-401, represents the flood as having occurred at Tepic. Escudero, Not. Son., 25-6, puts the flood at Chametla. Navarrete says the Spaniards escaped on balsas to Acaponeta. Lopez, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 439, makes the somewhat broad assertion, 'Adolecieron muchos españoles, los cuales, así ellos como los indios, fueron curados y asistidos del capitan general . . . como si fuesen sus hijos.'
51. Another Spaniard was saved from the gibbet only on account of influential intercession; others charged with attempts at flight were kept prisoners.
52. Tello and Mota Padilla, followed by Navarrete, says it was the captain Juan Sanchez de Olea who was sent to Mexico for aid. According to Tello he returned in two months with 6,000 carriers and supplies. Mota Padilla estimates the number at 3,500. Lopez, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 437-8, and the author of the 3a Rel. Anón., 447, add, that a commission was given by Guzman to enslave and punish the natives of the Jalisco district for having attacked a convoy of provisions sent from Michoacan, killing some of the men.
53. Oviedo informs us that Lopez served under Guzman with 10 horsemen at his own expense; and unlike most of his companions he came back as poor as he started!
54. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 404, speaks of 5,000 slaves sent by Guzman from Jalisco to Pánuco. This statement, if founded on fact, probably refers to a somewhat later period. Pilar and Lopez in their declarations estimate the number at 1,000. They were branded with an iron given Lopez by Guzman, and with the commander's authorization. Making considerable allowance for exaggeration in the statement of Pilar, there still remains little doubt that the outrages committed on this people may be classed among the most noteworthy of the world. See Pilar, 256-7; Guzman, 4a Rel. Anón., 473-4; Lopez, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 461-2.
55. Passing on the road through Acaponeta, Juan Sanchez de Olea with auxiliaries and supplies is said to have joined them. In the same place the troops and stores were mustered. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 351-2. The province of Chametla was on a river from 12 to 20 leagues beyond Aztatlan according to different estimates by Guzman's officers. The chief town, bearing the same name, was about five leagues from the river's mouth, which formed a tolerably good harbor. The stream was doubtless the one flowing into the sea next above the Rio de las Cañas, which still retains the name on some modern maps, as does indeed a town near the original site.
56. Guzman, 1a and 2a Rel, Anón., 292, 303; but these allusions may be based on later reports.
57. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 83. The document containing this confirmation so far as I know is not extant. The first mention of the new province by royal authority which I have found is in a cédula of Feb. 17, 1531. Puga, Cedulario, 73. The new province is spoken of in the earlier documents not as Nueva Galicia, or Nuevo Reino de Galicia, but as Galicia de Nueva España. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xi., says that Guzman received notice of his appointment at Chiametla on his journey south. The oidores at first doubted the genuineness of the commission. Letter of 1531, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii, tom. v. 136-8.
58. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 355-62, gives a list of the principal encomiendas and the persons who received them. See also Société Amér., i. 33-52. Guzman Was 1n some way prompted to it, because several of his captains, asking permission to go to Mexico, went to Peru. Afraid lest the desertions might materially reduce his power, thus invalidating his conquest, he went in person to Ahuacatlan and the Rio Grande, where by tiberal grants of encomiendas he contrived to satisfy the discontented. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 58-9.
59. The dispossessed holders appealed to the crown, and by cédula of April 20, 1533, Guzman was forbidden to meddle with Colima encomiendas. Puga, Cedulario, 82. He pleaded that the settlers of Colima had encroached on Jalisco. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxiii. 438.
60. Named after the capital of Galicia in Spaiu and honored with all the privileges of its old-world namesake. Also Called by some writers Espíritu Santo de Compostela, Compostela y Santiago. Ogilby, 1671, Dampier, 1699, Laet, 1633, West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, write Compostella; the latter adds Cenquipa; Jefferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Compostella. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., it. 528. Beaumont and Mota Padilla mention the year as 1535, but the different declarations given by Guzman's captains about the year 1532 speak already of the establishment, and agree that it was made on their return from the north, and hastened by the arrival of Castilla from Mexico. Guzman himself says in his letter of January 16, 1531, that the 'Villa del Espíritu Santo,' as he calls it, had been established in the Tepic province, and that it was the first town laid out on this expedition, but probably the real foundation was made when he returned. Ramirez, Proceso, 215, claims that Guzman founded the town in that place against the wishes of his officers, in order the better to defend himself by sea or land against Cortés. Tello gives a list of the early settlers. Hist. N. Gal., 360-1. Ancient map-makers fill up this space as follows: Lok, 1582, Galicia, in large letters across the country; Laet, 1633, Nueva Galicia; Kino, 1702, Nova Gallicia; Jefferys, 1776, New Gallicia or Guadalaxara; Kiepert, 1852, Jalisco or Nueva Galicia. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., 11. 552.,
61. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 55, 77, asserts that in 1530, when Guzman marched northward, a garrison under Juan de Oñate was left in Nochistlan, and that on December 3, 1530, Guzman issued at Culiacan a commission to organize that settlement. The latter date is evidently wrong, as Guzman was in January 1531 still at Chametla. The statements made by members of the expedition, however, agree that Guadalajara was established after the founding of Compostela. 1a Rel. Anón., 292-3; 3a Rel. Anón., 459-60; Lopez, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, xiv. 461. By a cédula of November 8, 1529, the king granted the city of Guadalajara a coat of arms, described in Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 371-3; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 176-7; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 81 passim; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 109, 188-9; Calle Mem. y Not., 90; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 178-9. Some writers, as Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 498, 557-8, and Navarrete, Hist. Jal, 59, mention another intermediate transfer of Guadalajara. Ogilby, 167, writes Guadalarra, Laet, 1633, Guadalajara; Jefferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Guadalaxara. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 492.
62. Authorities differ between 1533 and 1536 as the date. Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 360, gives a list of 21 settlers. Ogilby, 1671, gives this place as Purificatio; Dampier, 1699, Purification; Laet, 1633, Purification and Acatlan; West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, Purificatio and east Ycatlan; Jefferys, 1776, la Purificacion; Kiepert, 1852, Purificacion. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 484.
63. The blame for slave traffic he threw upon the settlers. The reports of the bishop could serve only to prove his malice and Guzman's uprightness. 'No puedo de todos ser amado, mas espero en la misericordia de Dios.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 407-13.
64. Zumárraga and others thought, however, that Guzman should not be left in charge of the country. Id., xvi. 363-75. 'Nous lui avons accordé un an.' Letter of audiencia, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii, tom. v. 205; Torquemada, i. 604-6.
65. By different decrees of 1530 to 1532 the crown demanded the immediate repayment of treasury funds and the investigation of Guzman's rule in Pánuco, and his execution of Tangaxoan. Puga, Cedulario, 75, 79-80, 83, 87. The receipt of the papers was acknowledged in April 1533, the examination having begun in January 1532, says Beaumont. Crón. Mich., iii. 379; Id., MS., 179. The chief witness was García del Pilar, a conqueror under Cortés, whose services had procured for him a coat of arms. Lately he had served as officer and interpreter under Guzman, and was accordingly well informed. He died during the trial, in February. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 201-24. Bernal Diaz wrongly states that he fell in battle. Hist. Verdad., 241.
66. Some of his followers expressed doubts about Guzman's sincerity, but Castilla maintained: 'No hay que recelar.' Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 94. Another account refers to the preliminary capture of some of Castilla's stragglers. Guzman, 4a Rel. Anon., 481-2.
67. 'Tenia intencion secreta de mandarle cortar la cabeza,' says Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 68. The 4a Rel. Anón., 483, states that Castilla had been captured on the road in company with four or five men.
68. Castilla was ordered to Spain with the documents bearing on the case, there to add to the charges against Guzman, but a gale swept the sea which swallowed the vessel bearing them with all on board. Mota Padilla., Cong. N. Gal., 97; Castilla's death is implied in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 193, yet a man of similar name figures some years later in New Galicia. Ramirez and some other writers represent that this expedition of Castilla was subsequent to, and partly In consequence of, Guzman's treatment of Hurtado during his voyage up the coast; but this is erroneous, for Hurtado did not sail until May or June of 1532, while the audiencia reported the whole Castilla affair to the court on April 19, 1532; and their action in the matter was approved by the queen in a letter of October 16th. Puga, Cedulario, 80. Moreover Cortés describes the affair in a letter of April 20, 1532, and says that Guzman from the north, and Castilla from the south, both arrived at Jalisco the same day. Cartas, 512.
69. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. xiii. and xvi., are a number of his letters wherein he seeks to justify his conduct and bring censure on that of his opponent.
70. Tonalá, however, seems to have been under the rule of later governors of New Galicia.
71. Puga, Cedulario, 82-4, 87.
72. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 414-20.
73. 'Y creo que ni la justicia divina ni humana no son dello servidos.' Carta, in Id., 419.
74. Con el motivo de no perder crecidas sumas de dinero que le debian en la caja real de México de resulta de sus salarios.' Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 81. Bernal Diaz states that Mendoza invited him to come to Mexico with a view to save him from the indignity of arrest in his own provinces. Hist. Verdad., 231. But this is doubtful.

    The original authorities which I have consulted on Guzman's expedition are as follows: Relatione di Nvnno di Gvsman, in Ramusio, iii. 331-9. This is a letter of Guzman dated Omitlan, July 8, 1530, directed to the emperor, and giving a detailed account of progress down to the date. The Spanish original has been published in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 356-93, and a very impefect condensation in English may be found in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1556-9. The writer admits only such outrages on the Indians as were merited through disloyalty to the emperor or infidelity to the white man's God; but in such cases speaks of his orders to hang and burn with a coolness that is revolting. The narrative is marked by hypocritical expressions of submission to the divine and royal will, extreme eveu for that time. The Relaciones Anónimas (1a, 2a, a, and 4a) de la Jornada que hizo Nuño de Guzman á la Nueva Galicia were written by eye-witnesses of the events described, including both friends and foes of the leader, were drawn out apparently by the official investigation of Guzman's conduct, and are to be found only in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 288-306, 439-60, 461-83. 'The first and second seem to have been written by the same person, whose name is unknown, as is that of the writer of the third. Icazbalceta finds much reason to identify the author of the fourth with Cristóbal Flores. Similar to these narratives is the Relacion of Gonzalo Lopez, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 411-61; the Relacion de García del Pilar and the Relacion de la Conquista de los Teules Chichimecas by Juan de Sámano, in Icazbalceta's Collection, ii. 249-87. Yet the similarity between the statements of López and Sámano, as also between those given by Pilar and the author of the 4a Rel. Anón., implies that they were not made quite independently. The testimony of Lépez may claim, as to facts, perhaps more reliability than the other when we consider that during the last part of Guzman's campaign he held the position of a maestre de campo. Pilar was a young interpreter of Nahua dialects, and one of the original conquistadores, but not of good repute, if we may credit Bishop Zumárraga's allusions to his maguinaciones diabólicas and to his unfortunate escapes from being hanged. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 26. He was a willing tool of Guzman during the campaign, but a bitter foe afterward, showing all his leader's acts in their worst light, and relieving himself of all complicity by throwing the blame on the other interpreter, Juan Pascual. In addition to this narrative, Pilar's testimony taken at Guzman's trial is published by Ramirez and Beaumont, whose works are noticed below. Juan de Sámano was one of Guzman's captains, and afterward held a high position in Mexico.

    Of the early chroniclers who claim or may be supposed to have had access to original sources of information, are Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 561-77, who consulted several members of the expedition, especially Francisco de Arzeo; Padre Tello, Hist. de la N. Galicia, written about 1650 by a Franciscan who had spent over 50 years of his life in the country of which he writes, but whose work, or such portions of it as have been preserved, is valuable rather for information on aboriginal manners and customs than as an historical narrative; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. viii.; lib. viii. cap. i. — it.; lib. ix. cap. ix.-xii., who consulted some of the anonymous manuscripts; Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 23-66, 75, who also saw some of the original documents and often cites Tello; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 266-7, 352-422, MS., 133, 174-207, who cites Tello and Herrera, and gives Pilar's testimony. See aiso Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 426-35; Torquemada, i. 338, 600-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 56, 271; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 229-31; Villa Señor, Theatro, ii. 203-4, 229; Calle, Not. y. Mem., 89-90; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 14, 95, 101-2.

    Among modern writers the only ones who have treated this expedition at length are Frejes, Hist. Breve, 41-68, 118-21, Ramirez, Proceso de Resid. contra Alvarado y Guzman, 187-258, and Navarrete, Compendio de la Hist. de Jalisco, 27-61, 85-6. The second gives some of the original documents of the residencia, and draws his historical sketch chiefly from Beaumont and Mota Padilla, with somewhat less skill than might be expected from the author's high reputation. The latter follows Tello to a great extent, and his work does not show extensive research. Other works which mention the expedition are the following: Escovedo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 5, 6; Gil, in Id., viii. 477-80; García, in Id., viii. 23; Payno, in Id., 2a ép. i. 797-801, ii. 137-8; Hernandos y Dávalos, in Id., 2a ép. iii. 187-8; Romero, Not. Mich., 122, 186, 193, 197-8, Museo Mex., iv. 115; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 184-6; Moreno, Frag., 8, 9, 30; Escudero, Not. Son., 25-6; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ix. 286, etc.; Burney's Chron. Hist. Voy., i. 165, 169-70; Galvino's Discov., 40; West-Ind. Spieghel, 334-50; Gallatin, in Nouv. An. Voy., cxxxi. 240-1; Davis' El Gringo, 58-9; Laet, Novvs Orbis., 284-6; Domenech's Deserts, i. 168; Gottfriedt, N. Welt, 605; Society Amér., i. 35-52; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 18, 24-5; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 144; Puga, Cedulario, 80, etc.; Dicc. Univ., ix.-x.; Greenhow's Memoirs, 25, etc.; Parra, Conq. Xal. x. MS., 76; Rivera, Descrip. Zac., pt. ii. 1-5; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 204; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 178-9; Alaman, Disert., i. app. 27-8; Brasseur de Bourburg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 744-53; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 182; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 476-7, 489-90, 493-515; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 21; Romero, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 538, ix. 15, 85-6; Archivo Mex., Doc., i. 362-3, ii. 201-2; Monumentos Hist. Polit., MS., 8, 9; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 239-40; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 381; Voyages, Selection of Curious, 39; Santos, Chron. Hospit., ii. 445; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 34-62; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ii. 248-9; Expl. del Codex. Tel. Rem., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., V. 155; Dillon, Beautés, 39-61; Pimentel, Mem., 96.