History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 19

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XIX.

A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.

1530-1540.

Troubles of Bishop Zumárraga — He Goes to Spain — His Consecration and Return to Mexico — First Churches in the Capital — Uncertain Priority and Sites — The First Cathedral — Necessity of More Bishoprics — Dioceses of Oajaca and Michoacan Established — Franciscan Progress — Custodia of Santo Evangelio Raised to a Province — Labors of the Padres — Dominican Provincia Established — Unseemly Strife — Successful Propagandism — Arrival of Augustinians — Labors and Hardships — Provincia Established — Miraculous Shrine at Chalma — Dagon Overthrown — The Virgin of Guadalupe — A Glorious Vision — A Modest Shrine and a Costly Church — A Wonderful Painting — Multitudes of Converts — Secret Idolatry.

While the political government of New Spain was thus undergoing important changes, reforms equally momentous were being effected in the ecclesiastical administration. The disorders which had prevailed previous to the arrival of the second audiencia had been such as no efforts of the church could arrest. The ecclesiastical body found their labors at conversion almost ineffective from the fact that their teachings were naturally disregarded by the natives, who saw clearly enough that the doctrines of the religion preached to them were practically ignored by the race enforcing it. The condition of the natives, both spiritual and temporal, during this period was lamentable in the extreme. Bishop Zumárraga, who had been appointed protector, exerted himself in vain to alleviate their sufferings; his efforts in their behalf seemed only to bring upon himself the animosity of all interested. Nevertheless his words had their effect, and he was sent for from Spain to give advice on measures for ameliorating the condition of the Indians.

Without money,^[1] but resolute in his labors, he arrived in Spain about the middle of 1532, and was received at court with every mark of favor. His defence of the religious orders in New Spain, and of his own line of conduct, his description of the condition of the natives and his fervid pleadings in their behalf were listened to with attention. His eloquence and earnestness, his self-negation and poverty, bespoke favor for his cause. The title of protector was confirmed to him, and he was empowered to examine the sytem of tributes, with the object of their reduction, and the audiencia received instructions to assist him and conform to his views as far as possible.^[2]

On the 27th of April 1533 he was solemnly consecrated as bishop at Valladolid in the Franciscan church by the bishop of Segovia, in the presence of a large assembly. After the ceremony he journeyed through different parts of Spain for several months, and induced many members of his own order to return with him to Mexico and aid in the labor of conversion.

In 1534 he again arrived in Mexico, having at some time during the same year issued a letter from Toledo erecting his cathedral, establishing the dignitaries of his chapter, and defining the rules by which his diocese would be governed.^[3]

It has been a matter of much discussion as to the first church erected in the city of Mexico. During the next three years after the capture of the city no edifice was built for church service, but a hall in the howe of Cortés was set apart for the purpose of divine worship. This place was soon required as a store-room for arms, and a chapel was established in a narrow corridor, inappropriate both to religious solemnity and the requirements of the worshippers, many of whom had frequently to stand outside unprotected from the sun or rain.^[4]

The Franciscan order claim to have founded the first church, but some doubt exists as to their priority from the fact that in the books of the cabildo it is recorded that on May 30, 1525, a piece of land for an orchard was granted to Fray Pedro de Villagran, who is styled the parish priest "of the church of this city."^[5] It is not unreasonable to conclude that Cortés, previous to his departure, marked out the site and took measures for the erection of a church, which was begun during his absence, and completed at a later date.

An equally difficult question to decide is the site of the first church,^[6] but there is good reason to suppose that the parochial church stood on ground previously occupied by the great Aztec temple, and where the old cathedral was afterward erected.^[7] By a bull of Pope Clement VII. this church was elevated in 1530 to the rank of cathedral,^[8] so that the first cathedral and the parochial church were identical. But this edifice was only regarded as a provisional one, and during the presidency of Fuenleal the construction of a more appropriate building was begun and completed by the viceroy Mendoza.^[9] As time advanced this structure also was too humble in which to celebrate the worship of God with becoming grandeur. A few decades later was laid the first stone of the magnificent edifice which exists to-day.^[10]

The careful attention with which the second audiencia examined into the ecclesiastical system, and the suggestions made by them, showed the necessity of reorganization. In August 1531 they represented to the king that the districts comprised in the diocese of Tlascala were unwisely selected, inasmuch as they were distributed at distances from the episcopal town varying from fifty to one hundred and sixty leagues, and they urged the necessity of establishing more bishoprics of limited extent,^[11] and consisting of contiguous districts. Such a system, they argued, would compel the prelates, whose means and power would be curtailed, to confine themselves to the conversion of the natives, and attention to church matters only.^[12] The metropolitan see of Mexico ought, they considered, to be of limited extent, but it was advisable that the bishop should be invested with extraordinary power to decide doubtful questions.^[13] These representations had their effect, and by cédula of March 20, 1532, the bishopric of Tlascala was limited to the districts of the town of that name, and of Huexotzinco, Cholula, Tepeaca, and the newly founded city of Puebla de los Angeles.^[14]

Further, in accordance with Fuenleal's reeommendation,^[15] the India Council expressed their opinion to the king that not only ought there to be four bishoprics in New Spain, the number to be increased as circumstances might require, but that an archbishopric, or metropolitan bishopric with superior powers, should be established.^[16]

By a royal cédula issued in February 1534, New Spain proper was divided into four provinces, designated as Mexico, Michoacan, Goazacoalco, and Miztecapan;^[17] but the bishoprics, which it was intended to some extent should follow these political divisions, were known by the names of Mexico, Michoacan, Tlascala, and Oajaca. The boundaries of all new dioceses were to be limited to a radius of fifteen leagues, having the cathedral town as the centre. Intervening space between two sees was to be equally divided, but should any principal town be situated near a boundary line the district belonging to it was to be under the jurisdiction of the bishopric in which the town lay, even though it extended into the neighboring diocese.^[18]

But these regulations were attended with inconveniences. The different bishoprics still included greater territorial extents than were consistent with thorough work, and in later times the want of definiteness respecting boundaries led to frequent disputes. In addition to the two bishoprics now existing, namely, those of Mexico and Tlascala, two others were to be established, those of Oajaca and Michoacan. The see of Oajaca was first offered to Padre Francisco Jimenez,^[19] one of the first twelve Franciscans, but he did not accept the appointment, and it was conferred upon Juan Lopez de Zárate, a licentiate in canonical law, doctor of theology, and a devoted member of the Dominican order.^[20] On the 20th of May 1535 the pope established the bishopric, designating Antequera as the cathedral town, and on the 21st of June of the same year confirmed the bishop elect in his appointment. Bishop Zárate on the 28th of September following issued his letter of instructions for the organization of his diocese and its government.^[21]

The bishopric of Michoacan was established the year after by bull dated the 8th of August, Tzintzuntzan being selected as the cathedral town. The establishment of this see had been meditated since 1533, after the visit of the oidor Quiroga, and the Franciscan, Luis de Fuensalida, had been nominated bishop in 1554, but he declined the honor.^[22] Some delay was caused by the death of Pope Clement VII., and the appointment of a bishop was not effected before 1537.^[23] The oidor Vasco de Quiroga had displayed so much wisdom and disinterestedness in the affairs of Michoacan, that although not a churchman, the bishopric was offered to him as being the person most suitable for the position. He accepted, and having received all 'the priestly orders at the hands of Zumárraga was consecrated by him in 1538;^[24] but owing to a variety of circumstances he did not issue his letter organizing his diocese till 1554.^[25] Both these sees were subject to the jurisdiction of the archbishopric of Seville.

 

While the church was thus extending her jurisdiction over the country, and gradually unfolding an organized system of conversion and instruction, the several orders were making similar progress by establishing convents in various parts of the country. The rivalry existing between the Franciscans and Dominicans acted upon each order as an incentive, and the competition for power produced rapid results. As early as 1535 the convents of the Franciscans in Michoacan were of sufficient number and importance to cause the founding of a custodia,^[26] and in 1536, at the general chapter held in Nice by the Franciscan order, the custodia of Santo Evangelio in Mexico was raised to the dignity of a provincia,^[27] Fray García de Cisneros being appointed first provincial. On the following year Cisneros died,^[28] and was succeeded by Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, who occupied the position for the full term of three years, and was followed by Marcos de Niza, as third provincial in 1540.

Thus the Franciscan order established in New Spain a regular government at an early date, and under its direction systematic measures for the conversion of the natives gradually supplanted the doubtfully productive efforts of erratic missionaries. The instruction of children in Christian doctrines throughout the subjugated provinces was carried on with unrelaxed zeal, while the adults listened to the words of salvation in their own language.^[29] Missionary enthusiasm increased. Fearless friars pushed forward into remoter regions, and dauntlessly entered the haunts of tribes untamed as yet by sword and arquebuse. Whether it was Guzman's explorations into unknown lands, or a voyage of Discovery undertaken by Cortés into unknown seas,^[30] that offered an opportunity of carrying the tidings of joy, there were ever at hand priests ready to risk their lives to extend the spiritual conquest. We cannot but admire the courage with which they penetrated alone into the country of the barbarous Chichimecs. In 1539 two friars went from Michoacan into that region and baptized many,^[31] while in 1540 Fray Francisco de las Navas was the first to administer baptism to the Popolucas who inhabited the valley of Tecamachalco.^[32]

 

The Dominicans were not less zealous and active. Down to the year 1532 the monastic establishments of this order were subject to the jurisdiction of the provincia of Santa Cruz, in Española, which had been made independent of Andalusia. But Padre Betanzos had been sent as a delegate to the general chapter held at Rome in that year, to represent the interests of his convent, and procure, if possible, the creation of a Dominican provincia in New Spain. His efforts were successful, and the provincia of Santiago of Mexico, independent of that of Santa Cruz, was established at the convocation, and approved by Pope Clement VII. on the 2d of July, 1532, Fray Tomás de Berlanga being appointed acting provincial.^[33]

Unfortunately for the harmonious working of this decree, the first provincial chapter of Santa Cruz, held in the city of Santo Domingo in August 1531, had included the convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico as a part of its organization, and elected for its prior Fray Francisco de San Miguel, who had recently arrived from Spain with a small party of friars.^[34] These appointments gave rise to strife scarcely less unseemly than that which disgraced secular rule. Berlanga arrived in New Spain with ten friars at the beginning of 1532, but when he entered the monastery and presented his appointment as provincial, the prior caused him and his companions to be put in irons.^[35] The proceeding reached the ears of the audiencia, and President Fuenleal ordered the immediate release of the friars, who thereupon assumed control of the convent.

In July 1534, copies of the official documents relative to the creation of the provincia were received, and in 1535 Betanzos returned from Spain, invested with the authority of vicar-general. On the 24th of August of the same year he convoked a provincial chapter, by which he was himself elected provincial and Fray Pedro Delgado prior, who succeeded him as provincial in 1538. The organization of the provincia was thus at last effected; but though its creation had given rise to temporary dissension in the ranks of the order, it did not retard their advance or interrupt their labors.

About this time the fierce and man-eating Chontales,^[36] who had hitherto scorned to accept civilization at the point of the sword, yielded to the preaching of the devoted Diego Carranza and other Dominican friars. Under the spiritual guidance of these missionaries they cast aside their baser habits, clothed themselves, and changed their contumacious hate to active obedience alike to spiritual and civil superiors.^[37] The labors of the friars in Tehuantepec were of a different kind. Aided by King Cociyopa, they erected a magnificent monastery and church, besides making other material progress. In puebla, also, and Oajaca the Dominicans were quite successful in their efforts.^[38]

 

The Augustinians were first represented in New Spain in 1533, when seven of the order arrived under the leadership of their prior, Francisco de la Crux.^[39] Their names were, Agustin de Coruña, afterward bishop of Popayan, Gerónimo Jimenez, Juan de San Ramon, Juan de Oseguera, Alonso de Borja, Jorge de Ávila, and La Cruz.^[40]

On their arrival in June they were hospitably lodged in the convent of Santo Domingo, while their application for a grant of land was being considered by the cabildo to whom it had been referred by the audiencia.^[41]

They at once began their labors, and the wild districts of Tlapan and Chilapan having been assigned to them, two of their company, Fray Jimenez and Padre Ávila were selected to enter upon the work of conversion. The town of Ocuituco in Mexico was, however, at that time without spiritual imstructors, and the audiencia granted the Augustinians permission to found a convent there. These two friars, therefore, directed their steps thither, and were joined shortly afterward by Padre Coruña and Padre Ramon.^[42]

In October the friars Coruña^[43] and Jimenez proceeded onward to the Chilapan district, where for several months their efforts to convert the natives were unavailing, and the sufferings they endured were extreme. Influenced by their priests the natives refused to supply them food or render any assistance, but held aloof and left them to starve. For three months these enduring men sustained themselves on ears of corn which they gathered from the patches of the natives at the risk of their lives. Yet return was never thought of. They could die, but not abandon their trust. At last curiosity prompted the natives to come forward; and soon they would learn something from these holy men. Gradually their dislike yielded before the kindness and winning example of the friars, who before long founded a convent at Chilapan.^[44]

While Coruña and Jimenez were thus establishing themselves in Chilapan, Father Borja^[45] had been sent to Santa Fé, a town founded by Quiroga, two leagues from the city of Mexico.^[46] Thus five of the seven Augustinians were placed in different parts of the country, while in Mexico the prior and Padre Oseguera labored to support their brethren by the collection of alms,^[47] and by forming a system of government for their prospective province.

In June 1534 La Cruz convoked a meeting of his brethren at the central convent of Ocuituco, to consider the prospects of the order and consult upon future measures.^[48] Some months later La Cruz returned to Spain and obtained further assistance from his order, which had previous to his arrival appointed him provincial vicar in New Spain. But the prior did not live to fulfil the duties of this higher position. Assiduous labor, rigorous fasts, and exhausting journeys on foot broke his health, and shortly after his return to Mexico he died, on the 12th of July, 1536.^[49]

During the absence of La Cruz in Spain, Father Agreda had arrived in Mexico bearing letters addressed to him from his order. These were now opened and found to contain the appointment of La Cruz as provincial vicar, and naming Father Jimenez as his acting vicar or successor in case of his absence or death. Jimenez was at once recognized as provincial vicar, and he convoked a general meeting,^[50] at which, among other matters, was discussed the important one of establishing an independent provincia in Mexico. It was, however, decided to remain an adjunct of the province of Castile.^[51] Moreover, they resolved to abandon the convent of Santa Fé and devote their energies to the conversion of the natives of the mountainous regions, to whom the gospel had not yet been carried.

From this time the Austin friars patiently and devotedly pursued their missionary course with marked success. Father Borja, with several fellow-brothers, went to Atotonilco, and pushing northward labored among the Otomís. The wild fastnesses of the Sierra Alta were invaded by Sevilla and Roa, and the scattered inhabitants after long and arduous exertions were brought into submission.^[52]

At Tacámbaro and Tiripitio convents were established, and at the latter place a school which in time developed into a university.^[53] Nor did the dangers of the low-lying coast lands, reeking with pestiferous air, deter the Augustinians. From Tiripitio they descended into the tierra caliente of the southern seaboard, and labored there as elsewhere, regardless of their comfort or their lives.

They went also to Ocuila, twelve leagues southwest of the city of Mexico, and having acquired that most difficult language by the aid of the converts, they finally succeeded in erecting a convent and a church. Miraculous assistance was vouchsafed to the Austin friars as to others. Situated in a beautiful ravine between the towns of Ocuila and Malinalco, and about eighteen leagues south-west of the capital, the mysterious cave of Chalma had, from time immemorial, been celebrated as a place of heathen worship. Here reposed the idol of the awful Ostotoctheotl, and here his rites were solemnized and his anger appeased by the blood of men and beasts. This stronghold of Satan the friars Sebastian de Tolentino and Nicolás de Perea determined to assail, and in 1537, accompanied with an army of Ocuiltec converts, went in solemn procession to Chalma, Fray Nicolás bearing a cross upon his shoulder. But on arriving at the gloomy cavern they beheld a wondrous sight. The dark cave was illuminated by a heavenly light, the hideous Dagon lay prostrate and broken on the ground; and a beautiful crucifix occupied the now purified place of Ostotoctheotl, and thereupon Chalma became a hermitage and shrine visited from afar.^[54]

In 1537 the term of the provincial of Castile, under whose license they were acting, expired, and the Austin friars in New Spain appointed Father Nicolás de Agreda as provincial vicar pending further action in Spain. ^[55] At a chapter of the order held in 1540, Father Jorge de Ávila, one of the first seven, was chosen provincial vicar. A season of increased activity followed, as is evidenced by the numerous convents founded at the time. It was not until 1541 that the Augustinians began to build their convent in the city of Mexico. A royal grant had enriched the order with the revenue of an Indian town, and that of Tezcuco had been assigned to them by the viceroy Mendoza. The building was not completed before 1587, and cost one hundred and sixty-two thousand pee the whole of which sum was provided by the king.^[56]

 

The establishment of bishoprics, the organization of provincias of the regular orders, the encouragement held out to them to found convents, and the gradual but continued erection of churches^[57] were far more effective in the suppression of idolatry than had been all the labors of itinerant friars, who, howsoever many converts they baptized, left impressions of no very durable character. The encomendero and the exacting tribute-collector followed in the footsteps of the missionaries, which tended to render the teachings of the latter distasteful. Thus it was that during the decade from 15380 to 1540 more lasting conversion was accomplished, and perhaps a greater number baptized, than during any other period of equal length.

In 1531 an event occurred which greatly contributed to the suppression of idolatry, which was the miraculous appearance of the virgin of Guadalupe, the history of which apparition is as follows:

An Indian of low birth who had received baptism a few years before, and had been christened Juan Diego,^[58] was proceeding, on Saturday, the 9th of December, to Tlatelulco^[59] to hear mass and receive instruction. On his way thither he was obliged to pass an eminence about a league from the city.^[60] It was a rugged, sterile hill, seamed with fissures and pierced with cavities, and on it grew no vegetation except the cactus and stunted shrubs.

While crossing the slope of this barren mount, harmonious strains of sweetest music enrapt his attention, and turning his eyes upward in the direction whence the melody came, with increased wonder he beheld an arc of glorious coloring. In its centre shone a brilliant light, such as that shed from a heavenly throne. The rocks around were resplendent with prismatic hues and seemed to him masses of opal, sapphire, and burnished gold. Gradually he drew nearer, and in the radiance beheld a lady of beautiful countenance and form, who in a gentle and assuring voice bade him ascend to where she stood. When he reached the spot the lady told him that she was the virgin Mary, and it was her wish that, on the place where she was standing, a church should be built. She then charged him to hasten to the bishop and inform him of her commands. Juan Diego at once proceeded on his mission, and told his story to Zumárraga. The bishop, however, gave no credence to the tale, and Juan returned to the spot where he had seen the vision. Again the virgin appeared and bade him on the morrow repeat to the bishop her message. More attention was paid to him on this occasion. The prelate questioned him closely, but telling him that his statements were insufficient, bade him bring some sign from the lady by which he might recognize her divine command. Under the impression that the Indian was laboring under an illusion, the bishop directed two persons to follow him unobserved and watch his proceedings. This was done. And when Juan Diego approached the bridge spanning a small stream which crossed the way, he disappeared from their sight, nor did the closest search discover him. Returning to the bishop they made their report acd expressed the belief that the Indian was guilty of witchcraft.

Meanwhile Juan pursued his course, unconscious of the miracle performed in his behalf, and reported to the virgin the result of his mission. She bade him come to her on the morrow, when a sure and certain sign would be given him. He did not, however, carry out the virgin's injunctions, owing to the condition of his uncle, Juan Bernardino, who had fallen ill. Buton the second day, which was the 12th of December, while on his way to Tlatelulco to obtain the services of a priest for the dying relative, he remembered his neglect, and in his simplicity hoped to avoid meeting the apparition by taking another path. On arriving at a small fountain,^[61] however, he perceived the virgin descending the slope, surrounded by the same effulgence as on the first occasion. The vision dazzled him. Conscience-stricken, yet contrite, he fell on his knees trembling. But the virgin consoled him, and bade him be in no anxiety for his uncle, who was well already. She then bade him ascend the hill, cull the roses he would there find, and bring them to her in the folds of his mantle.^[62] The man obeyed, finding on the barren summit a miraculous garden of roses which shed a delicious perfume. Gathering as he had been bidden he carried the roses to the holy one,^[63] who having taken them in her hands, gave them back to the Indian and bade him carry them unseen by any one to the bishop.

On arriving at the bishop's, Juan Diego unfolded his mantle and displayed the roses as the required sign, and behold, a figure of the virgin was found painted upon the mantle. Then all acknowledged the holy nature of the apparition and bent their knees in worship. Zumárraga, with priestly hand, took from the shoulders of the native the sacred cloth, and reverently placed it in his oratory.

On the following day the prelate, accompanied by his household, and guided by Juan Diego, visited the spot designated by the virgin. His mission ended, Juan Diego returned, accompanied by several of the bishop's followers. On their arrival at Tolpetlac, Juan Bernardino was found to be in perfect health, and it was Discovered that at the same hour in which the virgin had told Juan Diego of his recovery she had appeared to Bernardino, restored him to health, and expressed her wishes with regard to the erection of a church.

Far and wide spread the tidings of the miracle, and the crowds which flocked to the bishop's palace to see the divinely painted figure became so great that he placed it on the altar of the cathedral, that all in turn might venerate it. There it remained till a shrine was erected on the site indicated by Mary, whither it was transferred in a solemn procession in 1582.

No more propitious event could have occurred. Divine interposition quickly accomplished that for which the servants of Christ had been so long striving. From that time idolatry rapidly declined in Mexico. Thousands annually visited the sanctuary and in bent adoration deposited their gifts.^[64] In time a more appropriate repository for the sacred robe was wanted, and a chapel was built around the hallowed spring at which the virgin's form had waited.^[65] And later still an imposing edifice, with lofty dome and columns supporting graceful arches, beneath which glittered silver altar-rails and ornaments of gold, received and held safe the venerated painting.^[66]

In regard to the painting itself, we find the virgin represented as standing with the right foot on a crescent moon, supported by a cherub with wings outspread, and hands clasped upon her breast. A rose colored tunic richly embroidered with gold covers her form, and a girdle of velvet clasps her waist. The mantle, decorated with stars, partially covers the head, on which rests a crown with ten points, or rays. The artist Cabrera^[67] describes the countenance as exquisitely beautiful in every feature, and maintains that even if a person were ignorant of the origin of the painting, he could not deny, on seeing it, that it is supernatural work.^[68] The figure is surrounded by an aureola encompassed by a luminous-edged cloud.^[69]

In 1835 a formal investigation was made with regard to the genuineness of the existing painting,^[70] from which it was discovered that its identity with the one miraculously depicted on the mantle of Juan Diego,^[71] was not proven until its removal from its place on the old altar on account of repairs, when attention was attracted to its extraordinary weight. Examination revealed the fact that it was attached to the top of Zumárraga's table, on which was an inscription by the bishop, certifying this to be the true and original picture.^[72]

 

Among the most assiduous propagators of the faith was the Franciscan friar, Toribio Motolinia, who kept a record of baptisms from 1524 to 1539. In the city of Mexico and the surrounding villages more than a million children and adults were baptized, an equal number in the district of Tezcuco, and in Michoacan and other provinces over three millions more. In the single year of 1537 above five hundred thousand received the faith. These conversions were the result of the labors of the Franciscans alone, several members of which order, it is claimed, baptized individually numbers varying from one hundred thousand to three hundred thousand. ^[73] The number of friars employed in this work did not exceed sixty, for though in 1539 the members of the order present amounted to about eighty, not all of them were occupied in baptizing, owing to a want of experience and a knowledge of the language. In spreading the gospel these evangelizers received much aid from native converts,^[74] who, as well as the native traders, carried tidings of the cross into remote districts not yet penetrated by the friars.

It was a grand and happy consummation, alike for church and state; so at least it was regarded until the state became jealous of the wealth and power of the church. At this time the church rejoiced for the millions thus brought into the fold, and the crown rejoiced for subjects thus reclaimed from savagism who were henceforth to add to its revenues. Thus we find the queen writing in 1532 to the archbishop of Toledo, of the great work already accomplished in New Spain, and the wide field for new conversions. The prelate is then asked for virtuous and exemplary laborers willing to go thither.^[75] And again in 1536 the king enjoins the viceroy and audiencia to promote to the utmost the spread of the faith. By this and other means the number of religious teachers was greatly increased.^[76]

But not all of the baptized aboriginals were happy in their new relations. There were some from whose hearts the eradication of idolatry was not so complete as appeared on the surface. Many clung tenaciously to the creed of their ancestors, and when open profession was no longer possible they had recourse to stratagem. While outwardly observing the Catholic form, they practised in secret their ancient rites, and while they knelt before the image of the virgin offered adoration to hidden idols of their own.^[77]

 

 

1. 'Con harta pobreça de dineros.' Torquemada, iii. 449.
2. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 21; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 631; Sosa, Episc. Mex., 9 and app. 236.
3. The chapter consisted of a dean, archdeacon, precentor, chancellor, treasurer, ten canons, and six prebendaries. Thesalaries of these ecclesiastics varied from 150 to 35 pesos per month. Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., i. 120-40, contains a copy of the bishop's letter. One fourth of the tithes he reserved for himself and successors; one fourth was appropriated for the payment of the salaries of the cathedral dignitaries and others; the remainder was apportioned for the payment of rectors, the king's tithes, the building of churches, and the support of the hospital. The parishes of Mexico city are mentioned in Maltrat. de Indios, MS., No. 18, fols. 6-11.
4. Cortés, Residencia, i. passim; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 101.
5. The same book proves that, in August 1524, the hospital of Jesus was founded and a church attached to it. Alaman maintains that the parish church and this one were the first established. Disert., ii. 133. Orozco y Berra, quoting the same authority, draws the conclusion that in the last months of 1524, after Cortés had left for Honduras, the first church was built. Mex. Not. Ciud., 69. Icazbalceta considers that hardly any doubt exists that the first church was not built until after the arrival of the Franciscans. Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 184-202; Torquemada, iii. 35-6, According to Vetancurt, the name of St Joseph was given to the parochial church. Trat. Mex., 6. The assertions of Mendieta and Torquemada, who advance the claim of the Franciscans, are disputed by Sigüénza y Góngora and Alaman. They are, moreover, at variance with Herrera, who plainly attributes to Cortés the establishment of the principal church. Herrera's statement — dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. vi-i. — may, however, be reconciled with that of Mendieta, by interpreting it to mean that only the initiatory steps were taken by the conqueror. Mendieta asserts that the church was built in 1525, 'con mucha brevedad; porque el gobernador D. Fernando Cortés puso en la edificacion mucha calor.' Hist. Ecles., 222. Cortés, however, was in Honduras at that time. According to evidence given by witnesses in his residencia it would appear that it was built during his absence in Honduras; though Ixtlilxochitl claims that his ancestor of the same name, after the return of the expedition, rendered great aid in its construction by supplying both labor and materials. The house for the Franciscans had been already begun, and after the completion of the church Ixtlilxochitl assisted the friars in the erection of their buildings. Hor. Crueldades, 114-16.
6. Icazbalceta, after carefully weighing the arguments adduced by Alaman and José F. Ramirez in analyzing the statements of Torquemada, although recognizing the difficulty of proof, comes to the conclusion that the conjecture that the Franciscan church was the first one built in the city of Mexico is probably right and that its site was that occupied by the atrium of the present cathedral. Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 184-202, 213-29.
7. Herrera states that the foundation-stones of the parochial church were idols, 'y començò la mayor' — i. e. iglesia — 'sobre ciertos idolos de piedra q͏̄ siruen por vasas de las colunas.' dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. If this vexed question as to priority and site should ever be solved it will probably be found that the first parochial church and the first Franciscan church were built almost contemporaneously, the former occupying the site of the Aztec temple, and ground which had, according to Vetancurt, been assigned to the Franciscans for a convent, but of which they relinquished their rights as owners, Trat. Mex., 17; and that the latter named church stood near by on the east, in Santa Teresa street. There is evidence which indicates the site of the first cathedral, for Fuenleal, writing to the empress on the 30th of April 1532, suggests the appropriation of 12 out of 25 lots, 'senalados para hacer iglesia, claostra y casa episcopal,' for the purpose of erecting on them buildings for the audiencia. These lots of ground were situated in the plaza between the two houses of Cortes, and the position of those proposed to be appropriated was such, 'questa casa de Audiencia y las dos casas del Marques tengan la iglesia y plaza en medio.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 214-15. This subject is discussed at great length and ably by Icazbalceta in Salazar, Mex. en 1554, and by Alaman, Disert.
8. Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., i. 124. From the same bull we learn that the church was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Speaking of the cathedral Beaumont says: 'cuya titular es la Asuncion de Nuestra Señora.' Crón. Mich., iii. 251.
9. By a cédula, dated August 28, 1532, it was ordered by Prince Felipe that the cost of construction should be divided into three portions, and defrayed respectively by the royal treasury, the encomenderos, and the natives in the diocese. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 519-20.
10. Its growth was slow, however; slower than that of the temple at Jerusalem. Forty-two years were occupied in building the outer walls, and it was not until 1626 that the interior was so far completed that the old cathedral, beside which the new one was reared, could be pulled down. Orozco y Berra, in Mex. Not. Ciud.,'71; Not. Mex., in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 320. Vetancurt gives 1655 as the date. Trat. Mex., 18.
11. They advised that the diocese of Tlascala be limited to a radius of 10 leagues. Carta, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 166-8.
12. Friars Domingo de Betanzos, Francisco de Soto, and Martin de Valencia are mentioned as being willing to accept so poor bishoprics. Id.
13. Especially regarding native marriages, as the Indians concealed their degrees of relationship when it was their interest to do.
14. The audiencia was also instructed to give its views after due consultation regarding the establishment of other sees. Puga, Cedulario, 76-7, 90-2.
15. He remarks, 'y an de ser personas que anden á pié dó no pudieren andar cavalgando, y que se contenten con el mantenimiento de los indios y con toda pobreza.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, xiii. 225.
16. Parecer del Consejo, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, xii. 133-4.
17. The limits of each were properly defined. Puga, Cedulario, 90-1.
18. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 464.
19. He had been called to several different sees. Torquemada states that he refused that of Guatemala. Gonzaga calls him the bishop of Tabasco, and Medina considers him to have been the first bishop of Oajaca. This latter author considers that the vagueness of diocesan boundaries at this period gave rise to this diversity of opinion. Chron. de San Diego de Mex., 246; Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. de Jesus, 231-2. According to the first-quoted authority and Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 222, he was appointed by Charles V. on the 14th of January, 1534.
20. He gave permission to this order to establish in his diocese all the convents convents they might choose, and left one third of his library to the Dominican convent in Mexico, and another third to that in Oajaca; the remaining third was willed to his own church. He attended the first ecclesiastical council in 1554 and died the same year. On his death-bed he requested the Dominicans to bury him in the same grave with Padre Pedro Delgado, 'para que el valor de sus huessos fauoreciesse los pobres suyos,' and accordingly he was interred in the Dominican convent of Mexico. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 222-3.
21. The dignitaries, members of the chapter and vestry, and all appointments were the same as those of the bishopric of Mexico. For want of funds, however, to pay the salaries, only the four dignitaries and five canons were appointed, the other positions being left vacant. A copy of the bull and the bishop's letter is contained in Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 278-97. Bishop Zárate one time appears to have been dissatisfied with his diocese. In a letter, dated May 30, 1544, addressed to Philip II., he complains of not being permitted to go to Spain, and reiterates his previous request for permission to appear at court. He moreover remarks upon the extent of his diocese, which he says was too large for three bishops, and yet only contained within it two convents occupied by eight friars. Zarate, Carta,in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 287-306. Consult also Calle, Mem. y Not.,79; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 547.
22. Vetancvr, Menolog., 84; Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 37. Beaumont, in Crón. Mich., iv. 12-18, considers that Moreno is in error in stating that Fuensalida was proposed as bishop in 1533, and approves Calle's date 1534. See Mem. y Not., 72.
23. The establishment of this bishopric was recommended by Viceroy Mendoza, Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. vii,
24. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 112, says in 1537, which is somewhat supported by a letter of the queen to Mendoza, dated September 20, 1537, representing that Quiroga had written to her expressing his desire to proceed to his diocese and undertake his spiritual duties; but Beaumont, on the authority of an old manuscript of the Jesuit Father Francisco Ramirez, states that Quiroga took possession of his bishopric on the 22d of August, 1538; and was consecrated at the end of the same year. Crón. Mich., iv. 162-3.
25. Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 250-70. In Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 731-2, may be found a list of the border towns of the diocese proper.
26. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 376; Torquemada, iii. 333; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 52-6, write 1536. It became subject to the provincia del Santo Evangelio, and when founded was promised one third of the members of the order that should arrive from Spain. Padre Testera, in 1542, during the few months of his administration as commissary-general, provided the custodies of Yucatan, Michoacan, and Jalisco with a competent number of religiosos, out of the 150 brought out by him. Figueroa, in Pap. Francis., MS., series i. No. 1. Antonio de Beteta was probably the first custodian. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 52.
27. The first comisario general was Alonzo de Rozas who was afterward custodian in Michoacan and Jalisco. Mendieta, 543; Torquemada, iii. 374. The custodia had existed nearly 11 years. Figueroa, in Pap. Francis., MS., i. series i. No. 1. During that time there were four custodians who held office in the following order: Fray Martin de Valencia, Luis de Fuensalida, Fray Martin, a second time appointed, and Jacobo de Testera. Torguemada, iii. 303, 305. This provincia del Santo Evangelio, when Torquemada wrote, contained within its limits 70 convents and included the archbishopric of Mexico and the bishopric of Tlascala. Id.
28. García Cisneros, a Castilian, received the appointment because of his many virtues and literary attainments. He mastered the native language, and is said to have baptized 100,000 persons. He founded the important college of Santa Cruz de Tlatelulco as a seminary for native nobles, and placed there such learned professors as Bassacio, Olmos, Sahagun, and others. He contributed largely to the foundation of Puebla de los Angeles. Mendieta, 621-2.
29. The proficiency acquired by the friars in the native languages was in many cases remarkable. Among great numbers may be mentioned Pedro de Castillo, who acquired the Mexican and Otomí dialects to perfection. This friar's religious enthusiasm was unyielding. Crippled and blind, he caused himself to be borne from town to town in a chair, preaching and teaching on every occasion possible. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 686-8. Equally famous for his aptitude to acquire the native tongues was Fray Alonso de Escalona, who in three years acquired the Mexican so thoroughly that his written sermons in that language were extensively used by other preachers. Id., 667-74. See also Torquemada, iii. 490-9.
30. Friars Juan Padilla, Antonio de Segovia, and Martin de Jesus accompanied Guzman's expedition into Nueva Galicia, and baptized multitudes at the founding of San Miguel. They afterward traversed a great extent of country represented by the present states of Michoacan, Jalisco, and Zacatecas. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 423-6. Franciscans accompanied Cortés on his expedition on the Pacific, and while at Tehuantepec waiting for the completion of the fleet, they preached through the country by the aid of interpreters of the Zapotec language spoken there. Id., ii. 486-7.
31. Friars had previously entered this region. The two mentioned in the text visited about 30 small towns, the population of the largest of which did not amount to 600 inhabitants. Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 173.
32. According to Torquemada Navas baptized 12,000 natives in two months, and told the date of his own death long before the event. He was twice guardian of the convent in Mexico, and at times definidor of the province. iii. 523-6.
33. Chiefly through the instrumentality of Betanzos. Prov. Santiago, MS., 3. The term of the provincial's office at first was three years, but in 1508 it was increased to four years. Dávila, Continuacion, MS., 284.
34. Padre San Miguel was the first prior proper, the government hitherto having been in the hands of vicars. Having served only one year, he was succeeded by Bernardo de Minoya. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 56; Dávila, Continuacion, MS., 284.
35. President Fuenleal in letter of April 30, 1532, to the king, speaking of this arrest says: 'Un fray Vicente que se decia prior, le prendió . . . y le hechó unos grillos, y le quito los poderes que traia.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 210-11.
36. They occupied a considerable portion of the wilder districts of Tabasco. Native Races, i. 645, this series.
37. Búrgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 335-6, in which is a description of the condition and mode of life of these people.
38. Fray Gonzalo, specially competent for the position on account of his Knowledge of the native languages, was placed in charge of the mission of Chila; and Oajaca, the district of Villa Alta, and the peaceful valley of Yanguitlan, were occupied by friars in 1538. By the exertions of Fray Domingo Santa Maria, 12,000 families in the latter district accepted the Christian religion and received instruction. Santa Maria acquired the language in one year, and wrote a work on Christian doctrine for the use of the natives. Búrgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, i. 14-18, 131-3, ii. 262-4.
39. As early as 1527 they had requested permission of the emperor to proceed to New Spain, and made preparations accordingly. Grijalua, Cron. S. August., 2-9. Before departing they met at Toledo in 1532, elected La Cruz prelate, and resolved to make the journey on foot in hempen sandals to the place of embarcation. Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 123. Hazart states that they entered New Spain in 1532. Kirchen Geschichte, ii. 5832 Medina and Vetancurt follow Grijalva.
40. The above list is from Fernandez. Grijalva mentions Fray Gerónimo de San Estévan, who doubtless is to be identified with Jimenez.
41. Torquemada states that they bought the site for their monastery in the city of Mexico with the alms they received. iii. 70. Icazbalceta, in Salazar, Mex. en 1554, concludes that the cabildo assigned the piece of ground to them, though there is no record of such a grant. The Indians called it Zoquipan, 'in the mire,' because it was always muddy, owing to a neighboring spring. Grijalva says: 'Al fin resoluio la Audiẽcia de señalarles sitio donde fundasen.' Cron. S. August., 11. Fernandez remarks: 'Al principio era muy corta la casa, de Mexico, y assi viuian los Religiogos de dos en dos en vna celda.' Hist. Ecles., 124.
42. Juan de San Ramon was one of the most prominent of the first Augustinian friars in Mexico. His parentage and birthplace are not recorded, but at an early age he was made superior of the convent at Valladolid. His fame in Michoacan as prior of the convent of Tiripitio caused his election at a later date as provincial of that provincia. In 1544 he returned to Spain to plead in behalf of the encomenderos, and, with Jorge de Ávila as his companion, in order to have an interview with the emperor, who was then in Germany, he travelled through the Lutheran countries disguised as a soldier. His mission was successful. He returned to Mexico after an absence of nine years. Again, in 1555, he visited Spain in behalf of his order, which was engaged in certain disputes with the bishops. His efforts obtained from the hing a cédula ordering the bishops to make no innovations. Having returned in 1564, he was appointed provincial in 1566, but needing rest, he declined the honor. In 1569, however, he felt compelled to accept that office, a second time offered to him; but on the conclusion of his term, retired to the convent of Puebla, where he died and was buried in 1581, being the last survivor of the seven first Augustinians who came to Mexico. He was about 80 years of age. Mich., Crón. San Nicolas, 26-32.
43. Fray Agustin de Coruña was born in the city of that name in Spain, and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. He labored for '20 years in the districts of Chilapan and Tlapa, and then returned to the capital. He was afterward appointed bishop of Popayan, and consecrated in Madrid in 1562. He died in 1590 at the age of 80 years, at the town of Tamana.
44. The church and convent of Chilapan were destroyed by an earthquake in 1537. All their convents had hospitals connected with them.
45. Alonso de Borja, born at Aranda, of noble parentage, was uncompromisingly austere in his habits, fasting thrice a week and sleeping on bare boards. Feeling his end approaching, he set out on foot for Mexico city, 19 leagues distant. Having received the last sacraments he died shortly afterward in 1542, and was buried in the convent of his order. Grijalua, Cron. S. August., 62-4.
46. In the district under his charge there were 12,000 families, the members of which observed great regularity in their devotions. At Santa Fé a convent was founded by Father Borja. Id., 15-17.
47. From the Lady Isabel de Montezuma, daughter of the great emperor, and married to Pedro Cano, they obtained great favors; she assumed the entire maintenance of their house, and contributed so lavishly that the priests remonstrated until told to give the surplus to the poor. Id., 17.
48. At this convocation regulations for their future guidance were drawn up; and it was agreed that La Cruz and Oseguera should occupy the convent of Ocuituco, inasmuch as they had not yet been engaged in the work of conversion.
49. Fernandez gives June 11, 1535, as the date of his death. Hist. Ecles., 124-5. Fray Francisco de la Cruz was born in Ciudad Rodrigo, in Estremadura, and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. Though not a learned man he possessed the gift of preaching to an excellent degree. Miracles are attributed to him after death. On one occasion he even rose from his grave in the convent of San Agustin in Mexico to save a novitiate from the clutches of the devil, who had already dragged him through a narrow grating and was carrying him off. Passing by La Cruz's tomb, however, the friar arose, and having put the evil one to flight, took back the novitiate to the convent through the same grating. Id.
50. The friars were now 23 in number. In 1535 five more had arrived, Fray Nicolás de Agreda being their superior, and La Cruz brought with him from Spain 11 other members especially chosen for the work. A fourth company of Augustinians was brought out by Prior Juan Eustacio in 1539.
51. The provincial of Castile had authorized them to elect from their own number four definidores, who with their provincial vicar formed their chapter. These were empowered to regulate local matters without reference to Spain, and elect their own priors. Fray Juan de Sevilla was on this occasion elected prior.
52. After a year's unremitted efforts and hardships Roa in despair left his companion with the intention of returning to Spain. Having observed, however, the success of brother friars under similar difficulties, he returned to the Sierra and practised such patience and perseverance that the two friars eventually succeed in converting the inhabitants of that region and collecting them into towns, They even advanced into mountain ranges occupied by the Chichimecs.
53. The convent at Tiripitio, Michoacan, founded in 1537 by Diego de Alvarado, a nephew of Pedro de Alvarado, and afterward bishop elect of the province, soon became celebrated as an educational centre, and won the title of the Athens of New Spain. In 1540 this convent, which was two and a half years in building, was made a college for the higher branches of learning. A son of the king of Michoacan was one of the first pupils. Under the provincial Ávila it was one of the great centres of the faith. Mich., Cron. St Nicolas, 4, 6-12, 22, 145.
54. The first hermit who occupied the sanctuary was Bartolomé de Jesus María. In time a house, with cells for a few friars, and a chapel were built, and finally an Augustinian convent. On March 5, 1683, the church of Chalma was dedicated. There is also a hospedería for the accommodation of pilgrims who visit the place twice a year, at the beginning of Lent and on St Michael's day in May. Many miracles and wonderful cures are credited to this shrine. Romero Elias, Salv. ó Caridad, No. ii. 105-44; Sardo Joaquin, Chalma, 1 et seq.
55. This friar afterward returned to Spain, attended the chapter held at Dueñas in 1543, and was elected prior of Pamplona, where he died. Grijalua, Cron. S. August., 36.
56. There being already two convents in the see it was at first considered by the king inexpedient to found a third, which was the cause of the delay. The first stone was laid by the viceroy, the second by Bishop Zumárraga, the third by the prior of Santo Domingo, the fourth by the guardian of San Francisco, and the fifth by the vicar of San Agustin. Id., 11, 50. Consult also Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 248-9; Medina, Chron. San Diego de Mex., 10; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., No. vi. 328.
57. A royal cédula, dated August 2, 1533, ordered that places of worship, where Indians might be instructed, were to be erected in all principal towns, whether pertaining to the crown, the marqués del Valle, or encomenderos, the expense of construction to be defrayed by the tributes paid by the natives. Mex., Col. Leyes, i. xlv. — vi.
58. His native name was Quauhtlatohua, He was born at Quauhtitlan, a pueblo about five leagues to the north of Mexico city, and at the time of the apparition was living at Tolpetlac, two leagues distant from the same. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 435.
59. There was a college at Tlatelulco where the Spanish language and the arts and sciences were taught. Becerra Tanco, Felic., 47.
60. 'Fué llamada de los indios Tepeyacac que quiere decir extremo ó punta de los cerros' or more literally 'nariz de los cerros.' Bustamante, Aparic. Guad., 9. It was also called Quautlalapan, corrupted into Guadalupe, says Beaumont. 'The historian Sigüenza derives the latter word from the Arabic guada, river, as in Guadalquivir, Guadiana, and lub, or luben, fountain. Others consider the word composed of the Arabic guada and the Latin lupus, its signification then being wolf river. Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 279.
61. Called the Pozito de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe.
62. The Mexican tilma was nothing more than a square piece of cloth. With regard to the modes of wearing it consult Native Paces, ii. 366, 727.
63. The virgin was waiting for him at the foot of the tree called by the Indians Quauçahualt, and by the Spaniards arbol de telas de araña, or cobweb-tree. Becerra Tanco, Felic., 27.
64. Bustamante avers that the Spaniards would not have allowed so many thousands to congregate at the shrine, had they not been aware of the peaceful purport of their assembling. Aparic. Guad., 51.
65. The painting was removed there in 1662, according to Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 440, and Villa Señor, Theat. Amer., i 16. But this date is obviously incorrect, as the removal took place in the time of Archbishop Serna who died in 1631. Consult Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 167-8.
66. The cost of this magnificent church, probably the richest in Mexico, is estimated at from half a million to eight hundred thousand pesos. It was begun in 1695 and not fully completed till 1709. The high altar, according to Beaumont, cost 98,000 pesos, and the throne, or tabernacle in which the picture is enshrined, 52,119 pesos. Cron. Mich. iii. 441. Later authorities give a still higher estimate of this latter work of art. The painting was placed in the church on the 1st of May 1703, where it remained till 1836, when it was temporarily transferred to the convent of the Capuchins during the internal renovation of the edifice, being restored to its place in December of the same year. Magnificent donations have been made to this church. In 1707 Andrés Palencia left 100,000 pesos, and in 1747 the accumulated capital amounted to 527,832 pesos, yielding an income of 30,000 pesos. With this sum endowments were made for the support of an abbot, 10 canons, and other church officers. Villa Señor, Theat. Amer., i. 16; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 168-74; Florencia, Estrella del Norte, 25-9; Beltrami, Mex., ii. 226-7.
67. Miguel Cabrera, at a meeting of the artists of Mexico in 1751, was selected to make a copy of the painting for presentation to Benedict XIV. This copy was the most celebrated ever taken. Cabrera in 1756 wrote a lengthy critique on the original. Aparic. Guad., 42-7.
68. Grave authorities have agreed that no human hand could have painted such a picture. Becerra Tanco, Feléc., 55.
69. The length of the picture is, according to Cabrera, two and one twelfth varas, and its width a little over one and a quarter varas. The length of the virgin's figure is about one vara. It is painted on ayate, a coarse native cloth manufactured out of the fibre of the agave plant, and has been extensively copied. The miraculous origin of this painting has given rise to much controversy as to its authenticity. The arguments advanced in contra consist of five principal ones: 1. The miracle was never affirmed by any auto; 2. Bishop Zumárraga left no writing on the subject; 3. Torquemada leaves the reader to infer that it was the work of man; 4. The ayate, said to have belonged to Juan Diego, was longer and narrower than the mantles usually worn; 5. The painting itself shows artistic faults. Bartolache makes an elaborate attempt to refute these arguments. Manifest. Opusc. Guad., 70-105. The defenders of the miracle, the warmest of whom is Bustamante, base its authenticity on native manuscripts giving an account of it; on extant narratives of ancient writers mentioned by Veytia and others; on the testimony of aged persons; on ancient native canticles; and on the miracles performed at the sanctuary, mentioned by many writers, among whom was Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 250. Those who desire further information can consult, besides the authorities already quoted, the following: Lasso de la Vega, Huei Tlamahuicoltica, published in Mexico, 1649, a work supposed to be modelled from Sanchez; Boturini, Idea, Hist. Gen. Amer., Madrid, 1746. This author collected a great number of Indian manuscripts: Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., Mexico, 1698; Sanchez, Imagen Guad., Mexico, 1648; Cabrera, Maravilla Amer., Mexico, 1756, a work treating exclusively of the painting; Florencia, Zodiaco Mariano, Mexico, 1755; Id., Estrella de el Norte, Mexico, 1741, a discussion on the painting and Indian antiquities. Antonio and Tuñon, Col. Ob. y Opusc., an excellent collection of passages from the best writers on the Guadalupe mystery; and Castro, Octava Maravilla Mex., Mexico, 1729, a poem in five — The material on which the picture was painted is discussed in this work.
70. The committee, besides Bustamante, was composed of the bishop of Monterey, Fray Ortigosa, two prebends, Movellan, secretary of congress, a notary public, and the artists Aillon and Villanueva.
71. This personage, after the apparition of the virgin, withdrew from business, lived a life of celibacy, and devoted himself to her service. He died in 1548, aged 74, warned, according to Vetancurt, Chron., 128, of his approaching end.
72. The painting had been stretched upon five boards, solidly joined together by treenails, and at the back was the inscription: 'Tabla de la mesa del Illmo. Sr. Zumárraga, y en la que el dichoso néofito puso la tilma en que estaba estampada esta maravillosa imágen.' The carpenter, who accompanied the committee, testified to the antiquity of the boards, while the wooden nails were like those used by the Indian carpenters in the bishop's time. Aparic. Guad., 27-9.
73. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 108-9; Mendicta, Hist. Ecles., 275. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 25, states that by the Dominican and Franciscan friars 10,500,000 natives were baptized, not including those converted by other orders. According to Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 47, the Franciscans baptized 1,000,000 during the first eight years. Torguemada, ii. 156.
74. In the year 1530 a school for the religious instruction of Indian girls was established with a similar good result, the young women assisting in the work of conversion as soon as sufficiently taught. This seminary was under the management of six pious sisters sent out by the queen of Spain. It existed for about ten years. Id., 48. Also Motolinia, 224-6, and Medieta, 482-3.
75. Cédula, in Col. Doc. Inéd., ii. 379-80.
76. 'Aunque los obreros eran muy buenos (mediante la diligencia del Visorrey) desde este punto comẽçaron a ser mas en numero, y mejores.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. x.
77. For an account of secret ceremonies see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. 321.