History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 22

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXII.

NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN.

1536-1542.

Torre Appointed Juez de Residencia — An Unpleasant Meeting — The Vulture Encaged — Guzman's Release and Departure to Spain — Clipped Wings — Guzman's Death and Character — Torre's Official Investigations — His Wise Administration — Indian Revolt — A Catastrophe — Torre's Last Hours — His Character — Coronado Succeeds Him as Governor — His Incompetency — Delusive Hopes — A Profitless Expedition — Niza Revives Enthusiasm — Visions of Conquest and Wealth — Troubles Foreshadowed — Coronado's Expedition Northward — His Disappointment and Return — Contemporary Progress in Michoacan — A Useful Visitador — Reforms and Prosperity — Quiroga Made Bishop of Michoacan — His Beneficent Rule.

Every one raised to high estate must fall, and little pulling down was left for death to do while Charles ruled the Indies. We have seen the fall of Hernan Cortés and deem it dastardly even though not undeserved; we have seen the fall of Nuño de Guzman, and have shed no tears over it. There is yet even deeper abasement in store for him.

Aroused by tales of Guzman's atrocities, the king, by cédula dated the 17th of March, 1536, appointed the licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre his juez de residencia and successor of Guzman as governor of Nueva Galicia,^[1] with instructions that his examination should be rigid.

Nor was Guzman the only one to be subjected to a residencia; all public officers in New Galicia were to be called to account; the management of the royal revenues, public funds, and repartimientos was to be closely investigated. 'The examinations were to be conducted with brevity and nothing reduced to writing except what was essential. The juez de residencia was required in his reports of the proceedings to give an account of the character of the witnesses and the probable motives which might influence their testimony.^[2] Explicit instructions were also given him for his guidance in the treatment and government of the natives.

Hastily arranging his affairs in Spain, Torre sailed with his family, and arrived at Vera Cruz toward the end of the year. Here he learned that Guzman — who, as the reader is aware, had arrived at the capital — was making preparations to escape, having ordered a vessel for his departure. No time was to be lost, and Torre, leaving his family in Vera Cruz, set out secretly for the city with a single attendant.

There was a bond between Guzman and Mendoza, dissimilar as they were in many respects; they both hated Cortés, and there could be little rivalry between them, for Mendoza stood high while Guzman had fallen low. And so the viceroy received the New Galicia governor kindly when he came to Mexico,^[3] confident in the measures he had taken for escape both from the country, and from the unpleasantness of a residencia.

But the inexorable judge was nigh. Entering the viceroy's hall of reception one morning Guzman met Torre coming from an audience with Mendoza. The recognition was mutual, and the new governor of the north politely informed Guzman that he was his prisoner. Resistance was useless; escape impossible. The toils were around the wild beast that had so long roamed defiantly. Under conduct of Mendoza's guard, which had often witnessed his honorable entrance, he was marched out of the viceregal palace and lodged in the common prison.^[4] Fortune had bestowed upon him her last smile.

His appointed judge lost no time in beginning proceedings, and that there might be no unnecessary protraction of the trial he listened only to the most serious charges. The accusations were the gravest that could be made. The murder of Caltzontzin, the devastations of towns, and the enslavement of natives alike in time of war and peace, were sufficient to condemn a far more popular man. The districts of Pánuco and Nueva Galicia were visited by Torre, and the testimony of witnesses taken relative to Guzman's acts in these regions. Thus time passed by, making the trial long, although it had been so promptly begun.^[5] Nor was his life in prison cheered by much sympathy; his enemies were many and his friends few. According to Mota Padilla the latter took less interest in him than the former, who did not leave him in ignorance of the joy with which his imprisonment was generally regarded.

An appeal to the India Council^[6] brought him a temporary relief. On the 4th of October, 1537, a royal cédula was issued, ordering him to surrender himself to the officers of the Casa de Contratacion at Seville,^[7] by which body he would be transferred to the India Council. Hence, on the 30th of June, 1538, after an incarceration of nearly a year and three quarters, Guzman walked out of his prison and made preparations to return to Spain.

Neither the date of his departure nor that of his arrival in the peninsula is known. Indeed, the last years of his life were passed in obscurity and misery. The king, whose indignation was roused by the report from the audiencia,^[8] would have inflicted extreme punishment^[9] but for the influence of powerful friends.^[10] But the monarch refused to see him, and assigned Torrejon de Velasco as his future abiding-place, where, neglected and despised, he passed the remaining six years of his life.^[11]

The record of Nuño de Guzman is before the reader, who will see in him an able, scheming, and unscrupulous lawyer; a fearless soldier and a skilful though unpopular leader; an unfeeling, tyrannical ruler; a grasping miser; and a hypocritical adherent of royalty and Christianity. True, as certain writers claim in his behalf, his faults were those of his time; but in his character these faults are shown by the chroniclers at their worst, unrelieved by a single one of the generous impulses or noble traits which, notwithstanding their deeds of blood, have given lasting fame and respect to the memory of many of the conquerors. Few of the old chroniclers have anything good to say of him. He had great opportunities, and abused them all. Had he found a Mexico or a Peru in the northwest, his name would not have been so utterly forgotten; his sovereign would not have so abhorred him, and his historians might perhaps have found some one redeeming quality in his character. But he would have been remembered as a Pizarro, not as a Cortés.^[12]

 

As soon as Torre had concluded so much of the residencia of Guzman as pertained to his administration in the capital, and provided for the safe custody of his prisoner, he proceeded to Pánuco, as before mentioned, there to continue his investigations.^[13] Having completed his labors in that province he removed with his family in 1537 to Guadalajara.^[14] At Tonolá he was received by the provisional governor, Cristóal de Oñate, who recognized his authority and delivered the administration into his hands.^[15]

Torre proceeded at once to make his official investigations. A general residencia was proclaimed in the towns of Guadalajara, Compostela, Culiacan, and Purificacion, and the proceedings conducted with energy and prudence. Such cases as he was unable to decide himself were remitted to the India Council. By the close of the year the investigations were so far concluded that the governor was permitted to turn his attention to affairs of state.

The condition in which Guzman had left Nueva Galicia was indeed a deplorable one. His system of enslavement had driven most of the natives to the mountains, thus bringing distress on all who remained, whether Spaniards or Indians. Numbers of settlers were preparing to go to Peru, while others made raids upon the Indians and reduced all they could catch to slavery.^[16]

The prudent measures of Torre^[17] restored confidence. He was well supported by the viceroy, and the colonists after their long and ineffectual complaints^[18] settled down with some degree of content.

Nor did the efforts of Torre in his dealings with the natives meet with less encouragement. He soon saw that if treated well the natives would gladly return to their homes,^[19] and with the aid of the friars this was in a measure accomplished.^[20] But the bad practices of encomenderos could not immediately be stopped. Excesses in the outlying districts were still committed, and in 1538 in the northern portion of the province the people of Jocolotlan, Guajacatlan, and Ostoticpaquillo, under the leadership of their cacique Guajicar, rose in arms.^[21]

The suppression of this revolt was attended with a catastrophe which closed the career of the unfortunate Torre. As soon as news of the outbreak reached Guadalajara, a council was held at which it was decided to send a force under the command of captains Alonso Álvarez, Diego Sigler, and Cristóbal Romero against the disaffected district.^[22] The governor, however, in the hope, probably, of effecting a reconciliation without the necessity of bloodshed, resolved to accompany the expedition in person. When the Spaniards arrived in the hostile territory they found the Indians strongly intrenched on a rocky eminence, and though Torre made every endeavor to induce them to submit on general terms,^[23] they refused. "Let death come to you or us," they replied.

An appeal to arms was therefore unavoidable. The heights were invested and assailed at different points, and the Indians so harassed that they descended to the plain, determined to try a pitched battle, in which of course they were overthrown. Great numbers were slain, and the remainder, among whom was the cacique Guajicar, fled into the neighboring glens for refuge.

Torre, who during the engagement had displayed the usual soldierly qualities of a Spaniard, now rode with his pursuing troops, encouraging them as they toiled over the difficult ground. While so occupied he was thrown from his horse, which falling upon him inflicted a mortal injury.^[24] He was carried back to Tonalá,ref>Mota Padilla says to Tetlan, situated four leagues from the site occupied by Guadalajara in that author's time. Tello, writing in the middle of the 17th century, places this town one league from the Guadalajara of his time. Hist. N. Gal., 369. The site of Guadalajara was changed several times.</ref> where were his family, and they laid him on his death-bed.

After several days of suffering, and conscious that his end was near, Torre formally appointed Christóbal de Oñate his successor pending instructions from the viceroy,^[25] and having given him advice regarding the administration, and commended to his care his bereaved family, he yielded up his spirit and was buried in the convent of San Francisco at Tetlan.^[26]

Torre is described as possessing a robust frame, with a dark sallow complexion. Brave and industrious, prompt and cautious, he was strict, perhaps stern, in the administration of justice. Possessed of a genial and generous disposition, the absence of arrogance won for him much good-will; and though the kindness of his heart ever prompted him to friendly acts, he was guided by discrimination in his benevolence. The satisfactory manner in which he performed his duties in the matter of residencias in Nueva Galicia, and the successful commencement which he made for the establishment of a healthy government, speak loudly in his praise.

 

When the news of Torre's death reached Mendoza he appointed Luis Galindo chief justice of Nueva Galicia,^[27] and shortly afterward Francisco Vazquez de Coronado provisional governor, this latter appointment being confirmed by royal cédula of April 18, 1539.^[28]

Vazquez de Coronado was a native of Salamanca, and had married a daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the royal treasurer of New Spain.^[29] Mendoza held him in high esteem, but his eyes were perhaps a little blinded by friendship. The viceroy regarded him as a prudent and able man, and gifted with talents above the ordinary.^[30] But Coronado's ability, either as ruler or military commander, was not of an order that made him fit for the position.^[31] This is clearly shown in his Cíbola expedition, wherein he pushed northward with great perseverance; but his want of control over his followers was lamentably evident; and the dissension among them, and the disorderly manner of his return, display weakness as a leader. Of his ability as a ruler, his administration and its results will enable the reader to judge.^[32]

At the time of his appointment Coronado held the office of visitador n New Spain. The arrival of Cabeza de Vaca, and his report of what the natives had told him of wealthy cities toward the north, hastened his departure to Nueva Galicia. The viceroy was infected with the general excitement, as we have seen, and ordered Coronado to proceed at once to his province. It was arranged that Father Marcos de Niza should accompany him and make a preliminary exploration northward for the purpose of verifying Vaca's statements. Should he be successful in discovering the wonderful cities, it was determined that an expedition on a large scale should be sent to take possession of them.

Coronado departed from the capital during the latter part of 1538, and on the 19th of November, his commission having been recognized, he appointed the alcaldes and regidores of Guadalajara for the ensuing year.^[33] He then proceeded to visit various districts of his province, portions of which were in a disturbed condition, and having arrived at his border town of San Miguel de Culiacan, he despatched Niza from that place, careful provision having been made for his safe return by procuring native guides and taking other precautions.

On the 7th of March, 1539, Niza set out on his search, accompanied by Father Honorato, a negro named Estevanico, and a band of friendly Indians. Coronado a month later invaded a northern territory known by the name of Topiza,^[34] of the wealth of which he had received reports. But the expedition mnet with little success. He failed to discover the people who decked their persons, as he had been told, with ornaments of gold and precious gems, and who faced the walls of their houses with silver.^[35] After a long and wearisome march over mountains he reached a barren land in which he could obtain neither gold nor food; hence he retraced his steps to San Miguel.

Not long afterward Niza returned and brought to Coronado the welcome news of the existence and grandeur of the reported cities, whereupon the governor determined to go with him to Mexico, and with the assistance of the viceroy prepare an expedition for the anticipated conquest of Cíbola. They arrived at the capital at the end of August,^[36] and so great was the excitement over the glowing account of Niza that in a few days he had raised a force of three hundred Spaniards with eight hundred native auxiliaries, eager to join in reaping the golden harvest. A reconnoitring party of fifteen men was sent forward under Melchor Diaz and Juan de Saldivar,^[37] for the purpose of verifying Niza's account. This party left San Miguel on the 17th of November, and proceeded one hundred leagues northward. The time of the year was, however, unfavorable, and the excessive cold prevented further advance.^[38]

In the mean time preparations in the capital were pushed forward as rapidly as possible. Compostela was named as the rendezvous, and so important was the expedition deemed by the viceroy that he proceeded thither to give encouragement by his presence and to superintend final preparations. But the enterprise was not without its opponents, whose principal arguments were that it would deprive Spanish towns of men needful for their protection; hearing which Coronado took sworn depositions as to the actual number of citizens enrolled. On the 22d of February a review was held, and from the declarations made it appeared that the ranks were mainly composed of poor but well-born adventurers, who had not been long in the country, and were regarded as dissolute idlers and burdens upon the community.^[39]

It was, perhaps, not without some ground that the settlers of Nueva Galicia objected to the departure of their governor with so fine a band of troops. Just apprehensions of a general uprising of the natives were entertained; indeed, im some portions of the province the natives were in open revolt. Indian towns belonging to the Spaniards were attacked, cattle driven off, and converts and negroes massacred. Coronado had been so occupied with schemes of conquest and too frequently absent to attend properly to the affairs of his province, and this neglect sowed the seeds of a revolt which was only suppressed after three years of warfare. Before his departure, so alarming had matters become, that on the 26th of December preceding, the colonists of Guadalajara addressed a petition expressing fear that unless he extended aid the country would be lost.^[40]

But the governor was not to be turned from his adventure by trifles. Here was a land where gold was as common as was earthen-ware in Spain, and precious gems could be collected in heaps; time enough to attend to his people after he had gathered wealth. At the end of February,^[41] Oñate having been appointed lieutenant-governor, the army marched out of Compostela with banners flying, every man of them having taken an oath, required by the viceroy, to obey the orders of their general and never abandon him.

Day after day and month after month they journeyed northward, robbing and murdering as occasion offered, their eyes like those of hawks ever eager for prey. But gold and jewels were not plentiful there. The seven cities of Cíbola proved but so many empty crocks, and the disappointed booty-hunters cursed the reverend Niza. But there was gold enough beyond, according to the statements of the natives, over toward the north-east, and the Spaniards still pursued. Across rapid rivers and over trackless deserts Coronado pushed westward to the later New Mexico, and with a portion of his followers penetrated perhaps to the territory of Kansas, while detachments of his forces prosecuted explorations in other directions. Still gloomy disappointment was ever at his side, and at last he rode back to Tiguex in the Rio Grande Valley. His soldiers were heart-sick and impudent. Coronado's control over them was lost, and in April 1542 he commenced the homeward march. On the way his authority was little heeded. Sick in mind and body,^[42] he proceeded to Mexico, where he arrived with a remnant of his force, shortly after the middle of the year, there to be greeted by the frigid features of his friend the viceroy.

 

While the progress of affairs in New Galicia was thus retarded by the loss of the able Torre and the weak administration of Coronado, the adjacent province of Michoacan was gradually advancing under the benignant rule of Quiroga. After the march of Guzman through the district, it seemed to have been struck by the flail of the evil one. The treatment of the natives by their oppressors became more brutal; the outrages perpetrated by the encomenderos became more violent, and the scourges in their hands fell heavier, as more labor and still more tribute was exacted from the hapless Tarascans. The missionaries labored hard to mitigate their wrongs, and preached to them the patience and sufferings of the saviour; but even their sympathy and kindly teachings had lost half their power. Horrified at the cruel murder of their much-loved king, the Tarascans regarded Christianity as a mockery. Those who, with the unfortunate Caltzontzin, had embraced the religion, lost their faith in it, and all who could betook themselves to the mountains, or to the depths and twilight shelter of the forests on the western lowlands.

In 1532 the audiencia, in accordance with general instructions issued by the king, sent Juan de Villaseñor to Michoacan^[43] in the capacity of visitador. Having made official visits to various districts he sent his report of the condition in which he found it; but his presence there does not seem to have ameliorated matters, since in October of the same year delegates of the native lords went to Mexico and formally complained of the intolerable proceedings of the encomenderos. To remedy the lamentable state of affairs the audiencia in 1533^[44] sent the oidor Quiroga as visitador into that region, in the hope that a man of his ability, high character, and well-known zeal for the welfare of the Indians would be able to effect some beneficial change.

Quiroga well responded to the expectations of the audiencia. With untiring ardor, supported by prudence, good judgment, and kindness of temper, he carried on the work of reformation. The Tarascans, exasperated as they were, listened to his words and recognized in him a friend, while he sternly imposed restrictions upon the encomenderos by reorganizing the repartimientos in a manner advantageous to the natives. Thus both the ecclesiastical and secular condition of affairs was improved. The natives were gradually induced to abandon their idolatrous and polygamous practices,^[45] and the Spaniards made to recognize that there was a controlling power in the land.^[46]

Among other important results of his labors was the founding of the hospital of Santa Fé, two leagues from the capital town, Tzintzuntzan. From this institution, which was intended by the founder to be a centre for the propagation of Christianity^[47] as well as an asylum for the sick, the natives derived great benefit. When Quiroga's residencia as oidor was taken in 1536 the erection of this establishment constituted the ground of a charge of oppression against him, but he was honorably acquitted.

After Quiroga's official visit the prospects of Michoacan were brighter. The establishment of a bishopric in the province and the election of this worthy man as prelate have already been mentioned. In 1537 or 1538 he returned to the scene of his previous labors and applied himself with unflagging zeal to the good government of his diocese. In order to inform himself of the condition and requirements of the different districts in his extensive see, he visited every portion of it in person, travelling on muleback for more than six hundred and fifty leagues, with no other company than his secretary and a page.

The success of his administration both as visitador and prelate was signally marked. The influx of friars was maintained with regularity, and convents and educational and charitable institutions were rapidly multiplied in Michoacan during this period. His powerful influence in the political government of the province is evidenced by the amelioration noticeable in the condition of the Tarascans. The wanderers in the mountains were won from their wild retreats, and settled in pleasant towns and villages, where they were taught manufacturing and agriculture. Prosperity followed, and the strong contrast presented between the happy progression under Quiroga and the misery of the few preceding years proclaims his rule a righteous one.^[48]

 

 

1. Torre was a native of Almendralejo in the province of Estremadura, of noble parents, learned, virtuous, and upright in the administration of justice. He occupied the position of judge in his native province at the time of his appointment. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 104, 109.
2. Puga Cedulario, 158.
3. According to Bernal Diaz, Mendoza, having heard of the king's intention to send out a juez de residencia, wrote to Guzman and induced him to come to Mexico — 'y le señaló por posada sus Palacios. . .y el Virrey le hazia mucha honra, y le fauorecia, y comia con èl.' Hist. Verdad., 231.
4. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 104. Neither the date of Torre's arrival at Vera Cruz nor that of Guzman's arrest can be exactly decided. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix., states that Torre arrived at Nueva Galicia in 1537, but there is reason to conclude that he reached New Spain near the end of 1536. Guzman while in prison addressed a letter to the India Council, dated February 13, 1537, in which he uses these words: 'Y averme tenido en esta cárcel veinte y cinco dias . . . antes que comience la residencia.'_ And further on: 'En lo de la residencia que aquí se me tomó.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 452-3. As about a month was usually occupied in the preparation of the charge, and three more in conducting it, I am inclined to the opinion that Torre landed at the beginning of November, and that Guzman was imprisoned a few days later. Bernal Diaz implies that Mendoza did not display much inclination to assist Torre in the matter, 'y parece ser no hallo' — i. e., Torre — 'tanta voluntad para ello como quisiera.' Hist. Verdad., 231.
5. Mota Padilla states that he was confined 'en las atarazanas del rey.' Cong. N. Gal., 104. From Guzman's letter, however, already quoted, and from the Auto de Soltura, in Ramirez, Proceso, 273, 215, it appears that it was the 'cárcel pública' in which he was imprisoned. Bernal Diaz says that Torre 'le lleuò a la carcel publica de aquella Ciudad, y estuvo preso ciertos dias, hasta que rogó por el el Uirrey, que le sacaron dela carcel.' Hist. Verdad., 231. This same author tells of a practical joke played on Torre. The new governor was addicted to gambling, and in order to bring him into bad repute, Guzman's late supporters contrived to place a pack of cards in the long sleeves of his tabard. As the juez de residencia was crossing the plaza in company with persons of high rank, the cards kept dropping out unperceived by him until his attention was called to the contents of his sleeve. 'Torre was quite angry and said: 'They do not wish me to do upright justice; but if I die not, it will be done in such a manner that his Majesty shall hear of this outrage.' The historian adds: 'Y dende a pocos dias cayó malo, y de pensamiento dello, ó de otras cosas de calenturas que le ocurrieron, murio.' Id. Torre was alive when Guzman went to Spain in 1538. Ramirez, Proceso, 275.
6. Guzman, in this appeal, attempts an explanation in brief of his acts in Pánuco and Nueva Galicia. He charges Cortés with being the prompter of accusations made against him, and complains of unfairness in the manner of conducting the proceedings. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 450-5.
7. In this auto de soltura instructions were also given that he should be provided with 4,000 pesos out of his property which had been sequestrated. Guzman, by this act, was released on his own recognizance. Ramirez, Proceso, 272-6,
8. Guzman was himself the bearer of this report. The instructions to the audiencia were: 'É vos proseguireys la dicha residencia . . . para que la pueda traer consigo.' Id., 274.
9. Zamacois assumes that the king had determined to have him executed on his arrival. Hist, Méj., iv. 631-2. But I find no authority to warrant such an assertion.
10. 'Y como en la Corte no faltã poderosas intercessiones, no pago sus culpas como merecian.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. This author, dec. vil. lib. ii. cap. x., intimates that Cortés interested himself in bringing Guzman's trial to a termination. But the expression used by Herrera is of doubtful interpretation. Mota Padilla, however, accepts it as evidence of a noble generosity extended by Cortés to his former foe, besides stating that he liberally aided him in his poverty. Beaumont also takes this view. Crón. Mich., iv. 98-9. Ramirez reasonably concludes that there is no ground for belief in such a story. Proceso, 232-3.
11. He died there in 1544, according to Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 105; but Alaman, Disert., i. app. 28, states that he died at his native place, Guadalajara, in Spain, poor and abhorred by everybody.
12. Ramirez justly remarks: 'El poderoso valimiento de sus enemigos no nos permite hoy fijarles — that is to say, his actions — 'cuota ni medida, porque, cog ya dije, de él unicamente conocemos todo el mal que hizo.' Proceso, 233-58.
13. Beaumont erroneously says after he had sent Nuño de Guzman to Spain. Crón. Mich., iv. 111-12.
14. He was accompanied by six Franciscan friars — one of whom was his own son, Fray Diego Perez — brought by him from Spain. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 105.
15. Oñate's brother, Juan, was one of the stanchest partisans of Guzman. When the news arrived in Nueva Galicia, where Juan de Oñate had remained, of Guzman's imprisonment, and that Torre was empowered to take the residencia of all subordinate officials, he was advised by Cristóbal to effect his escape. He accordingly fled to Peru, where some assert that he died poor and blind. Id.
16. Mendoza, on the 10th of December, 1537, reported to the king that although this province was rich in resources, it would be lost unless his Majesty applied some remedy. The Spaniards maintained that without slaves they could not subsist, and the settlers in Culiacan had represented to the viceroy that under the prohibition of slavery they would be compelled to abandon the town. Mendoza temporarily assisted them by supplying ironware and other necessaries to the value of 1,000 pesos de tepuzque. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 196-7, 209-10.
17. 'El licenciado de la Torre se entretiene bien harto mejor de lo que todos ensamos,' is the compliment which the viceroy pays the new governor of Nueva Galicia. Id., 209.
18. The viceroy had proclaimed that no slaves should be made in Nueva Galicia except in accordance with the order issued by the king. He had, moreover, forwarded to his Majesty a copy of the trials of those persons who had committed excesses in branding slaves during Guzman's administration. Id., 180, 196, By cédula of February 3, 1537, the governor and all authorities of New Galicia, judicial, civil, or military, were placed under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of New Spain. Puga, Cedulario, 112.
19. 'Escríbeme' — i, e., Torre to Mendoza — 'que con no hacer guerra á los naturales, se vienen muchos á sus casas, aunque en dos ó tres partes han salido á incitalle (para hacer) esclavos.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 209.
20. Mota Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 107.
21. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 114. Mota Padilla assigns the cause of this outbreak to the easy and indolent life which they were leading under the amelioration of their condition! Cong. N. Gal., 107.
22. It occupied the borders of the present territories of Jalisco and Zacatecas in the neighborhood of Jocotlan. 'The captains named were regidores of the cabildo. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 366.
23. He summoned them to come to a peaceable arrangement, offering in that case to grant them a free pardon for all past offences. Id., 367.
24. 'Tenia lastimadas las entrañas de la caida,' according to Tello, who does not mention that the horse fell upon Torre. Id. Mota Padilla says, 'Cayó del caballo, el que se echó encima y le lastimó.' Cong. N. Gal., 108. Parra states that Torre, riding at random over the plain, plunged into a swamp, and in his endeavors to get out of it his horse fell upon him breaking a rib and injuring his spine. Cong. Xal., 230-1.
25. According to orders received from the king providing for such emergency the cabildo was consulted with regard to the appointment of a successor. Torre, however, excepted his son, Melchor Perez de la Torre, on the ground of his youth and inexperience, from the number of those whom he considered. fit to occupy the position. Id., 368.
26. Torre was 56 years of age when he died. His remains were afterward removed to Guadalajara when the convent was transferred thither. The date of his death is not known; but it was probably during the latter part of 1538, inferred from an expression of the escribano of the audiencia, that as late as July 30th of that year no news of his death had reached the capital; 'visto que el lisenciado de la Torre juez de residencia de la Nueva Galicia no estaba en esta dicha cibdad.' Ramirez, Proceso, 275. Two marriageable daughters were especially intrusted to the protection of Oñate, who did not fail in the discharge of his trust. One was married to Jacinto de Pineda y Ledesma, a person of good birth, and the other to the alférez mayor, Fernando Flores, from whom Mota Padilla claims to be descended. Cong. N. Gal., 109.
27. He also ordered Galindo to remove the Spanish settlers from Tonalá to Guadalajara, which was done and lots assigned to them. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 369-70. Mota Padilla says the building of Guadalajara was arrested, and Mendoza ordered the Spaniards at Teutlan (Tetlan?) and Tonalá to be removed to that town. Cong. N. Gal., 109.
28. The same cédula ordered Coronado to take the residencia of the deceased governor. Coronado's salary was fixed at 1,000 ducats, with an additional sum of 500 ducats, to be paid him out of the government revenues of his province. Id., 110. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. ix., has here confused events. He leaves it to be inferred that the death of Torre was not known in Mexico at the time of Coronado's appointment by the king; 'y llegado a Guadalajara, hallo que era muerto.'
29. He had received as his wife's dowry one half of Tlapan, which town had been obtained from the crown by his mother-in-law in compensation for Tepeaca of which the audiencia had deprived her. Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 252. Cortés states that Coronado received Jalapa, the tribute from which was over 3,000 ducats, and accuses Mendoza of taking that source of revenue from the crown and granting it to the wife of Estrada with the understanding that it should be given to Coronado. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 337.
30. Although nothing is known of Coronado's previous services to the crown, Mendoza, in December 1537, mentions having brought them to the notice of the king, as also 'las calidades que en él hay para poder servirse dél en todo lo demás que en estas partes se ofreciere.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 194-5.
31. Castañeda, speaking of Coronado, says: 'Ce chef ne sut conserver ni son commandement ni son gouvernement. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. ton. 1x. 18.
32. Says Oviedo: 'El qual ni los dos enamorados que se dixo de susso no hiçieron daño notable en los indios ni en la tierra, sino á si mesmos.' iii. 168.
33. Othe following day he delivered to Niza at Tonalá the viceroy's instructions relative to his projected explorations, Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 328.
34. Probably identical with the latter Topia. In a letter addressed to Mendoza after the departure of Niza, Coronado stated that he would be ready to start on this expedition the 10th of April following. His force would consist of 150 horsemen, with 12 spare animals, 200 foot-soldiers, cross-bowmen, and arquebusiers, and he provided with hogs and sheep. The distance to Topiza, or Topira as it is written in this letter, he considers to be 80 leagues from San Miguel. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série 1. tom. 1x. 352-4.
35. 'Les habitants portent des parures en or, des émeraudes et autres pierres précieuses; ils emploient l'or et l'argent à des usages communs; ils couvrent leurs maisons avec ce dernier métal.' Id., 353.
36. He was in the city of Mexico on the 2d of September, since he was present on the occasion of Niza presenting to the viceroy a written narrative of his exploration. Niza, Rel., in Id., 282-3.
37. Done by the viceroy's special order.
38. 'Quelques Indiens qu'il emmenait avec lui furent gelés, et deux Espagnols souffrirent beaucoup.' On the 20th of March, 1540, Diaz wrote an account of his proceedings to the viceroy.
39. Only two citizens of the city of Mexico, and two of Guadalajara, were found among the troops. From Compostela not one was going. Among those who examined the men and gave depositions may be mentioned Gonzalo de Salazar, the royal factor, and Pero Almidez Chirinos, the veedor; also Christóbal de Oñate. Inform., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 373-84. A certified copy of these depositions was forwarded to the crown.
40. The colonists requested that the refractory natives should be reduced to slavery. The result of the appeal is not known. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 374-5. Mota Padilla states that Coronado sent the letter to the viceroy, 'para que providenciase, especialmente sobre los dos puntos de la esclavitud de los rebeldes, y del socorro que se pedia de gente.' On the 8th of January, 1540, Coronado set apart lands for the commons of the city of Guadalajara, and on the following day proclaimed the royal cédula of December 20, 1538, commanding houses in the Indies to be constructed of stone, brick, or adobe, to insure their permanency. Cong. N. Gal., 110.
41. The date of departure must have been some day between the review held on the 22d of February and the last day of that month, since Mendoza writing to the king on the 17th of April following commences his letter thus: 'Le dernier de février passé, j'ai écrit de Campostelle à votre majesté, pour lui rendre compte de mon arrivée dans cette ville et du départ de Francisco Vasquez, avec l'expédition,' etc. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ix. 290. There is an error in the account of Castañeda in Id., 24, where it is ci that the forces arrived at Compostela from Mexico on Shrove-Tuesday, 1541.
42. He had received a severe injury on the head from the kick of a horse, while engaged in equestrian games at Tiguex. For a detailed account of his expedition, see Hist. N. Mex. States, i., and Hist. Ariz. and New Mex., this series.
43. Villaseñor was one of the conquerors and a citizen of Mexico. He was empowered to investigate matters connected with the inquisition and proceed against guilty persons of whatever class or condition. A few years later, by order of Mendoza, he established himself at Guango to oppose the inroads of the Chichimecs, and had assigned to him and his family for four lives that town and those of Numarán, Penjamillo, Conguripo, Purudndiro, and some others as encomiendas. His descendants figure among the most prominent of the country. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 413-19.
44. Both Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. x., and Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i, 3, are in error as to the date of Quiroga's official visit to Michoacan, stating it to have taken place in 1536. Depositions taken in Quiroga's residencia in that year prove that he had visited Michoacan two and a half years before. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 11-12.
45. The governor of Michoacan during this period was the native lord Pedro Ganca, or Cuirananguari. Quiroga persuaded him to put aside polygamy and be legally married to a concubine who had informed Quiroga of the governor's taste for a plurality of wives. Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 35.
46. An oppressive encomendero had imposed exorbitant tribute upon the inhabitants of the town of Michoacan. Quiroga intervened and freed them from the exaction.
47. 'Tlamolos de Santa Fé, porque en ellos se avia de propagar la Fé Catholica.' This hospital was, like the one in Mexico, placed under the charge of a rector with a stipend of 150 pesos de oro de minas. Such superintendent could only hold the incumbency for a term of three years, not 'in vim benesicij, sino como en encomienda.' Id., 14, 15.
48. Among his historians there are not wanting those who call his administration 'gobierno de oro, porque no se volvieron á oir los clamores de los indios agraviados, ni el estruendo de las armas de los ciudadanos inquietos, ni la violencia de las vírgenes, ni los robos, ni las muertes lastimosas.' Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 1. 227.

    The following additional authorities have been consulted for this chapter: Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 305, 337; Calle, Mem. y Not., 71-6; lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. v. cap. ix.; Puga, Cedulario, 78, 80-4, 112-13, 158-9; Cartas de Indias, 254-5, 859; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 210; vi. 498; vi. 193; xiv. 373-84; xvi. 5-39; xxiii. 410-14; Ramirez, Proceso, 231-76; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 27-472, passim; Id., MS., 283-625, passim; Florida, Col. Doc., 119; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 203; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ix. 5 passim; Id., tom. x. 250-68; série ii. tom. v. 252; Alaman, Disert., 1. app. 1. 25; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 34-7, 96; Dic. Univ., passim; Buelna, Compend., 11; Soc. Mex. Geoq., Boletin, vii. 53-6; Parra, Cong. Xal., MS., 242; Peralta, Not. Hist., 380; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 543-703, passim; v. 7; Comargo, Hist. Tlax., 182-4; cxxxi, 245; Bussiere, L'Empire Mex., 355; Gomara, Hist. Mex., ii. 166-8, 184-7.