History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 33

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXXIII.

FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS.

1580-1589.

Suarez de Mendoza, Conde de la Coruña — A too Benignant Rule — Golden Times for the Corrupt Officials — Suarez well out of It — Archbishop Moya y Contreras Made Visitador — Then Viceroy — A Stern Ruler — He Makes Money for his Master — Hard Times for the Wicked Officials — They Beg Deliverance from Moya — And Receive It — Zúñiga, Marques de Villamanrique — A Just and Moderate Rule — Pirates on the West Coast — Cavendish Captures A Galleon — A Rare Prize — California Coast Defences — Commerce on the Atlantic — Epidemic, Earthquakes, and Social Disruption — Villamanrique Deposed and Humiliated.

Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, conde de la Coruña, received an enthusiastic welcome in the capital on the 4th of October, 1580, as the fifth viceroy of New Spain, the ceremonies being conducted with unusual pomp. With the increase of the Spanish population, and the development of stock-raising and mining, wealth and luxury had assumed magnificent proportions, and the viceregal dignity swelled accordingly. In the present instance the high station and rare personal qualities of Suarez had something to do with the unusually brilliant reception. He was a member of the illustrious family of the first viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, whose memory was still cherished; he was advanced in age, enjoying the fame of a great soldier and gallant courtier, and with a disposition more affable, frank, and generous than that of any of his predecessors. Thus he at once captivated all with whom he came in contact.

Naturally from his rule the people expected the best results, and deemed it not unreasonable to look forward to a period of peaceful progress which would still further develop their growing prosperity. But they were doomed to disappointment. The count was aman too good for the place. He was too mild, too lenient; he Jacked energy; he was utterly unable to cope with the corrupt officials who as a rule were ever at hand to disgrace the government of New Spain. His inability in this and other respects was increased by the restrictions which had been placed upon viceregal power during the time of Velasco, and by such royal provisions as that permitting the first purchasers of notarial offices to sell them again to the highest bidder, paying one third of the purchase-money into the royal treasury.^[1]

Taking advantage of the viceroy's weakness, government servants became more bold; public funds were misappropriated, and_ the venality of the judges was without precedent. Viceroy Enriquez had well known the country and the people, and in order that his successors might profit by his experience, the king had requested him, as we have seen, to write out instructions to serve as a guide for the future viceroys of New Spain.^[2] Under the present circumstances these were of little value. Suarez' only remedy lay at court; and in a secret report to the king he set forth the disadvantages under which he labored, the wickedness of the audiencia, and their disregard for his authority. He requested that a visitador be sent from Spain, clothed with sufficient power to chastise the malefactors.

But all was superfluous; the Great Assuager was at hand to deliver the sadly beset count from all his budding troubles. Bowed by the weight of years, and the vexatious duties of his office, he died, June 19, 1582. He left no family to mourn his loss, and the pompous rites of the official funeral were hollow m the extreme, with more than usual mockery.^[3] Had a strong man been present to take his place, the death of Suarez might have been of benefit to the country. But such a one was not at hand, and before the funeral ceremonies were over the audiencia assumed gubernatorial powers under the presidercy of Dr Luis de Villanueva.^[4] Their evil rule was of short duration, however. Suarez' private report, and information of the doings of the audiencia, had their effect upon the king, and in 1583 the archbishop of Mexico, Pedro de Moya y Contreras, was appointed visitador.

The prelate had long observed the arbitrary proceedings of the oidores, and his austcre disposition and rigid principles offered little hope for mercy. His power was dreaded the more because he might wield it in secret as a minister of the holy office, the first inquisitor of Mexico. Moya manifested no great haste in his action against the culprits, but proceeded with prudence to gather information and prepare the necessary proofs. His preparations completed, he reported to the crown and asked for further mstructions. He pointed out the great offenders, and recommended to royal favor the few who had been faithful. The king's reply was brief; the archbishop was appointed viceroy with plenary power, and on September 25, 1584, he took formal charge of the government as sixth viceroy of New Spain, thus being the sole inumbent of the three most powerful positions in the country, namely, viceroy, archbishop, and inquisitor.

Seldom, if ever, during those times was the confidence of the monarch more judiciously bestowed. His elevation was hailed with joy by all save the audiencia and its satellites.^[5] Proceedings now were short and decisive. Some of the minor delinquents were fortunate enough to escape with removal from office; others were heavily fined and punished, while several of the chief culprits were hanged. Men of proverbial probity were then appointed to fill the vacancies, and thus by the fearless and energetic rule of this remarkable man, order and justice soon reigned. The immediate effect of this procedure against the officials was that in 1585 Moya was enabled to replenish the royal coffers by shipping to Spain three million three hundred thousand ducats in coined silver, and eleven hundred marks of gold in bars, together with valuable cargoes of the products of the country.

Feeling his great responsibility, his zeal was mcessant, no less in temporal than in spiritual matters. At the solicitation of the priest Juan de la Plaza, he founded a seminary intended exclusively for Indians, in which they were instructed in the elementary branches. The college was under the direction of the Jesuits, and soon became noted for the wonderful progress of its students. In his other efforts to benefit the natives he was only partially successful.

The government of the archbishop was too severe to be of long duration. While the people would have looked with favor on the prolongation of his power, he had been the terror of certain persons, who resorted to intrigue so common at the time to effect his removal. The long list of charges preferred against him, however, found little credence in Spain.^[6]

Scarcely thirteen months after Moya took charge of the government, and while he was actively engaged in his many duties, his successor arrived. After continuing his visitatorial functions for a further period, during which he was still the scourge of evil-doers, he finally returned to Spain, and was appointed president of the India Council. He died in Madrid toward the end of December 1591.^[7]

 

On the 18th of October, 1585,^[8] the seventh viceroy of New Spain, Alonso Manrique de Zúñiga, marqués de Villamanrique, and brother of the duque de Béjar, was received in Mexico with the customary pomp, and with rejoicing by the classes that were glad to be rid of their late tormentor. He brought with him his wife and daughter, his brother-m-law, and a large retinue of servants. At first the new viceroy was highly esteemed, much on account of the amiable marchioness; but in due time the newness of the man wore off, and as Torquemada observes, "though he was wise, sagacious, and prudent, during the course of his subsequent proceedings, he gave not the satisfaction he might."

Dissensions between the temporal and spiritual authorities were becoming chronic in New Spain, so that it was hardly to be expected that a viceroy and archbishop could encounter without coming to words. Hence we are not at all surprised to learn that at a meeting with Moya, at Guadalupe, a discussion arose concerning political and ecclesiastical affairs which left the high dignitaries enemies for life.^[9] The breach between the two great bodies widened still more when in the early part of the following year the viceroy for the second time notified the three orders, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians, to comply with the commands of the king concerning the administration of the Catholic faith in New Spain, previously given by Viceroy Enriquez. The provincials, evading, replied as before, and the viceroy insisting, they appealed to the king.

 

It would seem to us from the present point of view that the reappearance of pirates in American waters would prove a pleasing divertisement from official bickering at the capital. However that may be, the viceroy was greatly alarmed when he heard that Francis Drake had taken Santo Domingo, and threatened Habana. Messengers were sent along the coast from Pánuco and Yucatan, and into Guatemala and Honduras, ordering coast defences to be made ready all along the border to Nombre de Dios. Diego de Velasco, brother-in-law of Villamanrique, was appointed commander of the fortress San Juan de Ulua, and two hundred and fifty men were sent to defend Habana. The flurry, however, passed away, and news that the royal fleet was approaching made the Spaniards breathe freely again.^[10]

Since the founding of Manila in 1564, by Miguel Gomez de Legazpi, a profitable trade had sprung up with New Spain. It was natural, therefore, that when fears for the shipping on the Atlantic became somewhat abated, the people should begin to tremble for the safety of their richly laden galleons plying between the Philippine Islands and Acapulco. Of the early voyages to the Philippine Islands little is known; but by chance a record has been preserved of one made a few years after the departure of Francis

Drake from the Pacific. Francisco de Gali,^[11] having sailed from Acapulco in March 1582, left Macao on his return July 24, 1584. Taking the usual northern route, he sighted the American coast in latitude 37° 30′, and without anchoring followed it to Acapulco.^[12] Subsequently the islands were governed by an audiencia, but, the commercial intercourse with New Spain increasing, it was thought expedient to make the government and judiciary of the Philippines dependent on the viceroy and audiencia of Mexico.^[13] The voyage from Acapulco to the Philippines and return generally occupied thirteen or fourteen months, and usually one vessel was despatched every year.^[14]

With regard to the pirates, it proved as the people of Mexico had feared. They were indeed again in the waters of the Pacific. The country was aroused, and an armed force was at once hurried to Acapulco, under Dr Palacio. Arrived at the port, it was found that the pirates had not touched there, but had been in that vicinity.^[15] It appears that Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, as it is sometimes written, in a voyage of circumnavigation and for plunder, had sailed from Plymouth on July 21, 1586, with one hundred and twenty-three men, on the Desire, Content, and Hugh Gallant, of one hundred and twenty, sixty, and forty tons respectively.^[16]

The fleet had entered the Pacific on February 24, 1587, and from March to June had ravaged the coast of South America, taking several prizes with a moderate booty, and retaining such prisoners as might in the commander's opinion be of use later. Yet he found the Spaniards less unprotected than had Drake; for he deemed it wise to pass by several towns without landing to attack, and on each of two occasions he lost twelve men in battle.

On the 1st of July Cavendish approached the coast of North America,^[17] and on the 9th captured and burned a new vessel without cargo from Guatemala. From a prisoner, the pilot, Michael Sancius, he learned that a large galleon was expected at an early date from the Philippines. Soon another vessel was taken, supposed to have been sent to warn the galleon. On July 26th Cavendish anchored in the river Copolita, several leagues from Huatulco, and during the night sent his pinnace with thirty men to the town, which they burned, after capturing a bark from Sonsonate, laden with cacao and indigo.^[18] On the 29th Cavendish anchored off Huatulco and landed in person. A raid of several miles into the interior also proved profitable to the pirate, and on August 2d he set sail, holding his course northward along the coast.

But the prudent filibuster was satisfied to attack the less defended places on the coast, and would not trust himself into the harbor of Acapulco, having been informed by Michael Sancius that this was the rendezvous of the Philippine fleet. Though not difficult to clear the narrow entrance to the harbor, it might be a more serious matter to retreat in case of a failure to take the town. It therefore appeared to Master Cavendish much like a dangerous rat-trap, which he wisely concluded to evade.^[19]

The next field of his depredations was Navidad, near the present Manzanillo, where he landed August 24th, and captured a mulatto who had been sent along the coast with letters to give the alarm. The town and two large ships on the stocks were burned. From August 26th to September 2d Cavendish was in the port of Santiago, obtaining water from the river; and on the next day, from a port called Malaca, a little farther west, the pirates went two leagues inland, and 'defaced' the Indian village of Acatlan. A similar raid was made at Chacala,^[20] where a party of men were held until ransomed by their wives with plantains and other fruits, one carpenter and a 'Portugal' being carried away. From the 12th to the 17th of September the Englishmen laid in a store of fowl and seal meat on the little island of San Andrés, arriving on the 24th at Mazatlan.^[21]

Having obtained "good fruites, though not without danger," they repaired the vessels on the small island just north of Mazatlan. Here, digging in the sand, they obtained water "by the assistance of God in that our great neede . . . otherwise wee had gon backe 20 or 30 leagues to water; which might have bene occasion that we might haue missed our prey wee had long wayted for." Poor indeed must he be who has not a god according to his purposes! Here the operations of Cavendish were watched by a party of Spanish horsemen from the main, who were supposed to have come from Chametla, some eleven leagues distant. On the 9th of October the fleet left the island and bore across to San Lúcas, arriving on the 14th, and watering at a river which flowed into the Aguada Segura, since known as the bay of San Bernabé, or Puerto del Cabo. It was time the galleon should be coming; ah, what a rare robbery it would be!

The vessel lay off and on till the 4th of November, when early in the morning the cry, A sail! was heard from the mast-head. It was indeed the galleon, the Santa Ana of seven hundred tons, captain Tomás de Alzola,^[22] from the Philippines bound for Acapulco, and having on board 122,000 pesos in gold, besides a rich cargo of silks and other Asiatic goods. O rare and righteous luck! Let now both sides pray, and God defend the right!

The stupid Spaniard seems never to have suspected anything wrong, for he came lazily along through the tranquil waters, thankful that the long voyage was at last over; thankful for the rich results, that would gladden the hearts of a hundred thousand men and women, old and young. The Desire stood out under all sail as if to give the old ocean-battered bark a friendly greeting; and the Spaniard seems not to have realized the situation until awakened to it by a broadside from the pirate, which was now at close range. Instantly all was activity on board the Santa Ana as the surprised Spaniards prepared for action, keeping down behind the bulwarks out of sight. After a few volleys of small shot the Britons somewhat too hastily attempted to board. The Spaniards sprang forward, armed "with lances, iauelings, rapiers, and targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which they threw overboord upon our heads and into our ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put vs off the shippe againe, with the losse of 2 of our men which were slaine, and with the hurting of 4 or 5."

A prolonged shout from the Spaniards followed the receding foe, but the heavy guns were again brought into play, and a murderous broadside was once more thrown into the galleon. Though the damage inflicted on the Spaniards was great, "their Captaine still like a valiant man with his company stood very stoutly vnto his close fights, not yeelding as yet." But courage and endurance were of no avail: the Santa Ana was doomed.

After a fight of five or six hours, when twelve of his men had been killed and the Santa Ana was in imminent danger of sinking, the Spaniard struck his flag, and lowering boats at the command of Cavendish, he went on board the Desire to surrender and sue for mercy. Cavendish turned his benignant face to the Spanish captain and "most graciously pardoned both him and the rest vpon promise of their true dealing with him," and "of his great mercy and humanitie, promised their lives and good vsage,"

On the 6th the prize was towed into Aguada Segura,^[23] the work of transferring the cargo began, and the Spaniards to the number of one hundred and ninety were put on shore, all of them save a few who, it was thought, might be useful as interpreters or pilots at the Islands. When the Englismen proceeded to divide their booty, difficulties, as usual, arose with threats of mutiny; especially from the men of the Content, which vessel had done but little during the fight, though finally, much to the satisfaction of the frightened prisoners, all was in due time amicably arranged. On the 17th the anniversary of the queen's coronation was celebrated on board the pirate with salutes, fireworks, and general rejoicing, and on the 19th they "set sayle ioyfully homewardes towardes England." The Content was left in the roads and was never heard of again; but the Desire completed the circumnavigation of the earth and anchored in Plymouth harbor September 9, 1588.

Cavendish prided himself on being a most humane and Christian pirate; he would not kill the people of the Santa Ana for the mere pleasure of it. He did not ravish the women, or throw overboard the children. After taking what he wanted out of the galleon, leaving still some five hundred tons of valuable cargo, and after setting fire to the vessel, he was not particular to see that every plank was burned before he left it. There was nothing mean about Cavendish; though it does not appear why he did not leave the ship to the Spaniards so that in it they might bring him more gold to capture. Another mark of Cavendish's humanity and fine gentlemanly feeling: before burning the Santa Ana he permitted the Spaniards to take away the sails with which to make themselves tents on the beach, and also some planks out of which they might build some boats to take them to Acapulco, so that they were quite comfortable. They were put ashore on the lower end of the peninsula, if we may believe the gentle highwayman, in a place "where they had a fayre river of fresh water, with great store of fresh fish, foule, and wood, and also many hares and conies vpon the maine land;" and Cavandish left them "great store of victuals, of garuansos, peason, and some wine." And when the filibuster took leave of the captain, he "gaue him a royall reward," which consisted "both of swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder," and a piece of ordnance.

But better fortune was in store for them than even Cavendish had intended. The galleon had been fired when at anchor a short distance from the land. When her cables burned off she drifted to the shore, and ballast being thrown out, the hulk was found in a condition capable of being repaired, as we are informed by Torquemada, so as to carry the whole party to Acapulco.

When they entered the port and their sorrowful tale reached the ear of the viceroy, Palacio was again despatched to capture the pirate, but without success. For so serious a loss somebody must be to blame, and there were many who accused the viceroy of not having taken sufficient precautions to prevent the calamity.

It was, indeed, necessary that steps should be taken to render safer the Asiatic commerce, for under the existing state of things the reward was too tempting to escape notice. If such wealth could be so easily secured by a handful of sea-robbers, then it were better for all the world to turn thieves. It was along the California coast, where robbers lay in wait, that there was the greatest danger; and as the galleons were obliged to go northward to catch the trade-winds in crossing the ocean, a more northern port, somewhere on the California coast, was first of all desirable, which might serve as a station for armed vessels to watch for and escort the galleons to Acapulco.

To this end, in 1595, the San Agustin was despatched from the Philippines by Governor Gomez Perez das Mariñas, at the order of Viceroy Velasco, the son, under the pilot Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeñon, for the express purpose of exploring the coast. All that is known of the result is that the San Agustin ran ashore behind the point a little later called Reyes, in the bay now bearing the name of Drake, or Jack Harbor, but then named San Francisco, probably from the day of arrival.^[24]

But the matter was not allowed to drop. The same viceroy entered into a contract with Sebastian Vizcaino to explore anew and occupy for Spain the Islas Californias. Velasco's successor, the count of Monterey, ratified the contract and despatched the expedition in 1597.^[25]

Though Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco with three vessels and a large force, the expedition again proved a failure, and those of the discomfited Spaniards who were fortunate enough to escape with their lives subsequently returned to Acapulco.^[26]

Meanwhile on the Atlantic, where the necessity for the protection of commerce from the pirates was greater than on the Pacific, more efficient measures were introduced. Commercial intercourse with the mother country must at all hazards be preserved. Hence navíos de registro were formed into fleets, and periodically despatched from Spain to Vera Cruz, convoyed by war-vessels, the first coming in 1581.^[27] Eleven of such fleets arrived at Vera Cruz during the last twenty years of the century, carrying back to Spain the accumulated treasures of the New World.^[28] The expense of equipping and maintaining such a large number of vessels was sometimes so great that all the treasure carried would not pay expenses. Occasionally it would happen as with an armada despatched from Seville in 1593, having a capacity of 9,500 tons, with 3,500 men. It was commanded by Francisco Caloma, but never reached its destination, being obliged to convoy back the fleet of Álvaro Flores from New Spain, with which it had fallen in on the high sea.^[29]

The unloading of ships at Vera Cruz was tedious, expensive, and generally attended with the loss of many lives from disease. The time usually occupied for discharging was four months, and nine or ten months elapsed before the ships were again despatched. For this reason many vessels were damaged or lost; freights were excessive, and passage rates high.^[30] Ships for Europe at this time sailed from San Juan de Ulua for Habana, which occupied some twenty-five days. There they took in supplies, waiting about fifteen days for the fleet from Nombre de Dios, which brought the treasures from Peru; thence passing through the Bahama Channel, off Cape Cañaveral, they sailed away from Spain.^[31] Of course there were shipwrecks, one of the most notable of early times being the loss of the admiral's ship, coming with an anxiously expected fleet from Spain, which was dashed to pieces on the reefs at the mouth of Vera Cruz Harbor, during a norther early in 1588. Over one hundred and eighty persons perished in sight of the town, for lack of boats on shore to deliver them.^[32]

A consulate or commercial tribunal was originated in the city of Mexico in 1581, under whose protection the growing commerce of the country might be regulated. The merchants hailed this institution with satisfaction, for Mexico was now the commercial centre for traders from Asia, America, and Europe, and the harbors of Vera Cruz and Acapulco had become famous in the trafficking world.^[33]

But what were shipwrecks, and the depredations of filibusters, and the loss of galleons, with the consequent curses of the men, and the low long-drawn complaints of women — what to the unhappy representative of royalty were such troubles compared with those attending the regulations of the social spheres? "By thee, O king! we live and move and have our being," the maids and matrons of New Spain might say. "Thou givest us better than corn and wine — husbands great or small according to thy good pleasure; and frocks and ribbons, in thy great Majesty determining the extent and colors of them." And if Philip so said, Vallamanrique must take his viceregal seat on the pinnacle of Popocatepetl, and thence direct the ebb and flow of ocean, the movements of the clouds, the growth of plants, and the respiration of all organic things.

There was in force a royal decree, issued some years previously, forbidding any government officials in America from marrying within the district where they held jurisdiction, without special permission from the king, under penalty of forfeiture of the royal favor and the offices they held; nor might they ever again hold any office in the Indies.^[34] Hitherto the law had been little heeded; either officials had not desired to break it, or, breaking it, little notice had been taken of the offence.

But the time had come when the king's authority must be enforced. In defiance of the law an oidor of the audiencia of Guadalajara had married, and the royal procurator of that district had allowed his daughter to marry.^[35] Villamanrique ordered their arrest. The officers resisted, and dissensions followed, during which the question of jurisdiction was brought forward. None of the opponents yielded, until the viceroy, becoming exasperated, despatched a military force against the audiencia. Other troops were there ready to oppose them. For a time war was imminent, but, by the wise interference of lovers of peace, harmony was at length restored.^[36]

Other historic troubles followed. In 1588 the native population of New Spain was again decimated by a pestilence like that of 1576. The provinces suffering most were Tlascala and Toluca; though here, where the Matlalzinco, Mexican, and Otomí nations lived intermixed, the two latter remained in a measure free from the ravages of the disease.^[37]

The following year, 1589, was not less calamitous. On April 11th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, there was a great earthquake in the city of Mexico and throughout the province; and on the 26th of the same month there were three heavy shocks, two within half an hour, and the other during the night. In the city of Mexico several walls fell, and many buildings were otherwise injured; in Coyuhuacan much of the work on the Dominican convent was destroyed; but for all this the inhabitants were more frightened than hurt.^[38]

And now came the usual petitions to the king asking for a change of government. At all events, they want this viceroy recalled; the crown can do as it likes about sending another. There was nothing in particular with which to charge him; Villamanrique had been wise, honest, and humane, instant in fulfilling his duties to the people and loyal to his king. But the pirates had come and captured the galleon, an epidemic had caused many to mourn, and the earthquakes had frightened them, and the viceroy would not let the oidor marry a wife. That the viceroy's only daughter should die, thus bringing to the father's heart more poignant grief than otherwise all New Spain combined could do, was nothing to them.

The memorials and unfavorable reports had their effect upon the king, who feared most of all a repetition of the Guadalajara difficulties, and so Villamanrique was removed from office. Luis de Velasco, a son of the former viceroy of that name, was appointed in his stead, and Pedro Romano, bishop of Tlascala, was charged to take the residencia of the deposed viceroy. This latter appointment was unfortunate for Villamanrique. Bishop Romano was an uncompromising enemy, who had long awaited such an opportunity. He now invited all to present charges, no matter how trivial they appeared; he would make them large enough. Especially were all claims for money allowed.^[39] The ecclesiastic succeeded well in all these operations. A faithful servant of the king was humiliated, his peace of mind destroyed, his pride brought low, his family reduced to poverty. Romano was happy. Very different from his grand viceregal entry into Mexico was Villamanrique's departure; the former was a triumph, the latter a funeral. With his afflicted marchioness, and carrying with them the remains of their dead daughter, the late viceroy departed from a land where he had met with nothing but misfortune and sorrow.^[40]

 

 

1. This permission to sell the oficios de pluma was granted by the king, November 13, 1581. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii, 368.
2. Instrucciones Vireyes, Nueva España, 242-50.
3. In Torquemada, i. 648, the date of his death is not given, while Vetancurt and others erroneously give July 19, 1582.
4. He died October 25, 1593. The subsequent personnel of the audiencia consisted of Pedro Farfan, Pedro Sanchez Paredes, Francisco de Sande, Fernando de Robles, and Diego Garcia de Palacio. Alcalde de chancilleria, Santiago del Riego; fiscal, Licenciado Eugenio de Salazar; secretary, Sancho Lopez de Agurto. Concilios Prov., MS., 1. 267; iii. 69.
5. 'Hablaba, y obraba, como Poderoso en todo, y todos callaban, y sufrian como rendidos, y alebestrados.' Torquemada, 1. 649.
6. Under date of July 1, 1586, a series of 181 charges against Moya were forwarded to the India Council, by Cristébal Martin of Mexico, concerning 'los eçesos é otras cosas que don Pedro Moya de Contreras . . . hizo é cometió en desseruiçio de Dios Nuestro Señor é de su magestad, é mal exemplo y escándalo de la república, assi españoles como naturales della.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 348-9. In this document he is accused of incapacity to govern, the last charge we should expect to see preferred; of being a bad ecclesiastic, disobedient to royal authority, living in concubinage, as careless, vicious, dishonest; of being addicted to cards, proud, vengeful, inhuman, and of possessing what other bad or criminal qualities might be attributed to the worst of men.
7. The time of death is variously stated as having occurred in January and in December 1591. It seems that the deceased had been so poor that Philip was obliged to pay his debts and funeral expenses. Further information of Moya may be found in Sosa, Espiscopado Mex., 27-40; Torquemada, i. 649; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 208-9; Alaman, Disert., iii. ap. 16; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 35-40.
8. Concilios Prov., MS., i. 271; Mex. Hieroglyphical Hist., 126; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 10-11. Some of the modern authors, as Lorenzana, Alaman, Rivera, and others, give the date as October 17th.
9. One of the principal causes of their lasting enmity was that the viceroy favored the oidores, who were subject to investigation by the archbishop as visitador. See Ponce, Rel., in Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii. 182.
10. See the report of the viceroy to Philip II., in Cartas de Indias, 353-7, 703.
11. Also written Gualle, or Galle.
12. The original Spanish diary not being extant, our only knowledge of the voyage comes from a Dutch translation publislied in Linschoten, Reys Geschrift, of which the first edition appeared in 1596.
13. This change was effected about the year 1590 by Velasco, successor to Villamanrique, when Gomez Perez das Mariñas was appointed governor of the Philippines. Agreeable to a special royal commission Velasco appointed Herrero del Corral visitador to take the residencia of the oidores, and organize the government of the islands. The change does not seem to have worked to advantage, however, as we are told that there were continual dissensions between Governor Mariñas and the clergy, and some difficulties with the emperor of Japan. Torquemada, i. 654-6; 669-70. A royal decree of January 11, 1593, provided that thereafter New Spain should be the only possession in Spanish America allowed to send vessels to the Philippine Islands for trade, and merchandise was not to be brought from there to any other part of America under penalty of forfeiture. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420-1.
14. The climate of the islands proved so fatal to the Spaniards, that of the 14,000 who had gone there during the previous 20 years, 13,000 had died. Vizcaino, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 560.
15. It was believed at the time, and some of the old authorities, as Torquemada, Cavo, and others, followed by a host of modern authors, state positively, that this raid in 1587, during which the Spanish galleon Santa Ana was captured, was made by Francis Drake, who, as is well known, in that year scoured the coasts of Spain. Of these modern authors I will only mention Zamacois, who gives a detailed account of the affair, and says the pirate was 'Francisco Drak.' Previously he makes a short and vague mention that one 'Tomás Cawendisk' took a ship coming from Manila in 1586. See his Hist. Méj., v. 190-2.
16. The standard authority for Cavendish's voyage is The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the Worshipful Master Thomas Candish of Trimly in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire ... by Master Francis Pretty ... a Gentleman employed in the same action, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 803-25. In the same collection, 825-36, are Certain rare and special notes concerning the heights, soundings, etc., by Thomas Fuller of the Desire. A brief account was also published in the first edition of Haklvyt, in 1589, 809-13. Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., Viage Introd., liv.-v., saw two original documents on the subject — a statement of Captain Alzola of the Santa Ana, made on his arrival at Acapulco, and a declaration by Antonio de Sierra, one of the passengers, made before the audiencia of Guadalajara January 24, 1588. Torquemada, i. 699, gives the only account extant of the return of the Santa Ana to Acapulco. The above mentioned are the only sources of original information on the expedition, or at least on that part of it concerning our territory. The following secondary authorities are before me: Voyages, Hist. Acct., i. 162-237; Voyages, New Col., i. 43-62; Kerr's Voy., x. 66-93; La Harpe, Abrégé, xv. 22-5; Burney's Discov. South Sea, ii. 85-9; Taylor, in Browne's L. Cal., 20-1; Gottfriedt, N. Welt, 367-8; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 214; Mofras, Explor., i. 99 — a list which might be easily augmented.
17. The Hugh Gallant had been exchanged for a prize, the George, which was also soon abandoned.
18. 'Wee landed there, and burnt their towne, with the church and custome-house, which was very faire and large: in which house were 600 bags of anile to dye cloth; euery bag whereof was worth 40 crownes, and 400 bags of cacaos; every bag whereof is worth ten crownes.' Speaking of the cacao the report of Master Pretty here continues: 'They are very like unto an almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste; they eate them, and make drinke of them.' Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 814.
19. Here we have the reason why Palacio failed to find him in or about the port of Acapulco. Master Pretty at this stage of his narrative remarks: 'Here wee ouershipped the hauen of Acapulco, from whence the shippes are set foorth for the Philipinas.' Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 815.
20. Described as 18 leagues from Cape Corrientes. Burney, Discov. South Sea, ii. 86, without specifying any other than the Hakluyt account, calls it the 'Bay of Compostella, probably San Blas,' as it very likely was.
21. This is perhaps the earliest mention of this name, which is still retained.
22. Pretty says, Tomás de Ersola was a pilot and was taken by Cavendish to the Ladrones; but Navarrete consulted Alzola's declaration in the affair and can hardly be in error. He gives the name of the pilot as Sebastian Rodriguez.
23. Salmeron, Rel., 16, says it was Magdalena Bay.
24. The further fate of the vessel and crew is left to conjecture; but the pilot Francisco de Bolaños lived to visit the bay again in 1603 with Vizcaino, and from him apparently comes all that is known of the voyage. Torquemada, i. 717-18; Ascension, Rel. Breve, 558; Cabrera Bueno, Nav. Especvl., passim; Salmeron, Rel., 20; Niel, Apunt., 74; Sutil y Mex., Viage, lvi.-vii. The question is fully discussed in Hist. North Mex. States and Hist. Cal., this series.
25. Torquemada, followed apparently by all other writers, states that in 1596 the king ordered Viceroy Monterey to send Vizcaino to California, and that the expedition was made the same year; but there is a royal cédula of August 2, 1628, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d series, iii. 442-3, in which the facts are stated as I have given them, Monterey ordering Vizcaino to fulfil his contract, 'no embargante que en la sustancia y capacidad de su persona, halló algunos inconvenientes.' Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 89-91, tells us without any known authority that Vizcaino had been on the Santa Ana, that was captured by Cavendish.
26. For the interesting details of this expedition and the adventures of the Spaniards in California, see Hist. North Mex. States, i., and Hist. Northwest Coast, this series.
27. In 1582 new laws and regulations were promulgated concerning these fleets, their outfit, and the manner in which the sailors and even passengers were obliged to go armed. Ordenanzas, Casa de Contratacion, 60.
28. This subject will be more fully considered in my next volume on New Spain. See also Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 455; Arróniz, Hist. y Cron., 327-8; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 20.
29. The cost of Caloma's subsequent expedition, in 1594, exceeded 800,000 ducats, which was much in excess of the ultimate amount realized. Vazquez, Apunt., in Col. Doc. Inéd., lii. 535-6. In the same year Prince Juan Andrea Doria, in a letter to the king, accused the India Council of incompetence in this matter, and recommended that treasure should be conveyed to Spain in faster vessels than those of the English. He thought the transportation too dangerous in 'galeones de armada,' however well they might be equipped; if they engaged in combat, success was doubtful, and, even if favorable, there was no certainty that while fighting one or the other of the treasure-ships might not go down. Doria, Carta al Rey., in Col. Doc. Inéd., ii. 171-2. In 1591 a large fleet on its way to New Spain was destroyed by the enemy, and another at Cádiz, when about to sail. Vazquez, Apunt., in Col. Doc. Inéd., lii. 537-65. The losses at sea were severe and continued, in addition to which, as the king said, 'hauiendome encargado (sin poderlo escusar) dela defensa de toda la christiandad demas dela demis Reynos.' This, among other original cédulas, signed Yo El Rey by Philip II., with royal seal attached and countersigned by the secretary Joan de Ybarra, may be found in Órdenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 132.
30. Goods were kept a long time in launches and barges; large quantities were stolen or smuggled, and the crown lost much of its dues. Mansilla, Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 156-8.
31. Hortop's Travailes, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 493.
32. The admiral and over 100 persons were saved by the exertions of some few who ventured out in boats to their assistance. Ponce, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., lviii. 480.
33. Though begun in 1581, the establishment of the consulate was not fully established until 10 or 12 years later. For details and list of officers, see Calle, Mem. y Not., 53; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 30-1.
34. Contracts of marriage, verbal or in writing, made with the idea or hope that the royal license would be forthcoming, were to be treated the same as formal marriages, so far as the penalties were concerned. The decree was dated at Lisbon February 26, 1582. Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 244-7.
35. 'Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8 yeres old with a boy of 12 yeres old.' Cano, Letter, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 396-7.
36. According to Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 221, the viceroy was moved to relent by a Jesuit's sermon on forgiveness. Torquemada, i. 650, says that the viceroy was removed for this affair. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 216-17, tells us the quarrel was about the jurisdiction over certain towns.
37. In 1596 a like pestilence appeared, accompanied by measles, mumps, and spotted fever, which carried off an immense number. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 515-19.
38. Another shock was felt on May 9th, but slight. Ponce, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., lviii. 516.
39. Romano even went so far as to attach the linen and wearing apparel of the marchioness, Doña Blanca. Torquemada, i. 650-1; Cartas de Indias, 866.
40. Many of Bishop Romano's decisions were subsequently revoked, and the release of Villamanrique's property was decreed; but at the time of his death only part of it had been restored. Torquemada, i. 650-1; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 10, 11. The latter informs us that he subsequently retired to a Franciscan convent in Spain, where he died.