History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 9

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IX

APOSTOLIC LABORS.

1522-1526.

Religious Feeling among the Conquerors — The First Ministers — Juan Diaz and Friar Olmedo — Papal Interest Displayed — Francisco de Los Ángeles' Proposed Mission — Brother Gante and his Companions — Father Valencia — Franciscan Rules and Privileges — The Twelve Apostles — Indian Astonishment — Cortés at the Feet of the Friars — Politic Self-abasement — First Synod — Monastic Discipline — Convents and Hospitals — Methods of Conversion — Choirs and Orchestras — Tricks of Trade — Friars and Disciples — Stubbornness of Proselytes — Baptism en Masse and Bestowal of Names — Legality of the Rite — The Marriage Question — Nativb Catechists and Missionaries — Inconoclasts and Martyrs — Progress of Conversion and its Causes — Christian-like Rites among the Natives — Attractive Features of the Roman Church — Festivals — Character of the Friars.

While political and financial projects formed the absorbing motive with the ever increasing swarm of adventurers in New Spain, as elsewhere, Cortés among others had not forgotten the sacred motto under which he had set forth, and to which he attributed his success. In the famous regulations issued at Tlascala before undertaking the siege of Mexico he had sought to recognize their indebtedness to heaven by proclaiming the primary motive of the campaigns to be spiritual conquest, without which the temporal acquisitions must be regarded as unjust.^[1] With only one friar, however, whose services, in connection with those of the clergyman Diaz, were almost wholly absorbed by the soldiers, little or no progress could be made toward the great aim. In his letters to Spain, Cortés clearly pointed out this deficiency, and asked for more workers in so promising a field. The request was supported by Father Olmedo, and also by others, who, without caring for the salvation of souls, had found friars an effective means to promote the subjugation of the natives, and especially to maintan control, so as to assure possession of the grants and serfs. The presence of the holy men proved also a stimulus to the soldiers during the hardships of a march, or the dangers of a battle, only too clearly recognized by Cortés, who, for that matter, was sincere in the acts of devotion with which he began and ended his undertakings. So were his companions, with more or less feeling, since it would have been heresy to neglect Christian forms, however much the inward nature disregarded them. With the prevailing simplicity and religious zeal most men, indeed, felt comforted by these rites, which to them constituted a great consolation.

The king was aware of the need of spiritual guides for soldier as well as native, and commended the subject to his councils and to the pontiff; but the little known of the conquest and the country during the first years infused a cautious hesitation on the part of both laity and churchmen,^[2] and the field remained neglected. During the siege of the capital five religious teachers figured among the thousand fighters, with their two hundred thousand auxiliaries, Father Olmedo, the three clergymen, Juan Diaz, Juan de Leon, and Juan Ruis de Guevara, the last two of Narvaez' expedition, and the Franciscan Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, who had come to sell indulgences. To this number might be added the interpreter Aguilar, who had studied theology and assisted at service.^[3] Only two, however, stand forward as teachers and ministers, Olmedo and Diaz, the latter already member of the previous expedition under Grijalva, during whose voyage he performed mass and baptized a native. Even he was forstalled by the priest Alonso Gonzalez, of Córdoba's party, to whom belongs the highly prized honor of performing the first Christian rites in New Spain.^[4]

Juan Diaz labored under a disadvantage as a churchman through his pronounced loyalty to Velazquez, which caused him to meddle in plots, and brought upon him the disfavor even of the natives. He became the first parish priest in Mexico, but resigned to follow Alvarado to Guatemala for a short time, after which he returned to Mexico, only to be killed in a tumult at Quecholac a few years later.^[5] A more conspicuous role was filled by Father Olmedo, universally respected for his prudent zeal and humility, his devotion to Cortés and the soldiers, and his kind interest in the natives. Not only this: he was in a remarkable degree for the age free from that excessive zeal which controlled the conquerors, and stained so many of their acts; and he possessed an admirable clearness of mind and knowledge of the world, which made him the trusted adviser and agent of his leader, and saved the army on more than one occasion from dangerous imprudence. When Cortés left for Honduras in 1524 he placed him in charge of the religious interests with which he was concerned; but the good friar died shortly after, deeply regretted by his countrymen and the natives.^[6] His departure did not affect the financial interests of the church, for the tithes were duly collected, amounting in 1523-4 to five thousand five hundred and fifty pesos de oro for Mexico city alone.^[7] Nevertheless a bull had been issued by Pope Leo X. as early as April 25, 1521, in favor of two Franciscan applicants, the prominent Francisco de los Ángeles^[8] and Juan Clapion, the latter a Fleming and former confessor to the emperor, whereby they were permitted to preach, baptize, confess, administer the sacraments, decide matrimonial questions, administer extreme unction, consecrate churches, excommunicate and absolve from excommunication, without interference from any secular or ecclesiastic authority.^[9] While suitable companions were sought for, and the necessary means, the death of the pope took place, followed by that of Clapion;^[10] and other obstacles, chief among them the election of Ángeles as general of his order.^[11]

The election of the cardinal-regent Adrian of Spain to the papacy, early in 1522, and the clearer accounts from New Spain, caused more energetic measures to be taken by the church, and on May 13, 1522,^[12] a new bull was issued, authorizing all mendicant friars, especially the minorites designated by their superior, to freely undertake the conversion of natives in the Indies. Only those fitted by their life and knowledge for the position should be selected. The prelates of the orders and their delegates were invested with all power needed for the conversion of natives and the maintenance of the faith in the Indies, including the exercise of such episcopal acts as did not actually require the prerogative of a consecrated bishop, in places where no such prelate existed, or in places lying at a greater distance from the bishop's abode than two days' journey.^[13] All privileges granted to friars for the Indies by preceding pontiffs were confirmed.

Ever since the projected transfer of Córdoba's discoveries to the admiral of Flanders,^[14] the Flemings had taken a certain interest in the new region, and with the authorization issued to Franciscans generally to engage in conversion, three friars of that nationality obtained permission to begin the long delayed work.^[15] They were Juan de Tecto, guardian of the convent at Ghent, the emperor's confessor, and a most learned man,^[16] Juan de Aora, and Pedro de Gante, laybrother, a man of talent and exemplary life, who acquired great respect and influence, the latter chiefly through his relationship to Charles V.^[17]

Leaving Spain in May, they reached Villa Rica August 30th,^[18] and were received with the demonstrations suited to their sacred mission. Tezcuco was chosen for head-quarters, none of them as yet speaking Spanish well enough to secure the attention of Spanish congregations at the capital. Indeed, the Flemings do not appear to have been favorites among the soldiers, and Gante, at least, took little pains to court them, or to employ their idiom. Their charge was the natives, whose language they studied and to whose wants they ministered, while rapidly extending the sway of the church, and raising her emblem in numerous edifices,^[19] assisted, according to Mendieta, by two other Franciscans from the Antilles, who died soon after their arrival.^[20] Little is known of their labors, however, for the chroniclers confined their attention almost exclusively to those sent out by the Spanish prelates.

 

The election of Francisco de los Ángeles to the generalship of the Franciscans enabled him to prosecute his scheme for the conversion of the new-world natives with greater directness, and with the approval of the king and council he selected a friar to accomplish his purpose in the person of Martin de Valencia, provincial since 1518 of San Gabriel, wherein he had earned a pious fame by founding the monastery of Santa María del Berrocal. He had long sought in vain for missionary glory, and now, in his fiftieth year, with hope fast fading, his ambition was to be gratified.^[21] After selecting twelve companions, he received from the general written instructions, based on the papai decree, whereby Valencia, with the title of custodio,^[22] was to proceed to New Spain and there establish the Custodia del Santo Evangelio,^[23] extending conversion in accordance with the rules of the order.^[24] By a special patent, dated October 23d, he was invested, for himself and successors, with all the power possessed by the general in external jurisdiction, including ecclesiastic censures, as well as in points of conscience, save with two exceptions,^[25] and in a royal cédula the friars were commended to the governors in the Indies.^[26] Toward the close of 1523 the missionaries gathered at Belvis convent to perfect arrangements for the voyage. They numbered besides Valencia ten ordained priests and two lay brothers, nearly all belonging te the provincia de San Gabriel: Francisco de Soto, Martin de Jesus de la Coruña, José de la Coruña, Juan Juarez, Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, and Toribio de Benavente, preachers and learned confessors; García de Cisneros and Luis de Fuensalida, preachers; Juan de Ribas and Francisco Jimenez, priests; and the lay brothers, Andrés de Córdoba and Juan de Palos.^[27] Soto was a man of recognized intelligence, who had occupied the position of guardian; Fuensalida became successor to Valencia, and Benavente figured as one of the leading apostles. They will nearly all appear during the history in more or less prominent positions.^[28]

After a sojourn of a few weeks at Seville they left San Lúcar on the 25th of January, 1524, in company with twelve Domimicans, commissioned like them for evangelical work in the Indies. José de la Coruña alone failed to join them, having been despatched to the court on business.^[29] At Santo Domingo the Dominicans remained,^[30] and the Franciscans, after a stay with them of six weeks, due partly to the easter celebration, proceeded to San Juan de Ulua, Valencia being invested with the additional power of inquisitor.^[31]

They arrived on May 138th,^[32] and although Cortés hastened to send officers and servants with orders to attend to their reception and comfort, the friars modestly declined every indulgence, and marched barefooted toward the capital, attracting no little attention from the natives. "Who are these so humble, yet so revered?" "What coarse and patched robes!" "Poor men!" Among the expressions thus employed was frequent the term motolinia. "What means the word?" asked Friar Benavente. "Poor," replied a soldier; '"'and it is applied, reverend father, to the humbleness of your appearance." "Then shall it be my name," rejoined the friar; and henceforth he called and signed himself Toribio Motolinia, a name spread far and wide during the following years as that of a zealous apostle.^[33] At Tlascala they sought, with the aid of an interpreter, to give the wondering natives an idea of their mission, and as they approached Mexico,^[34] its Huextant and sacred character was fully impressed upon them by the demonstrative reception on the part of the governor, who came forth to welcome them with a brilliant retinue, including King Quauhtemotzin, the leading captains and chiefs, friars Olmedo and Gante, and with the entire city following. Dismounting, Cortés knelt before them, and seized Valencia's hand to kiss it. With the humility characteristic of his profession, the father withdrew his hand, whereupon Cortés kissed the robes of the friars in turn, an example followed by his retinue, to the intense astonishment of the natives, who had not hitherto been offered so public and profound a display of humility on the part of the mighty conquerors, men who had barely chosen to doff the hat to the sacred Montezuma, and who received the submissive salutes of their lords with disdainful condescension. In brilliant array, decked with gold and precious stones, these men humbled themselves to the dust to the barefooted and meanly clad strangers. Could they be gods in disguise!^[35]

With sincere devotion to the church, Cortés combined profound respect for its ministers, as we have seen. Nevertheless, his extreme humiliation on the present occasion was dictated chiefly by politic motives. The friars possessed Immense power, representing as they did the church, wherein still lay deposited an influence before which the mightiest of princes bent submissive, and at whose hands the sovereigns of Portugal and Spain received the heavenly title to half a world. Such personages must be courted, not alone for their control over the soldiers and colonists, but for their influence at court, to which they would report directly or indirectly concerning the condition of the country and the management of the royal interests; reports that would have more weight than those from other sources. Then, again, these friars were destined to exercise control over the natives far more effective than that obtained by force of arms, and thereby assure possession of the conquest to the crown and of grants and serfs to the conquerors. It was well, therefore, while propitiating these men to impress on the natives their sacred character, and to set a striking example of the respect that should be paid to them. This politic deference Cortés constantly maintained, and with good effect on all concerned. On one occasion it is related that the inhabitants of Tezcuco were indignant because one of their chiefs had been flogged for not attending mass. Informed of this, Cortés concluded for a little by-play to assume the role of martyr. Informing the priests of his purpose, he absented himself from mass; for which delinquency he was sent for, and stripped and flogged by the friars in the presence of a number of the mutinous natives, and thus reconciled them to the despotic acts of their spiritual guardians.^[36]

Shortly after his entry into Mexico, Valencia summoned the five friars who were already in the country,^[37] and thus seventeen were gathered in chapter to consult on the best manner of proceeding with the conversion. On this occasion, the 2d of July, 1524, the custodia was formally established, and divided into four districts centring round Mexico, Tezcuco, Huexotzinco and Tlascala, to each of which were assigned four friars, Valencia making a fifth at the capital.^[38]

Temporary convents were founded at each of these places, while means and aid were obtained to erect permanent edifices, usually in prominent localities, as a standing exhortation to the flock from an architectural as well as a religious point of view. At Mexico the site of the first convent appears to have been on Santa Teresa street,^[39] and since the building in the capital must ever be regarded as the centre for the order, contributions for it came even from afar, chiefly from the natives, in men and material.^[40]

Cortés also gave substantial aid in different ways in promoting their benevolent aims, one of which was the care of poor and sick natives. To this end he had already erected a hospital, de la Purísima Concepcion, which still exists, a monument to his charitable devotion and a relic of the reëdification period.^[41] Thus by precept and example Cortés sought to impress the natives with the superiority of the friars even to himself, the representative of the greatest ruler on earth, and the conquered were only too eager to conform to the orders of their masters by tendering respect and obedience to the holy men.^[42] So deep, indeed, was the impression made that their arrival became a starting-point in their chronology under the term of "the year when the faith came." While recognizing the policy of maintaining a high rank among the flock, the friars nevertheless dissipated the more extravagant notions, and presented themselves as humble and mortal servants of the ruler of heaven and of princes, sent to impart the blessings of the only saving faith, and to rescue the natives from the misleading rites of the evil one. To this end they requested that the children be intrusted to their care for instruction, which afterward should be imparted also to the elders, and that as the first step to its accomplishment a building should be erected close to the convent, comprising school, chapel, dormitory, and refectory, sufficiently large to accommodate a thousand children.^[43]

The chiefs hastened to obey, but when the time came for surrendering their children several held back partly from devotion to native gods, and sent instead children of their servants. The deception turned to their own disadvantage, for the instructed children, though of low origin, obtained preferments which otherwise must have been given to the young chieftains.^[44] At first the instruction was confined chiefly to learning prayers and participating in the frequent religious exercises. Then were added reading, writing, and other branches. Motolinia goes into ecstasies over the quick apprehension and docility of the pupils. After a short training they could copy elaborate manuscripts in so perfect a manner that it was difficult to distinguish the original. Illuminations and drawings were reproduced with equal skill, and sent to Spain as specimens, creating no little admiration. Singing proved particularly attractive to them, and was readily acquired, though taught by an old-fashioned friar who addressed the children in studied Spanish phraseology to the amusement of listeners. Although the pupils gasped in astonishment at the harangue, without comprehending a word, signs and example did wonders, and it was not long before an excellent choir existed, several of whose members were sent to train their young countrymen in other towns. Their voices were not as good as those of the Spaniards, but in other respects no objection could be found. A Tlascaltec composed a few years later a mass that received high approval. Instrumental music was also taught, at first the flute, by Spanish professionals, who were paid for their lessons, though the progress of the youth soon rendered foreign masters needless. A band of these flute-players formed an acceptable substitute for organs, and aided not a little to render the services impressive. Clarionets and other wooden wind-instruments were used to some extent, as well as several stringed instruments. Some of them the boys learned to play within a few days, and at Tehuacan a native youth formed an admirable band, which within one month was able to assist at mass.^[45]

While aiding at the erection of their school-building, the boys were able to observe the operations of the different artisans, such as carpenters, bricklayers, masons, and to offer their services at the bench or trowel. Within a few days they showed themselves so expert that the friars were only too glad to hasten the work by intrusting even complicated sections to them, including the construction of arches, the placing of hewn stone foundations, and the decoration of facades. Churches in the native towns, which began rapidly to rise, were frequently erected even during this early period without the least direction from the Spaniards. One acquisition led to the desire for another; but instead of offering themselves for a seven years' apprenticeship to artisans who would probably have refused to teach their trade under any consideration, they managed by brief surreptitious watchings, with the aid of bought or borrowed specimens, soon to produce imitations fully equal to the European model. A saddler found a set of horse furniture missing one day. The next morning it was replaced, and shortly afterward he heard pedlers crying wares in the street exactly like his own, and at prices which put an end to his extravagant demands. A number of other artisans succumbed to the same acquisitive spirit, notably a weaver who being alone in his business made even the friars suffer from his monopoly. Rather than pay his prices, they went about in such tattered garments as to excite the pity of the natives. A devout chief took the matter in hand, and sent his servants to spy out the secrets of the weaver. He thereupon constructed a loom, and soon supplied the friars with both cloth and ready-made robes.^[46]

Equally adept were the youth in acquiring finer arts. Embroidery was taught by an Italian friar,^[47] and thenceforth the churches were liberally provided with most elaborate work of this class. Images were carved and adorned in perfect imitation of the originals, and large numbers distributed among the natives to help them remember their lessons. So also with paintings and mosaic-work in feathers, both of which were applied to sacred art. In the latter branch the natives needed no lessons, but in painting they had much to learn, though it did not take them long to equal and even excel the mediocre amateur talent to be found among the Europeans then in Mexico. The training of the boys extended even to daily duties and conduct, for while a large proportion attended school during the day only, quite a number remained night and day under the care of the good fathers, many of them supported wholly by the alms which flowed in for the convent.^[48]

The friars had in their turn to be pupils, striving to acquire the language with which they hoped to carry out on a grander scale their self-imposed mission. Aguilar, who acted as the chief interpreter, gave lessons, and additional teaching was obtained by the different convents from the Flemings, who had the advantage of several months' residence. At Mexico the chief aid in this direction was obtained from Alonso de Molina, the son of a Spanish widow, who had acquired an almost thorough knowledge of the Aztec.^[49] Still, the best means to obtain both fluency and accent^[50] was found to be intercourse with the natives, and to this end the friars unbent their dignity so far as to gambol with their little disciples, noting the words that fell from their prattling lips, and studying them at leisure. The elder children soon caught the spirit and strove to act as teachers.

In a few months fathers Fuensalida and Jimenez were so far advanced that, aided by the most intelligent pupils, they were able to address themselves to the older portion of the community, who in accordance with instructions issued to the chiefs were marshalled in procession to the convent. Here they were made to recite hymns which they neither understood nor cared to understand, and to join in ceremonies that to them had no significance. The friars themselves recognized the want of sincerity and the small effect of the exercises, but they persevered, ever hoping for improvement. One encouraging sign was the quick mastering of the points of doctrine, which Gante with native aid had translated into Aztec, in the form of a hymn.^[51] Set to a pleasant tune this proved quite attractive, possessing, besides, the peculiar popularity to be expected where an imperfect form of writing prevails. Many were deeply impressed by the new faith, and looked up to the friars with great veneration, pleased even to find their shadow fall on them, and to be allowed to deliver a confession of their sins in picture-writing. It was hoped that the sacred influence of baptism might aid in fructifying the words of faith, and to this end quite a mania was developed among the worthy apostles to bestow the rite. It was deemed requisite for the prospective neophyte merely to listen for a few days to the sermons and exhortations of the teachers, sorely distorted as they were by perplexed interpreters, and to imitate the devotional ceremonies in order to become worthy of admission into the church. Frequently even this requirement was evaded by the native, who felt either indifferent or unable to master the intricacies of the new creed, and by merely joining the crowd which gathered to attend service at the convent or at the village square, or at the roadside, he could readily persuade the unsuspecting friar that he had been duly prepared for baptism. This was thereupon administered with all the zeal born of lofty enthusiasm and assumed victory. Father Gante himself writes without hesitation that he and a companion used to baptize "eight thousand, sometimes ten thousand, and even fourteen thousand persons in one day.^[52]

With such numbers the formalities prescribed in the ritual could not be observed, and a readier method was adopted. Those who declared their willingness to be christened were assembled in formidable groups, the children being placed in the first ranks. The ritual was then performed with a few select, and the rest was merely sprinkled with the water. In applying names, all the males baptized on one day received the appellation of John, and the females Mary. The following day the names of Peter and Catalina were given, and so on through the list of saints. To each person was given a slip with name inscribed, and in case of forgetfulness he had merely to exhibit the slip to prove his baptism and identify himself.^[53] The rite had an attraction for these superstitious people in its similarity to their own, which conveyed purification from spiritual stains not alone at the lustration of the child, but in the immersion of self-scarified priests and ascetics, at the midnight hour, into the consecrated pools within the idol temples. It is but natural that they should look with no less veneration on the solemn sprinkling received so devoutly by the mighty children of the sun, and imparted by the hands of men as benevolent in aspect as they were saintly in conduct. So impressed, indeed, were many by a belief in the mysterious virtue imparted by the rite that they sought again and again to share in its blessings, yet without feeling bound by the assumed discarding of paganism.

As time passed on and revealed the many abuses and deceits practised upon the guileless teachers, doubts began also to creep in regarding the legality of the informal baptisms, though authorized by Father Tecto and other canonists, mainly on the ground of necessity, with so small a number of ministers, and in accordance with the precedent furnished by many of the early fathers, and recently by so eminent a personage as Cardinal Jimenez, during his mission to the Moors. Another objection was the use of merely blessed water, instead of duly consecrated water and oil. The friars being unable to settle the question, submitted it to the supreme pontiff, who, by bull of May 15, 1537, confirmed the baptisms so far performed, and authorized the friars thenceforth to apply the salt, saliva, candle, and cross to a few only of a group, though consecrated oil and water must be given to each person.^[54] Another knotty question concerned marriage. Although the greater part of the people, the lower and middle classes, possessed but one wife, yet many of the rich and the noble had quite a number, and since the Christian religion permitted no such indulgence, the polygamists were ordered to discard all but one spouse, to whom they like the other husbands must be joined anew with Christian ceremonies. It was found no easy matter to determine which of the wives, as the legitimate consort, had the right to be preferred, and so it was decided, after years of doubt, to accord it to the first wife, and when this could not be determined, to the one chosen by the husband.^[55] Meanwhile little attention was paid by polygamists to the exhortations of the fathers, and even in later times the law was disregarded.

These and other rites in connection with Indians were discussed in a council of friars and jurists which appears to have been held in the autumn of 1526, with the assistance of Cortés. Therein were determined not only points bearing on baptism, confession, and communion, but on the treatment and rule of natives, the more difficult questions being embodied in representations to the transatlantic authorities. The importance of the meeting, both in respect to the number and quality of the attendants, and to the discussions, has caused it to be signified as the first synod of the church in New Spain.^[56]

In their eagerness to extend conversion the friars found themselves altogether too few for the task undertaken, and as soon as their older pupils revealed sufficient knowledge of religion and of Spanish, they were impressed into the service. At first they accompanied the ministers in their tours through the districts, to preach and establish doctrinas,^[57] acting as interpreters,^[58] or delivering under their eyes the sermon already learned. Afterward they were sent forth alone to impart the lessons acquired, and war against idolatry, often with a zeal that brought martyrdom. This devout spirit had been well inculcated among the children, and even the youngest did good work at their homes and in the neighborhood. On the way to the convent one day the scholars met a procession of natives, brazenly parading the living representative of an idol. In a twinkling they were upon him, and before the skirmish ended he had been stoned to death.^[59] Regular raids were also made on the temples. At Tezcuco, for instance, the friars themselves led a procession amid chants to the famous chief teocalli, and after breaking the idols to pieces they fired the building. It was market day, and a vast gathering of natives rent the air with lamentation, their tearful eyes and boding hearts following the smoke columns as they dissipated into space, the concrete symbols of their faith, without rousing a single angry god to avenge the act. Similar destructions were perpetrated in different towns, the Franciscans alone claiming to have destroyed more than five hundred temples and twenty thousand images within seven years.

Fear of the Spaniards made idolatrous exhibitions rare, except in the remote districts, nevertheless the rites retained their hold even upon a large proportion of the converts, for it proved no easy matter to uproot superstitions cherished during a lifetime, and to ruthlessly cast aside idols to whom so many blessings were attributed. Many placed the images behind the crosses and saint tablets, or worshipped them with elaborate ceremonies, In common with others, in secret localities.^[60] When remonstrated with for his obstinacy, a cacique once exclaimed: "How is it," pointing to a picture of a saint, "that you Spaniards preach so much against idolatry while you yourselves worship images?" The Spaniard replied with the usual explanation "that they did not adore the images, but gazed on them in meditation of the great virtues of the saints whom they represent." Hereupon the chieftain remarked: "Neither do we worship images of gold or wood; our prayers and sacrifices are offered to God." The friars made strenuous efforts to stop this evil, and aided by their young disciples great progress was made, though not without sacrifice, notably in Tlascala, where the son of a cacique fell a victim to his excessive zeal. His father Axotecatl had at first sought to prevent his attendance at school, but the friars carried their point, and soon the boy was baptized under the name of Cristóbal. Eager to convert also his family, the boy destroyed the idols and wine-butts, as the main obstacles to the desired end, only to rouse the bloody spirit of fanaticism in the father. Half dead with wounds, the young iconoclast escaped to his mother's side. The infuriate parent pursued him, nearly killed those who sought to interfere, and cast the boy into a fire. Presently he drew him forth and ended the flickering life with dagger blows. Rage now turned to fear, the body was buried in a corner of the house, and other precautions were taken to keep the murder secret. The friars made inquiries, however, for their missing pupil, and Axotecatl was executed.^[61] About the same time two other Tlascaltec youths were killed by the obstinate idolaters of an adjoining district, while assisting two Dominican missionaries. Thus the little republic attained^[62] during the first decade the glory of presenting three widely applauded martyrs.

Tlascala enjoyed the additional preëminence of giving the earliest voluntary converts to the faith, with one or two exceptions,^[63] and in the persons of her leaders. The lords of the adjoining state of Huexotzinco embraced the faith under the name of Francisco de Sandoval y Moreno and Juan Juarez; at Mexico Quauhtemotzin himself thought it prudent to set his people the example, while at Tezcuco the Flemish friars had already gathered a rich harvest, chiefly among the children, for here the worthy Gante established the first public school in New Spain, in connection with the first convent.^[64] More friars arriving, the work of conversion was forwarded so rapidly that soon hardly a village in the lake regions, and the adjoining convent districts, was without its church or chapel,^[65] Gante claiming to have built in Mexico city alone, within five years, more than one hundred temples.

There were several reasons for this success, wonderful in its extent, though shallow at first. Foremost stood fear and policy, for it was dangerous to disobey the conquerors, while favors could be gained by courting them. Then came the undefined belief with many that the religion of men so superior in prowess and intelligence must contain some virtue, something superior to their own. In the districts occupied for some time by Spaniards the idea of their being divine had long since faded; still, their origin was involved in obscurity: the land whence they came, the gilded regions of the rising sun; the august ruler beyond the great sea; the pontiff who represented the Infinite — all this loomed dimly forth in mystic grandeur and awe, the great prompter of worship, laid its influence upon their mind. In the newer districts, where Spanish vices and weaknesses were less understood, these ideas had greater effect, and tended to infuse greater veneration for their rites. Further, the new rites and doctrines had many similarities to their own to commend them to the natives. Baptism was used for infants generally, and purifying water was applied also by ascetics; the communion was taken in different forms, as wafer or bread, and as pieces from the consecrated dough statue of the chief god, the latter form being termed teoqualo, 'god is eaten;' confession was heard by regular confessors, who extended absolution in the name of the deity concerned. The idea of a trinity was not unknown, and according to Las Casas' investigations, even a virgin-born member of it; the flood existed in recorded traditions, and Cholula pyramid embodied a Babel myth; while the mysterious Quetzalcoatl lived in the hopes, especially of the oppressed, as the expected Messiah. Lastly, the cross, so wide-spread as a symbol, held a high religious significance also here, bearing among other names that of 'tree of life.'^[66] Although these similarities appeared to the friars partly as a profanation, and were pointed out as a perversion by the evil one, nevertheless they failed not to permit a certain association or mingling of pagan and Christian ideas in this connection with a view to promote the acceptance of the latter. The Indians on their side availed themselves so freely of this privilege as frequently to rouse the observation that they had merely changed the names of their idols and rites.^[67]

Even more effective than the preceding features, from the permanent allurement it offered, was the ceremonial pomp, the gorgeous display, in connection with the services, so fascinating to the cultured European, how much more therefore to the ruder Mexican. The effect can be readily estimated by comparing the rapid progress among the northern Indians of Catholic missionaries, and their stronger hold upon them, as compared with Protestant ministers. With the ruder man, as with children, the appeal to the senses is always the stronger. When the eye is dazzled, the ear soothed, the emotions of the heart can be the more readily stirred and kept awake than by the unaided efforts of oratory. And who shall question the legitimacy of such aids in so good a cause as the substitution of a gentle, elevating religion for a bloody, debasing ritual? Religion is primarily an appeal to the senses, and even the cultivated philosopher who may entertain a vague pantheism is allured by the object-lessons of nature to thoughts beyond the material.

The priests took pains, therefore, to make attractive the place of worship: the altar with lace, and gold, and flowers, all resplendent with lights; pictures and statues with colors and attitude appealing to the tenderest feelings; solemn chants and gorgeous processions, While around in the recesses an awe-inspiring half-gloom impelled the thoughts and feelings of the worshippers yearningly toward the enchanted scene before them. The numerous feast-days gave the friars frequent opportunity to indulge the natives with alluring pageantry, varying in its nature with the significance of the festival. Christmas came with appropriate and brilliant tableaux; epiphany had its representative magi following an imagined star to render homage. Palm-Sunday revelled in flowers, and easter-tide followed with impressive scenes and services. There were processions brilliant with galadresses, flowers, plumes, and banners, with here and there crosses and saints' images borne by chiefs and chosen ones, and attended by large escorts of candle-bearers. The priests chanted solemnly, and now and then the refrain was taken up in swelling volume. Arches rose at frequent intervals, and embowered chapels. Motolinia describes a Corpus Christi celebration at Tlascala for which more than a thousand floral arches had been erected along the streets taken by the procession, with ten larger arches in form of naves, and four artificial scenes of wild and placid nature, rocks, trees, moss, and lawns, one representing Adam and Eve in paradise, a second, the temptation of Christ, the fourth, Saint Jerome and Saint Francis, and all elaborated with surprising skill, and with hunters and animals, some natural, others imitated.^[68]

Many pagan ceremonies were introduced, endeared to the congregation by long association, and frolics and dances lent a cheerful after-glow to the solemnity, and gilded the remembrance of the feast.

Another factor remains to be considered among the causes for success with conversions: the saintly character of the friars; their benign appearance; their kindness of heart; their benevolent acts; their exemplary life; all so worthy of admiration, and in so striking contrast to the fiercer aspect and bloody doings of the native priests, in harmony truly with their horrid idols and rites, as the appearance and acts of the friars accorded with the gentle virgin image and the pious teachings of their faith. The records of the chroniclers are filled with glowing testimony to the self-sacrificing conduct, in private and public life, of these missionaries, misdirected though they often were from a more active and useful path by excess of zeal, and by hallucination, which caused too many of their heroic acts to be spent against the bare cell walls, instead of furthering the real good of individuals or communities. Yet the remain heroes in their sphere, ennobled by a lofty though empty purpose. Others there are, like Valencia and Motolinia, who, heedless of hardships, of dangers, seeking not even glory save perhaps martyrdom, passed in toil and travel even their declining years, when comfort lures most men to repose. They penetrated to distant provinces, now following in the wake of ruthless invaders to act the part of Samaritans; now intruding on the golden arena where rival governors were ranging the forces to wage hot battle for possession of the shackled native; now entering alone on some primeval scene to plant the crucifix, harbinger of a gentle culture, even though it serve only too often to guide the way to vultures, in the shape of rapacious and cruel soldiers. If the missionaries could not prevent this evil, they could at least soften it by interposing at times the shielding arm of the church, and range themselves as champions of the oppressed. In this work they shine with brightest glory, undimmed even by that thirst for gold which overshadows them in many another part. Yet even here the more immediate end, at least, may be summoned to justify the means, embracing also doubtful mummery and miracles. The latter were not so numerous in New Spain, says Mendieta with unintentional significance, for the reason that the natives embraced the faith readily enough without much stimulant of that nature. There are records, however, of rains produced or stayed by carrying around the cross and saints' images; of the resurrection of dead persons, and the like.^[69]

Several of the miracles are properly attributed to Father Valencia, as the chief of the Franciscan apostles, and because of a saintly life. While most exemplary in conduct, and rigid in the observance of rules laid down by the order, he was a stout defender of the prerogatives of the church and of the oppressed natives, and on more than one occasion assumed a belligerent attitude toward the local authorities. His apostolic zeal was so great that, although approaching the age of seventy, the confined limits of New Spain were evidently too narrow for him, and he made more than one attempt to go to China.^[70] As if disheartened by the failure, he retired to a spot near Tlalmanalco to meditate and mortify the flesh. So severe was the self-imposed penance that he fell sick, and on being removed for nursing to Mexico, he died on the way, and was buried at Tlalmanalco.^[71]

His dress and other belongings were preserved as relics, and his grave was for years a point of attraction to worshippers.^[72] No less revered figures are to be found among his companions, the apostolic twelve, whom we shall meet frequently in the course of our history.

Garcia, Hist. Beth., ti. 13, 14; Mosaico Mex., ii. 448-50; Abbott's Mex. and U. S., 19-26; Miller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 178-80; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 383-93; v. 320-48; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., n. 207-11; Salazar, Mex. en 1544, 233-6, 248-50; Hefelé, Cardinal Ximenez, 508-30; Helps' Cortés, 11. 149; Mexicanische Zuständte 1, 278-81; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 575-93, 712-30; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. pt. v.; Defensa de la Verdad., 4-6; Burke's Europ. Settl., i. 124-9; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 158-60; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 531-2; Dicc. Univ., ii. 314-15, 601; v. 253; vii. 227; viii. 217-18; x. 739-48; Leyes, Varias Anot., 8-12; Magliano's St Francis, 538-47; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 52-3; Portilla, España in Mex., 40-5; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 82; Id., Gob. de Mex., 18; Fricius, Ind. Religionstandt, 50-118; Concilio Prov., 1555 and 1565, a iv. 1-10; Clemente, Tablas Chronológ., 227-8; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 324-31; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iv. 204-19; v. 1, 2, 35-55.

 

One of the leading authorities on the ecclesiastical history of Mexico for the first period succeeding the conquest, is Father Toribio de Benavente, known as Motolinia, whose family name appears to have been Paredes, for so he signs the preface to the Historia de los Indios. He was born at Benavente in Leon, and early evinced a devout disposition and a leaning for the priesthood. After entering the Franciscan province of Santiago, he was transferred to that of San Gabriel, and came as one of the apostolic twelve to Mexico. Hearing frequently from the wondering Indians who clustered along their route the word Motolinia, and learning that it meant 'poor,' in allusion to their threadbare garments and careworn appearance, he adopted it as an appropriate name for himself, and was ever after so called. He even signed himself Motolinia Fr. Toribio, with true reference to the meaning. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 527, 534. The name, indeed, became identified not alone with a man of profound humility, but of a zeal that bordered on fanaticism, as instanced by his fiery advocacy of forcing conversion with the sword, which involved him in bitter altercation with Bishop Las Casas. While imbued with views different from those of the apostle of the Indies, he was no less a champion of the oppressed natives, devoting to them his best talents and energy; now appearing in hot contest with political powers in their behalf; now shielding them from cruel taskmasters; and anon following with crucifix in hand the bloody path of conquerors, to act the good Samaritan. Already during the first decade of the Conquest he had penetrated into Central America, wandering through Guatemala and Nicaragua, and adding thousands to the list of converts baptized by his hand. Vetancurt allows him to have baptized 400,000 during this tour alone. Menolog., 85. Torquemada, iii. 441, makes this the total number of his recorded converts 'por cuenta que tuvo en escrito . . . sin los que se le podrian olvidar.' On his return he became superior at Tezcuco; later, comisario, and vice-comisario general for Guatemala, and attained to the dignity of sixth provincial. The last years of his lite were spent at San Francisco convent in Mexico, in devout exercises, and during the performance of one he expired in 1568, says Beristain, probably August 9th, the last of the apostolic twelve, according to Mendieta. Hist. Ecles., 620-1; Beristain, Bib. Hisp. Am.; Ramirez, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. p. cxviii., etc.; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 810; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 52-3; Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 207-11. His robe was kept as a relic of a saintly man to whose prayers many miraculous happenings were attributed. His intimacy with the natives led to a careful study of their customs, religion, and history, while his admirable knowledge of Aztec caused him to prepare several writings for their instruction. The list includes: De moribus Indorum, used to a great extent by Torquemada; Adventus duodecim Patrum, qui primi eas regiones devenerunt, et de eorum rebus gestis; giving an account of the apostolic labors of himself and his companions; Doctrina Christiana, in Mexican, for the benefit of the converts, to which Torquemada, iii, 386, alludes: 'Hiço luego una breve Doctrina Christiana, Fr. Toribio Motolinia lo qval anda impressa;' Guerra de los Indios de la Nueva España; Camino del Espiritu; Calendario Mexicano, to which Henrico Martinez makes reference. Memoriales Históricos, quoted sometimes by Herrera and often by Torquemada; aud some letters, notably that of January 2, 1555. But the most important of Motolinia's writings is the Historia de los Indios de la Nueva España; to which Antonia and Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 711, refer under the original title of Relacion de las cosas, Idolatrias Ritos, í Ceremonias de la Nueva España, MS., fol. It forms three tratados, the first, in 15 chapters, relating to the idols and religious ceremonies of the Mexicans; the second, in 10 chapters, to missionary labors, and acceptance of Christianity by the natives; the third, in 20 chapters, to a medley of civil and ecclesiastic, scientific points, resources, towns. One of these chapters was intended for the second part. In chapter ix. of third part the author promises a fourth tratado, which he failed to add. It was probably intended as an amplification of the Adventus duodecim, to judge by the productions of other monk chroniclers, and consequently of great value. As it is, the treatise contains a vast amount of information of which later writers have eagerly availed themselves, based as it is on personal inquiries and observation. While it exhibits a rambling order, and a naive acceptance of the marvellous, yet it is pervaded by a vein of candor that wins confidence. The manuscript circulated in several copies, two of which have of late years been published, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., wherein the first tratado by the duplication of a chapter number, closes with chapter xiii. instead of xiv., and in the admirable collection of Icazbalceta, prefaced by an exhaustive biography from the pen of the Mexican scholar Ramirez.

There were several others, who with a longer period and a wider range of subjects at their command, assumed a more important position as chroniclers, such as Mendieta, Torquemada, Vetancurt. They will be noticed in more appropriate places. All the orders had their annalists, though the writings of most appeared to the public only in compiled form, in the books of favored ones, Among these, Juan de Grijalva early appeared as the historian of the order of San Augustin, which enjoyed a comparatively small representation in New Spain. The writer is the more interesting to us in being a creole, born in Colima about 1559. As a child already he displayed a literary taste, and as a priest he delighted the public with his oratorical powers, while the order esteemed him as authority on theologic and other topics. He figured successively as rector of San Pablo college, as definidor, and prior. His Cronica de la Orden de N. P. S. Augustin enlas provincias de Nueva España, Mexico, 1624, 218 pp. folio, in four tratados, covers the labors of the order from 1533 to 1592, and contains a number of biographies, together with an account of the strife between the orders and the secular clergy for the possession of parishes. Both order and style are above the average productions of contemporaries, and less rambling is apparent, as Pinelo observes: 'Es Historia bien escrita i que no sale de lo que en el Titulo promete." Epitome, ii. 761, 839. According to Vetancurt, he also wrote the book on which Cisneros founds his Hist. de NV. Sra. de los Remedios. A special history of the Augustinian sub-provincia of San Nicholás appeared at a later date, under the title of Historia de San Nicholas de Tolentino del órden de San Augustin of 215 folio pages in three libros, wherein is recorded the mission work of the order in Michoacan and adjoining regions from 1537 to 1646, at first under the provinciales of Mexico, later as independent provincia. Half the space is devoted to the lives and particularly the virtues of the missionaries, the remainder to the founding and progress of the different convents and stations, with few allusions to political and civil affairs.

The history of the Bethlehemite order has been written by friar Joseph Garcia de la Concepcion, who had acquired some fame as a preacher and professor, and it exists under the title of Historia Bethlehemitica. Vida exemplar y admirable del venerable Betancvr. Seville, 1723, folio, 203, 173, 39 pp. respectively. The first of the four tratados is devoted to a biography of Vetancurt, who founded the order in the middle of the 17th century; the second relates to the life of Rodrigo de la Cruz, and the missions in Mexico and Centra] Awerica; the third and fourth to minor biographies and progress of the order.

More attractive, if less valuable to the present historic field, is the rare and curious Nova Typis Transacta Navigatio. Novi Orbis Indie Occidentalis, Admodvm Rev. Bvellii, Avthore Fr. Honario Philopono (Monacho), 1621, folio, which relates to the labors of Benedictine missionaries in America chiefly under Buil, the vicar of the pope, and the first patriarch of the New World, who accompanied Columbus on his second voyage with instructions to take charge of the education of Indians, and who afterwards became so bitter against the admiral. It opens with a treatise on ancient knowledge of a western world, and of St Brendan's discoveries in this direction, and treats of the aboriginal beliefs in Mexico and other regions. On the finely engraved title-page are given full-length portraits of St Brendan and P. Buil, engraved by Kilian, who furnishes several other plates illustrating sea-monsters and Indian barbarities. The book is dedicated to Casparus Plautius, the abbé of the Seittenstötten convent, to which the author belongs. By some the two are regarded as identical. Philoponus takes a decided standpoint in several places, particularly where the prerogative of his cloth is conccrned. Ina reference to the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, for instance, he attacks him severely for daring to perform miracles among Indians.

Notwithstanding the extent and importance of the church in the New World, it was not till 1649 that the first church history of America appeared in Teatro Eclesiástico de la Primitiva Iglesia de las Indias Occidentales. By Maestro Gil Gonzalez Davila, Madrid, 1649-55, 2 vols. folio — giving an account of the foundation and progress of the church in each province of Spanish America; its officials and coats of arms, together with the biography of bishops and pious members; an account of the introduction of literature and art, and some valuable vocabularies. It was Dávila's first work as chief chronicler of the Indies and the two Castiles. The dedication to Felipe IV. referring to him as 'mvy alto y mvy Catolico y por esto mvy poderoso Señor Rey,' shows Dávila to be at least a devout reasoner, since the subject of the book and the character of the age hardly permit the supposition of veiled irony in the simple 'por esto.' For a royal chronicler the work is very carelessly written, with glaring faults on all hands, and in poor style. Pinelo gives 1645 as the date of one volume, but this is probably intended for the Teatro Eclesiástico de las dos Castillas, Madrid, 1643-50, 3 vols., with a 4th volume in 1700, concerning which Dávila had sent to the king a memorial, referred to by Pinelo. This and his Teatro de las Grandeças de Madrid, 1623, were probably better written, since they must have aided in obtaining for him the position of chronicler.

A rarer and earlier work than Dávila's is the Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos, by the Dominican Alonso Fernandez. Toledo, 1611, folio. The chief object of which claims to be the recording of the glorious deeds of zealous sons of the church outside of Spain, particularly contemporaries, with a view to animate her children to remain steadfast. The first and largest of the three libros is occupied with America, beginning with the Antilles, but soon passing to Mexico and Central America as the main field, and closing with South America. The entry of friars and the progress of missions and ecclesiastic provincias are related, with innumerable passages on miracles, martyrs, and saintly men, and with some account of native idolatry and of books printed in native idioms. The rest treats of the other continents and islands. The title-page bears an engraving of the madonna adored by St Dominic and St Francis.

Another general work on the church is the Kerckelycke Historie van de gheheele Wereldt, by the Jesuit father Cornelius Hazart. Antwerpien, 1667, 4 vols. folio. Among its several editions the most notable is the German Kirchen-Geschichte. Wienn, 1678-1701, 3 vols., rearranged and improved by M. Soutermans of the same order. Besides giving an account of missionary labors, particularly by Jesuits, the political and social condition of each region of the world is considered, though not with any care or critique. Opening with Japan the first volume proceeds to treat of other parts of Asia, while Prester John's country heads the second volume for the African division. The last two thirds is filled with the New World, beginning with South America, and proceeding with Florida, Canada, Mexico,and Maranhan. The hundred pages of the Mexican section treats of the origin and belief of the Indians, the omens preceding the Spanish arrival, the conquest and description of Mexico, and the conversion. The copperplates are chiefly illustrative of martyrdom, with fancifully drawn natives, headed by a portrait of

St Francis Javier, not only as missionary apostle, but as a Jesuit, one of the first nine companions of Loyola, as the author vehemently maintains.

Regardless of the efforts made by the church historians already mentioned, and by others, Father Touron of the order of Preachers comes forward wita a Histoire Générale de l'Amérique, Paris, 1768, 8 vols., 12°, wherein he proposes to repair the neglect of general histories to fully record the important branch of spiritual conquest. Dividing his work into four parts, relating to the jurisdictions of Santo Domingo, of Mexico, of Peru and Chile, and of New Granada, he relates under three epochs for the three centuries, the progress of Christianity in each section. Aware of the necessity of rendering ecclesiastic records acceptable to 'Lecteurs dans un siécle d'autant plus frivole,' he resolves to 'marcher sous l'escorte de l'Histoire Politique et Naturelle,' in short to sugarcoat the pill. While several religious chronicles have been the guide for the main subject, the rest is evidently borrowed from one general history, without much digestion of either, since this was probably deemed irreverent with respect to the former and unnecessary with the latter, as contributing merely to a minor topic. With the progress of the work the author gradually throws off the political shackles which have so far bound the guileless student, and leaving him adrift he abandons himself wholly to his clerical guide.

In connection with these may be mentioned the Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses, Amsterdam, 1723-43, 8 vols. folio, to which belongs Superstitions anciennes et modernes, 1733-8, 2 vols. It opens with a full account of the Jewish religion, with the rites and social institutions in connection therewith, and proceeds with the Roman Catholic, to which are appended lengthy memoirs on the rise and operations of the inquisitions. Then comes an account of American religious and features relating thereto, particularly those prevailing in New France; but Mexico receives a considerable space, followed by South America, chiefly Peru. The origin of the Indians is naturally considered, and analogies with Old World customs are consequently numerous. The nations of East India and other countries are next taken up. The work was compiled by J. F. Bernard and others, and owes its success chiefly to the fine engravings after Picart. Among the several editions is The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Several Nations of the Known World, London, 1731-9, 7 vols. The plates are the same bearing the mark of Van der Gucht.

One of the main sources for the history of missions and of the condition of the church in remote lands must be sought in Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses, Écrites des Missions étrangéres par quelques Missionaires de la Compagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1702-76, 34 vols. 12°; to which belongs Mémoires des Missions du Levant, 9 vols. As indicated by the title, the contents is a series of letters by Jesuit missionaries in different parts of the world, addressed to their superiors and to one another, describing the progress of conversion, together with historic events, native customs, geography, and other scientific matter. Bibliographers are greatly at variance as to the date of the set, owing to the different title of the first volume, published in 1702 as Lettres de quelques Missionaires, etc., for which the sanctions of the Jesuit provincial and king are dated 1702. These, followed by the Lettres Édifiantes, were reprinted in 1717, forming, according to Charlevoix, the first whole issue of the set. An English translation of the first three volumes appeared in 1707. In 1758 the work was interrupted with the 28th volume, owing to the persecution of the Jesuits in France; but it was resumed in 1773. Another cause of confusion is in the several reprints and abridgments of sets or partial sets, among them the issue in 1780-3, in 26 volumes, of the first systematically arranged edition, and for this reason esteemed above others. A continuation was issued in 1818-23 as Nouvelles Lettres Édifiantes, which also enters into several foreign editions in connection with the first set. The Spanish translation is interesting from the fact that it shared in the troubles which fell upon the original, and stopped in consequence with vol. 16. Cartas Edificantes. Madrid, 1753-7. It was compiled by P. Davin from the Lettres as well as the Mémoires du Levant, and prefaced in each volume with a review of the contents, and of mission progress. The letters of the original collection were published as soon as a sufficient number had accumulated, without regard to the country they related to, so that a lamentable want of order resulted, which had to be rectified in later editions. In that of 1819 they are separated into sets called Mémoires du Levant d'Amérique, etc.; but are otherwise not well arranged. In the earlier volumes, for instance, relating to America, IV. is devoted to the north-east coast of the northern continent, and to South America. The latter region extends over the greater part of V., wherein is given also a memoir on Lower California. P. Charles le Gobien was the first editor, succeeded by the talented P. Du Halde, well known through his History of China, and after them came Ingoult, de Neuville, and Patouillet. The value of the letters to science as well as to history becomes apparent from a mere consideration of the extensive learning and zeal of the Jesuits, and their power of observing and of acquiring influence with rulers and people. But the valuable material is interwoven with a mass of prosy tedious details, chiefly of a religious nature, and it is to be noticed that the contributions of the Spanish and Italian fathers appear more exaggerated and credulous than those written by men from France and adjoining countries in the north. The needless prolixity was the chief cause of the many abridgments which taxed the forbearance of the worthy editors by their. irreverent omissions, and by frequently giving no credit to the original. The Mémoires Géographiques, etc., Paris, 1767, 4 vols., affords an instance. A more ungrateful borrower is Lockman, who, in condensing the first ten volumes of the Letters in his Travels of the Jesuits, announces that he omits prosy accounts of miracles and conversions as 'ridiculous to all persons of understanding.' The promised continuation of the work failed to appear, to the delight of the pious fathers, who no doubt saw in this non-success a condign punishment of blasphemy.

 

 

1. See full text thereof in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 445-51.
2. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 187. The Dominician Remesal charges the delay in part to the want of interest taken by Fonseca in the conquests of Cortés. Hist. Chyapa, 9, and his hostility must have had its effect. Brasseur de Bourbourg pleads that the hesitation of theologians and jurists to declare the validity of Spain's right to these countries — 'évidence en l'honneur de la religion catholique et des ministres de Charles V.' — -was the retarding cause for not sending friars to protect the natives. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 576.
3. Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 215, omits Urrea, and dignifies Aguilar as dean, though his later record is rather of a worldly character. He was made regidor of Segura in 1520, in reward for services as interpreter, and obtained a land grant from the municipality of Mexico on November 28, 1525. Libro de Cabildo, MS. In 1529 he figured as a witness against Cortés, who had failed to meet his expectations of reward. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 178-83. Bernal Diaz, who supposes him dead in 1524, casts a slur on the moral character of this professed anchorite by saying, 'murid tullido de bubas.' Hist. Verdad., 244.
4. See Hist. Mex., i. 6, 9, 25. Great rivalry existed among the different orders, each exaggerating its share in the work of conversion. The Franciscans and Dominicans exhibit actual bostility in their relations, and the former do not hesitate in their writings to claim the primacy as first comers, to which end they either ignore the first laborers in the field, or argue that they came without authority, and must consequently be regarded at most as spiritual guardians of the soldiers alone. This spirit is apparent throughout the volumes of Motolinia, Mendieta, Torquemada, Vetancurt, and Gonzalez Dávila. Even special papers have been written to defend the claim, among which may be mentioned Vendicias de la Verdad. MS., 1773, by Francisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa, wherein even the three Flemish friars who arrived in 1523 are ignored in their claim to primacy among Franciscans, on the ground that they were not under the papal bull authorizing the great twelve who came in 1524. The real objection was probably that they were Flemings, not Spaniards. Olmedo, of the order of Mercy, was undoubtedly the first friar, but the organ which proclaimed his fame did not command many hearers. His best champion is the editor of Bernal Diaz' Historia Verdadera, who does not scruple, like his rivals, to invent and interpolate in this history statements wherewith to extend the merits of his order. The learned Sigüenza y Góngora devotes much attention to the subject, particularly in his Anotaciones Criticas, MS., wherein he refutes the claims of the Franciscans, yet fails to exhibit sufficient facts for his argument. Grijalva, Crón., 1, 2.
5. Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 164-5, following a doubt of Vetancurt, supposes with several others that he left New Spain forever shortly after the fall of Mexico, but on returning from Guatemala he appeared on October 27, 1525, before the municipality of Mexico to obtain the confirmation of a land ant. Libro de Cabildo, MS. In June 1529 he testified at the residencia of Alvarado. Ramirez, Proceso, 124. Soon after he was killed during a tumult between the Popolucas at Quecholac, together with three or four soldiers, and was partly eaten by the natives, of whom the ringleaders were burned for their crime. Testimony of Indians, in Concilios Prov, 1595-65, 11-15. The body is said to have been deposited at Tlascala. Torquemada, iii. 71-2; Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 215. In the hermitage of S. Estévan, adds Vetancurt, who doubts the statement of Gonzalez Dávila that he was buried at Puebla. Teatro, ii. 146. Puebla was not founded till 1531-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg treats of his career with some pains, but makes several radical blunders.
6. He was buried at Tlatelulco, in Santiago sanctuary. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211. It is said that he had baptized 2,500 persons. Granados, Tardes, 296, sends him off to Spain, and Zamacois, as usual, hazards several doubtful assertions.Some time before this friar Melgarejo came from Spain, to grant indulgences for blasphemies, outrages, on defenceless natives, and similar sins and crimes, and set out on his return in 1522 with a considerable sum, which was captured by French corsairs.
7. They were farmed out, and the money used by the royal treasurer for building churches, buying ornaments, and paying priests. Medellin and Vera Cruz tithes were worth at least 1,000 pesos; those of other settlements are not given. Córtes, Cartas, 321.
8. 'Por otro nombre, de Quiñones, hermano del conde de Luna.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 187.
9. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 41, seems rather nettled at these vast privileges to a rival order, and assumes with an 'of course' that they applied also to the later coming Dominicans.
10. In 1522, at Valladolid, says Beaumont, Crón. Mich., ii. 501-2, who writes the name Glapion. Torquemada, iii. 6, 7, following Mendieta, attributes too much effect on the project to the demise of the pope. Yet the new pope may have objected to the privilege assigned so exclusively to two friars.
11. In 1523, Mendieta. He afterward became cardinal. Vetancvrt, Chron., 1.
12. So reads the Latin text, yet almost every author says either 9th or 10th.
13. The permission gave rise to numerous quibbles, and by bull of Feb. 15, 1535, at the request of the Franciscan commissary, this episcopal power was extended to any place, without restriction as to distance, but subject to the consent of the bishop in the diocese concerned. The text of the different bulls is given fully, or in substance, in Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 188-96; Prov. St⁰ Evang., MS., pt. iii. 83; Torquemada, iii. 6, 7; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 18; García, Hist. Bethlem., ii. 13; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., ii. 507.
14. See Hist. Mex., i., this series.
15. Coming solely with the permit of their provincials, 'no con autoridad epostólica . . . ni con mandato del ministro general,' they cannot be recognized as the first Franciscans in New Spain, observes Mendieta. Hist. Ecles., 215.
16. For 14 years professor of theology at Paris. Motolinia, Hist. Ind.,i. 111. As his confessor, the emperor at first hesitated to let him go; but his star called him to perish miserably on the terrible Honduras expedition in 1525, under Cortés. See Gante in Cartas de Indias, 52; also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 548, this series, Bernal Diaz includes Juan el Flamenco among those who were drowned in the vessel sent by Cortés to Mexico on arriving at Honduras. Hist. Verdad., 208. This may refer to Aora, who accompanied Tecto, and died on the same journey, as Gante affirms, Lettre, in Ternaux-Campans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 199-200, for Torquemada, iii. 424-5, declares that Tecto died of starvation and hardship during the march to Honduras. Mendieta on the other hand writes that Aora died while catechising at Tezcuco, soon after his arrival, and that his body was removed to the Franciscan convent at Mexico, after its completion. Hist. Ecles., 607. If so, he was the first missionary who died in New Spain. The name given to Tecto is the Spanish form for Jean de Toit.
17. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 251. What relationship is not clear, though Alegre says, 'Por la ilustre sangre de los reyes de Escocia,' Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 180; and Ixtlilochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 60, guesses at cousin, while Prescott, Mex., iii. 256, and Brasseur boldly assert, his 'illegitimate son;' 'brother' would have been a better guess, since Charles was born in 1500, and at Ghent (Gante). His proper name was 'Pierre de Mura, natif de la ville d'Yguen, dans la province de Budarde.' Gand, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 199. Hazart writes Petrus de Muro. Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 529; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 47.
18. Gand, loc. cit. They had been nearly a year in Spain, learning the language and awaiting license no doubt.
19. Including St Joseph, the first seminary in New Spain. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 407-8; Ponce, Rel. de las Cosas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii., 181. 'Catequizado y bautizado por su mano mas de un millon de indios.' Alegre, ubi sup.
20. 'De cuyos nombres no tuve noticia . . . aunque supe que se enterraron en Tezcuco.' Hist. Ecles., 215. Ixtlilxochitl also accepts five friars. Hor. Crueldades, 60. One of them was Varilla, no doubt; and perhaps his companion, who is said to have died on board the rescue vessel sent for Zuazo, may have been reckoned as the fifth.
21. He was born at Valencia de Don Juan, Oviedo bishopric, in about 1474, his true name being Juan Martin de Boil, according to Vetancurt. Menolog., 93. 'Martinus de Valencia de Alcantara' it is written in Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 103. He took the habit of the orderat Mayorga in Benavente. Although Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 148-56, followed by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 571-9, and Torquemada, iii. 392-9, devote many pages to his earlier life, yet they reveal little save his character. Remesal assumes that Friar Garcia de Loaisa, the Dominican successor of Fonseca as president of the India Council, appointed Valencia. Hist. Chyapa, 9. This can be true only in so far that he assented to the choice made by Ángeles. He would no doubt have chosen men of his own order. According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 240, Cortés' own appeal to Ángeles gave impulse to the mission.
22. The superiors in the order, aside from the agents and inspectors, occupied four grades: presidente, the chief of a group of two or more friars, collected at any place, to which place the term of convent was usually given, while the president was often entitled guardian by courtesy. The next higher grade was that of guardian proper, in charge of a full convent of 12 voters, by whom he was elected; then the custodio, controlling a certain number of convents; and provincial, the chief of a provincia, to which rank a custodia was raised when the number of convents, the resources, and population warranted its formation. Seven convents have been deemed sufficient in some instances to claim the advancement, although a dozen were esteemed a more appropriate number. Above the provincials ruled the general of the order, with his commissaries, visitadores, and other officers.
23. 'En la Nueva España y tierra de Yucatan.'
24. The instructions issued at the convent of Santa María de los Ángeles, 1523, on October 4th, it seems, accord to Valencia full control over the Franciscan friars in New Spain, any one who objects having to depart for Española. The right acquired by the friars in Spain would continue m force. At the death of the custodio, or at the expiration of his three-years term, the eldest priest must convoke a chapter, composed of those confrères who could gather within 30 days, and by their votes elect the new custodio. The latter must attend in person, or by delegate, the chapter held every sixth year for the election of a general, there to vote, if permitted, and to receive instructions. The friars should, if possible, live together in one place, in order to promote conversion by their life and example; in any case they must live in groups of at least two or four, one of them as superior, to maintain the law of obedience, and within a distance of about 15 days' journey, so as to readily join their prelate once a year for deliberation. Further rules were left to their discretion, and to the general chapter, when the wants of the new district would be better known. Franciscanos, Instruc., 139-43, in Prov. Sto Evang., MS.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 200-2; Torguemada, iii. 10-12.
25. The admission of nuns to any of the three grades of Santa Clara, and absolving those excommunicated viva voce et in scriptis by the general.
26. This was dated December 12, 1523, and recorded in Libro de Cabildo, MS., March 9, July 28, 1525.
27. Palos replaced at the last moment Bernardino de la Torre, who figures at the end of the list given in the patent already quoted, and was found 'unworthy.' Camargo obtained a list of 15, not one of whom corresponds to the above. Hist. Tlax., 192.
28. The family name of Benavente, known afterward as Motolinia, was Paredes, it seems, for so he signs the preface to his Hist. Ind., 13. Juarez, also written Suarez, became guardian at Huexotzinco. Afterward he, together with the lay brother Palos, an exemplary preacher among the natives, Joined Narvaez' expedition to Florida, where both perished miserably. Elected bishop of Rio de las Palmas, according to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. iii., followed by Vetancvrt, Menolog., 32, without date. The other lay brother, Córdoba, died in Jalisco, and was buried at Izatlan, his bones being held in great veneration. Their biographers may be found in Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 611-28; Torquemada, iti. 432-47; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 52, 63, et seq.; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 32 et seq., and in other authorities which will be given when they are spoken of in the course of history.
29. The pope had recently died, and Beaumont believes that a ratification of the friar patent may have been sought from the new pontiff. Crón. Mich., iii. 181-3. Whatever his mission, José delayed, and after replacing an 'unworthy' lay brother, so as to conform in number to the 12 apostles, 'pues iban á ejercitar el mismo oficio apostólico,' Valencia embarked with his 11 companions. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 207, 628. That 12, not 13, left, is confirmed by Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 14, 267; 'el padre Fray Martin . . . con once frailes;' although Valencia's expression in a letter of 1531 is doubtful; ' prœsertim illi duodecim, qui missi sunt vna mecum.' Peter Martyr, De Insvlis,146. The looseness of utterance in some parts of Motolinia and others has, however, misled most subsequent authorities, and Gomara, Gonzalez Dávila, Fernandez, and Cavo, all pronounce for 13.
30. To await their prelate, it is said, though their long delay implies that New Spain had not yet been definitely accepted as their destination. They followed the Franciscans only in 1526. The equipment so far had been in common for both orders, with a view to promote a good understanding. The king had given to each garments of frieze and other necessaries, including 900 ducats for church paraphernalia, 800 being payable in the Indies. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 10.
31. His title was comisario of the inquisition for New Spain, conferred by the inquisitor Pedro de Córdoba, vicar-general of the Dominicans, then at Santo Domingo. The slightly restricted authority lasted till the Dominicans arrived in 1526. Id., 41.
32. On Friday before pentecost, says Mendieta. Motolinia writes 12th. The landing may have taken place on the 13th.
33. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 210-11; Molina, Vocabulario. According to Bernal Diaz, the name was applied by Mexican chiefs for the reason that Toribio gave to the natives everything he received. Hist. Verdad., 191. But this version is less credible. Vazquez points out that the friar generally signed 'Motolinia Fr. Toribio,' with true allusion to the meaning. Chron. de Gvat., 527, 534.
34. June 23d, Not. Mex., in Monumentos Dom. Esp., MS., 322, though others intimate a few days earlier.
35. According to Ixtlilxochitl, who ever has in mind his own town and family, the reception took place near Tezcuco, on June 12, 1523! The friars were conducted to Nezahualcoyotl's palace, and there they transformed one of the halls into a chapel, wherein on the following day King Ixtlilxochtl was baptized as Fernando, Cortés acting as godfather. This example was followed by his family, including the mother, though the latter needed much persuasion, and by all the nobles, as well as a large portion of. the common people, prepared as they were by friar Gante. Hor. Crueldades, 73-5. There is evidently a good deal of invention in this account. It is hardly probable that Cortés went to Tezcuco to receive them. When the three Flemings arrived at this city, there was no doubt a fine reception, but Cortés was sick at the time, and his visit of respect must have assumed a more private character.
36. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 186; Vetancurt, Chron., 2; Cortés, Cartas, etc., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 456, v. 449-50. The natives have commemorated several of these acts in their picture-writings. Torquemada, iii. 21-2; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix.
37. The three Flemings, Varilla who came with Zuazo, and Olmedo probably. Yet Mendieta speaks of the fifth also as a Franciscan, he as well as the fourth 'vinieron . . . al tiempo de la conquista.' Hist. Ecles., 215. 'The meeting or chapter was held a fortnight after arrival. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 143. 'Dia de la Visitacion de Nuestra Señora,' says Mendieta.
38. Torquemada, iii. 25-8, 303, following chiefly Motolinia and Mendieta. Those who lived in Tezcuco had been driven thither by the hostilities encountered from the Spaniards at Mexico, says Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Cruetdades, 81, and not so incorrectly, for the Flemings were looked upon as intrusive foreigners, and not well versed in Spanish. Valencia offered to resign if the friars preferred another custodian, but this was unanimously opposed. The chapters were held every three years to elect superiors, and every 18 months an intermediate meeting took place to discuss affairs. They were attended by the guardians of convents, and by discretos, one elected for each convent to represent the presidencia groups of friars. See note 23 for significance of these grades. The discretos must be elected by at least four presidencia representatives, and be priests who had said mass for three years. They had equal vote with the guardians at the chapter. This was held at the most convenient meeting-place, in New Spain, usually at Mexico, the sessions being generally of seven or eight days' duration. At the present chapter, and subsequently, the rules for the order were duly considered with regard to modifications required in a different clime, and with new associations. Novices had to submit in all strictness to the general constitution, and Indians, mestizos, and creoles could be admitted only by the provincial and discretos jointly, after a probationary term at the convent, the vote of whose inmates was required ag one of the conditions for receiving them. By regulation of 1565 the examination of novices was made stricter. One hour of mental prayer with lesson was required in the early part of the night, and another after matins; discipline three times a week, with extras during lent and feast-days. Alms must be asked only for actual sustenance and sacristy purposes, under penalty. If the collection did not suffice, then the sovereign and encomenderos might be appealed to, as the Indians were too poor to be molested. The noonday and evening meal should conform to regulated rations, except on feast-days, when a little extra might be taken at noon. The dress must always be of sackcloth, and consist of only one robe and tunic. Blue was adopted. as the cheapest and most convenient color. Friars must not interfere in disputes between Indians and Spaniards; or between Indian women, or in appointment of rulers, or with judges, etc. A chorister and a lay brother had no active vote till after wearing the robe three years and passing the 25th year of his age. Guardian might be elected in a convent with 12 voters, not counting presidencia members. Newly arrived members obtained a vote for discreto only after one year's residence, and for guardian after two years, unless given the privilege by chapter, in consideration of ability. None could be elected provincial, definidor, or comisario of the provincia until after five years' residence. For every friar who died one mass was to be chanted in each Franciscan house, with vigil; in addition to this every priest received four masses; every chorister, three funeral services; and every lay brother, 300 prayers, ete. Every Sunday services must be held for the dead members. Francis. Constit., 123-34, in Prov. Sto Evang., MS.
39. According to Torquemada, iii. 36, followed by Vetancurt, Chron., 31-2, the site was the same on which afterward rose the cathedral. This appears to be a mere supposition, based on the fact that the friars had obtained a right to the cathedral ground, which they transferred to the bishops for a consideration of 40 pesos and the reservation of a pulpit and altar. The acts of the municipality, Libro de Cabildo, MS., May 2, 1525, January 31, 1529, and other dates, with observations of Father Pichardo, are conclusive in this respect. Alaman, Disert., ii. 142, indicates the house at present occupying the site. Orozco y Berra presents slightly different arguments. Mex. Mem., 102. While not wholly agreeing with these writers, Salazar admits in the main their views in his critical notes of Mex. en 1554, 213 et seq. 'Dove óggidi è il Convento grande di S. Francesco,' says Clavigero, hastily, Storia Mess., i. 272, and with total oblivion of the removal. Prescott and others fall partly into the error.
40. Ixtlilxochitl relates that his royal namesake led the Tezcucan nobles in procession to carry stones, thus setting an example to the common people. Rel., 447. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 182, speaks of a splendid building, which is doubtful, since it was erected in great haste; and that Gante built it. In 1534 the site was abandoned, and a really fine convent erected on San Francisco street, so as to be near the Indians, to whom the friars had been sent. Vetancvrt, Chron., 31-2; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 62.
41. The existence of the hospital at this date is shown by the Libro de Cabildo, MS., August 26, 1524, and, although no name is given, it must be that of Cortés, since the friars could not have erected one so soon after their arrival. The building is of interest as the only relic of the edifices erected by the first Spaniards, all others having either disappeared or undergone a complete change. Orozco y Berra, Mex. Not. Ciudad, 160. It stands in what used to be the Huitzillan quarter, and was most carefully constructed, the site granted comprising originally 128 varas east by west. By bull of April 16, 1529, the pope conferred on Cortés the perpetual patronage of this and other similar establishments to be founded by him, with the right to appropriate tithes and premices under certain conditions for their support. A bull of approximate date confers absolution on penitents who may attend there. All the privileges of the bulls were not approved by the king, however, and even the cathedral sought to dispute the right to tithes, which was confirmed to the hospital in 1653. A part of its revenue came from rents of buildings upon its ground. Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 404, states that Cortés proposed it as a sepulchre for his family; but this applies to the convent which he intended to erect at Coyuhuacan, his favorite city. In 1663 a sacred Christ image fell to the hospital, by lot, and henceforth it assumed the name of Jesus that it still bears. Cortés planned several other institutions which were never erected for want of sufficient funds, and his descendants did not consider themselves bound to supply the money, though appealed to by Archbishop Manso and others; nevertheless they bestowed large gifts on the hospital and other establishments. Alaman, Disert., ii. 81-9, 2d app. 26-48, Orozco y Berra and Cabrera already quoted, and Ramirez, in notes to Prescott's Mexico, have given considerable attention to these and other points connected with Cortés and Mexico city. Another hospital, San Lázaro, existed in the first decade of the conquest, which may be identical with the infirmary spoken of by Gante, near the convent, wherein as many as 400 sick and destitute natives were cared for. He asks the emperor to give it alms. Letter of November 1532, in Cartas de Indias, 51-2. It was removed to a new site by President Guzman, for sanitary reasons, and since then no data appear. Puga, Cedulario, 40. In 1572 a license was issued to Pedro Lopez, who erected a hospital for leprous persons chiefly at his own expense. Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 434-5.
42. Ixtlilxochitl relates that a princess of Tezcuco on first meeting the friars imitated the example of the Spaniards by bending one knee before them. This unusual form of courtesy on the part of a lady created a smile even among the reverend fathers, so much so that the princess drew back with an air of offended dignity. Hor. Crueldades, 75-6.
43. Gante writes in 1532 that he had from 500 to 600 under his charge. Cartas de Indias, 51. While this building and the convent were in course of erection the friars stayed with Father Olmedo, perhaps in one of Cortés' houses. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 191, their wants being provided for chiefly by him. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 240.
44. 'Pudo ser, que lo ordenase Dios asi, para que cesase de todo punto el Señorío, que tan tiranica, y cruelmente tenian,' is the pious reflection of Toquemada, iii. 29.
45. A youth at Tlascala made a rabel, a three-stringed violin, imitating one owned by a Spaniard, and in three lessons he learned all that the master could teach. Ten days later he joined the flute band at the church, playing in perfect accord. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 211.
46. The good chief was Don Martin, lord of Quauhquechollan. Torquemada, iii. 106.
47. A lay brother named Daniel, who afterward went to Michoacan and Jalisco, Id., 212.
48. Gante appealed in 1532 to the emperor for a regular grant of corn, to support the school and hospital. Cartas de Indias, 51-3.
49. He remained as interpreter till his age permitted him to join the order. He labored actively as a friar for over 50 years, and wrote a number of works in Aztec which were much used by novices and teachers, notably Aqui comiença vn vocabulario enla lengua Castellana y Mexicana, Mexico, Mayo 1555, 4°, 259 leaves, exqoedingly rare, and remarkable as one of the earliest books printed in the New World. Hardly less rare is the enlarged edition of 1571, folic, in two parts of 121 and 162 leaves respectively, the first devoted to Spanish-Aztec, the second to Aztec-Spanish. The first title-page bears the escutcheon of Viceroy Enriquez to whom it is dedicated, the second, a kneeling supplicant. This work may still be regarded as the standard in its field, and has proved of great service in my studies of Aztec history and literature.
50. So difficult did this prove that many a one thought of St Jerome's expedient of sawing his teeth to learn Hebrew. It is even said that one friar followed the example. Cartas de Indias, 659-60.
51. Vetancurt, Chron., 3, gives Gante and Tecto the credit; Mendieta points to Fuensalida and Jimenez. He has evidently less desire to applaud foreign talent.
52. In all, during five years, they had baptized 'une telle multitude, que je n'ai pas pu les compter.' Lettre, 27 Juin, 1529, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ii. 197. Others admit large numbers, and even Torquemada, 1. 156, allows such instances, mentioning that one priest at Toluca baptized 3,600 in one day. 'On the eve of St John,' says Vetancurt, Chron., 5, 10, '40,000 were baptized in the chapel of St Joseph, Mexico.' Motolinia appears to attribute this lavish extension of the rite to impatience at the failure to produce any effect on the natives by catechising, and he scolds the missionaries for allowing such a weakness even for a moment to encroach upon their duty. Hist. Ind., 112-13.
53. Id.; Torquemada, iii. 155; Vetancvrt, Chron., 5. Camargo assumes that this method was pursued already during the conquest years by Cortés' chaplains; but he must be mistaken. Hist. Tlaz., 159.
54. The necessity for this is pointed out by Vetancurt in the observation, 'whence, indeed, could saliva come for a large number!' Chron., 9, 10. Torquemada reviews the question at some length, and defends the friars, in the opening chapters of his 16th book. See also Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 267-8. When the consecrated oil came, Sunday and Thursday were set aside for administering it to those who had not been so favored, thus rendering the rite more 'satisfactory,' a term used also by Archbishop Lorenzana in his comments on the sweeping baptism. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 2 et seq.
55. This is the bull of Paul IIL, the wisdom of which must have been inspired by God, exclaims Torquemada: 'Non recordantur, quam primò acceperint, Conversi ad Fidem unam ex illis accipiant, quam voluerint.' About the same time was issued another bull reprimanding those who had hinted at the incapacity of Indians to partake of holy communion, and affirming their capacity. Before these decisions were sought, Bishop Zumárraga had sent to Spain for advice, and Cardinal Cayetano among others proposed the husband's choice when the legitimate wife could not be pointed out. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 5, 6. Herrera blames the inexperience of the friars in not being able to select the true wife. dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. The first native marriage with Christian rites was Prince Fernando's, at Tezcuco, October 14, 1526. Seven of his retinue followed the example. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 124.
56. There is a great uncertainty among the authorities as to the time it was held. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 77, confounds it with the informal meeting of 1524, wherein the Flemings were consulted on conversion methods. Others, like Vetancurt, assume the year 1525, and Zamacois guesses at June 1526. But the letters of Father Valencia, acting governor Aguilar, and Alonso de Castillo, speak clearly of a formal meeting of friars and officials held in September to October 1526, to consider matters touching the Indians. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 155-7, 202-3, 545-53. Lorenzana calls it Junta Apostólica, and observes that title of Concilio Provincial, as applied by some writers, is wrong. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, iv. 8. It was attended by Cortés, 19 representative friars, including no doubt Dominicans, 5 clergymen, and 3 jurists, some say 5 or 6. Vetancur, Chron., 6, Trat. Mex., 22; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 20; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Exp., MS., 63. Beaumont, who argues hard for June 1526 as the time, sides with Torquemada for the convent church of San Francisco as the place, contrary to Vetancurt, who names San José chapel. Crón. Mich., iii. 223-4.
57. Indian towns and villages newly converted to Christianity, to which parochial organization has not been given.
58. These preaching interpreters were employed formany decades, since friars were continually arriving from Spain, who knew not the language, or who entered into new districts. Mestizos gradually supplanted the pure Indians as interpreters. Many of these aids were taught Latin, partly as a mark of favor. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 413-14.
59. It occurred during the Ometochtli festival at Tlascala, and not wholly to the satisfaction of the friars, who sought to avoid similar extreme measures. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 214-16.
60. Camargo states that several caciques were hanged by Cortés, with consent of the Tlascaltec leaders, for relapsing into idolatry. Hist. Tlax., 178. The obstinacy of the idolaters was attributed both by friars and converts to the evil one, and in their paintings the latter depicted this personage hovering with his servants round the Christian meeting-places and seeking to entice away the worshippers. Leon, Camino del Cielo, 95. Several of these curious specimens of native art, merging into Spanish, are given in the MS. work of Beaumont, Crón. Mich., and aid to give this a value not possessed by the lately printed issue.
61. Different versions relate that the body of the boy was cast into the fire to be consumed, but the flame would not touch the sanctified martyr. The mother was killed to prevent disclosures, or on account of her Christian zeal. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 179-81. It is also said that a quarrel with a Spaniard, brought before the courts, led to the apprehension of the murderer. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 220-3. The deed took place at Atlihuetza, a league and a half from Tlascala. Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 208; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 236-45.
62. They were Antonio, grandson of Xicotencatl, and his servant Juan. Their bodies were cast over a precipice at Quauhtinchan or Tecalpan. Ubi sup.; Dávila Padilla, Fvnd. Santiago de Mex., 66-74. Camargo states that in this case the murderers were not punished, owing to the implication of so many and prominent people.
63. See Hist. Mex., i, 558-60, this series.
64. Several prominent men had been baptized before this time at Tezcuco and other places, by Olmedo and his companions, and young princes had been taught the rudiments of secular and religious knowledge, but impulse in this direction was first given at Tezcuco by the Flemings, and at Mexico, Huexotzinco and Tlascala, by the 12 Franciscans. When Quauhtemotzin and Ixtlilxochitl received baptism is not clear, though it must have been before the end of 1524, when Cortés took them to Honduras. A convent existed at Tlascala in October of that year, but the permanent edifice was still building in 1526, when Chirinos created a dispute by taking refuge there. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii.; Panes, in Momumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 73-5, and later references.
65. Gante claims to have baptized, with aid of one friar, in Mexico province, more than 200,000 souls. Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 197, 202. The letters of Cortés and Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 487-8, also bear witness to the progress.
66. A very similar term was applied to an Egyptian cross according to Lipsius. De Cruce, lib. iii. cap. viii. Several more similarities of rites and beliefs could be pointed out, but for such, as well as for a full consideration of the above points, I refer to my Native Races, particularly volume iii., bearing on mythology.
67. 'La Vierge immaculée . . . c'est image qui approche lc plus de celle de la mére de leur dieu Huitzilopuchili,' observes Beltrami in this connection. Mexique, ti. 52. Mexican writers also find objections in the picture used by Indians. Monumentos Domin. Esp., 360. Viceroy Mendoza sought to remove one obstacle to conversion among nobles by restoring the tecles order of knighthood. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Dec., ii. 201-2.
68. This celebration took place in 1538. Motolinia describes several others hardly less elaborate. Hist. Ind., 73-81; Torquemada, iii. 230-1; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Santiago, 79-84. 'Souvent quatre-vingts et même cent mille personnes assistent.' Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 220.
69. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 105, 145-6; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 597-600, and other authorities.
70. The plan was conceived in common with bishop Zumárraga and the Dominican Betanzos. The first attempt was frustrated by the rotten condition of the vessel for which he had been waiting some seven months at Tehuantepec. Id., 394-8, 584-8.
71. He died at Ayotzinco, the 21st of March, 1534, and was taken back to Tlalmanalco convent. The journey to Tehuantepec in 1533, barefooted, had broken his health. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 158-9; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 595-6, 601-2; Vetancurt makes the date Aug. 31st. Menolog., 95.
72. The corpse was several times disinterred. In 1567 it suddenly disappeared, by a miracle, it was said, as a chastisement for curiosity and lack of reverence. Up to that time it had shown no putrefaction. Mendieta writes that only one of his several letters had been preserved, but in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 224, and in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 155, are others, speaking well for his zeal. Authorities, in addition to those elsewhere cited, that treat wholly or in part of church history: Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 456, 568-9; v. 449-50; viii. 19; xii. 281-3, 485; xi. 50-1; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. xlv. cxix. 487-8; Puga, Cedulario, 21, 40; Grijalva, Crón. S. Aug., 1, 2; Oviedo, iii. 469-71; Cartas de Indias, 54-6, 712, 780-857; Libro de Cabildo, MS., 63-6; Ixtlilzochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 429-47; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 9, 10, 41; TernauxCompans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 199-200; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 2-3, 19, 20, 527-35; Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii. 181; Archivo Mex., Doc., i. 49-50, 92, 150-62; ii. 178-83; Recop. de Indias, i. 29 etc.; Ramirez, Proceso, 246-8, 299-302; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 208, 389-95; Peter Martyr, de Insvlis, 145-6; Prov. Sto Evangelio, pt. i. Mi. v.-vii. xvii.; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 63, 255-79, 322, 360; Mex. Extr. de Cédulas, MS., 1; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 45-65; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 66-74; Rivero, Mex. in 1842, 225-7; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 20, 25, 74-5; Frejes, Hist. Conq., 70; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 103, 112-14; Medina, Chrón. San Diego, 9; Mex., Not. Ciudad, 66; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 22-4, 98-110; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, i. 180-1; Prescott's Mex., ii. 96-8, ii. 265-8, 380-9; also notes in Mex. eds.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 26-7; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 404-8; Alaman, Disert., i. 198, 209, app. 109-12; ii. 109-91, app. 26-48; Heredia, Serm. y Disert. Guad., pt. i. 139; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 102-10; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. passim; v. 168-71, 496; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 22; Id., Menologia, 32, 54-105, 149, 297-304; Id., Chrón. Sto Evangelio, 4-10; Id., Teatro Mex., ii. 146; Mex. Hieroglyphical Fist., 1138; Granados, Tardes Am., 270-4, 298, 327-9; U. S. Cath. Mag., 1344, 488-93; Id., 1846, 263-5; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 125-30; Quart. Rev., 1. 214; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i, 84-5; Marshall's Christian Missions, ii, 224-35;