History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 12

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XII.

FLOOD. FAMINE, AND ECLIPSE.

1688-1692.

Monclova’s Administration — His Successor, the Conde de Galve — The Pirates Driven from the South Sea — War with France — Pirates in the North Sea — The Armada de Barlovento — Union of Spanish and English against the French — Drought and Flood — Loss of Crops — Excesses of the Soldiery — Death of María Luisa — The Drainage System — Portentous Events — The Bakers Refuse to Bake — Efforts of the Viceroy.

The successor to the marqués de la Laguna was the conde de Monclova,^[1] who made his public entry into the capital on the 30th of November 1686, and whose administration lasted for nearly two years, when he was appointed viceroy of Peru.^[2] He is represented by the chroniclers of the period as an upright and vigilant ruler, and the charges brought against him at his residencia were even more frivolous than those preferred against his predecessor.^[3] Little worthy of note occurred during his administration, but the next seven years form an exciting epoch in the annals of the capital.

During this time New Spain was governed by Gaspar de la Cerda Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, conde de Galve, a gentleman of the royal bed-chamber, and knight of the order of Alcántara.^[4] He arrived at Vera Cruz, accompanied by his wife,^[5] on the 18 th of September 1688, and about two months later took formal possession of office.^[6]

One of his first acts was to adopt measures for the extermination of the corsairs, whose increasing numbers and daring kept the coast settlements, both in the North and South seas, in constant alarm.^[7] Soon after his arrival he applied to the church authorities for money to aid in making the necessary preparations, to which appeal the archbishop and several of the bishops responded with contributions amounting to nearly eighty-nine thousand pesos.^[8] Hardly had he assumed office when news reached the capital of the capture by corsairs of Acaponeta, a small town on the coast of Nueva Galicia. Besides a quantity of silver the enemy carried off many prisoners, including forty women and two friars, an outrage which caused the viceroy at once to despatch an expedition in their pursuit. Troops were sent from Mexico City, and there being no other vessel available, a Peruvian frigate, recently arrived at Acapulco, was ordered to go in search of the enemy. The capture of Acaponeta occurred on the 14th of November; twelve days later the news was received at the capital, and on the 17th of December following the frigate sailed. Notwithstanding this prompt action, however, nothing was accomplished, the frigate returning to Acapulco about the middle of February without even having sighted the enemy.

The corsairs still continued to hover off the coast, and a general council was held in the capital, on the 8th of May, to concert further measures for their pursuit.^[9] Twelve days later it was ascertained that they had sailed for Peru, having released all their prisoners excepting three men, one of them a Franciscan friar. Nevertheless preparations were continued; troops were again sent from the capital, and a small fleet sailed about the middle of August from Acapulco to cruise along the coast. These expeditions continued until 1692, but without other apparent result than to cause the pirates, at least for the time being, to abandon the coast.^[10]

At this time there was not a single craft of any kind for the defence of the long coast line from Tehuantepec to Sinaloa. Before the end of August, 1692, two well equipped vessels, built in Guatemala by order of the viceroy, and intended for coast-guard service, were anchored in the port of Acapulco. During the remainder of Galve's rule, there is no evidence that the corsairs again appeared on the coast of the South Sea.

In consequence of the renewal of war with France, in 1689, the Spanish crown ordered the viceroy to take all possible means to strengthen the defenses of New Spain; and to make reprisals on the French, by confiscating their property, and banishing from the country all subjects of that nation except those engaged in the mechanic arts. In accordance with these instructions the oidores began on the 10th of September to imprison French subjects in the city of Mexico, and to seize their effects. Meanwhile Galve forwarded supplies to all military posts, on the seaboard as well as on the frontier, strengthening their garrisons, and providing for the prompt payment of the troops, this matter having heretofore been neglected. The feeble Spanish garrison of Campeche, constantly threatened by the wood-cutters of the bay of Términos, was reenforced, and received a supply of ammunition and vessels of war. Men, money, and arms were also forwarded to the governors of Yucatan and Tabasco, whose territory was constantly exposed to invasion by corsairs. After several unsuccessful expeditions they succeeded in expelling the wood-cutters before the end of 1692, but they returned a few years later.^[11] About the same time the viceroy attempted, but in vain, to drive them from the gulf of Mexico, and although the armada de Barlovento and other Spanish cruisers frequently made prizes, sometimes of considerable value, they could not prevent the corsairs from capturing, at intervals, Spanish vessels of still greater value.^[12]

Thus while the viceroy had been partially successful in his operations against the corsairs, all his efforts to drive them from the North Sea were of little avail. Nor could any other result be expected, while, in the islands of the West Indies, their numbers increased from year to year, and no attempt was made to strike at the root of the evil. The island of Santo Domingo was a favorable rendezvous of French pirates, and the crown having resolved to attempt their expulsion, intrusted the undertaking to Viceroy Galve. Extensive preparations were begun in 1689, and the following year the armada de Barlovento, then composed of six ships of the line and a frigate, sailed from Vera Cruz, carrying two thousand six hundred troops. Landing at the northern end of Santo Domingo, near Cape Frances, they were joined by seven hundred men from the Spanish settlements. The French, apprised of their landing, though greatly inferior in numbers, rashly gave them battle, and were routed with a loss of five hundred men, the almost impenetrable woods alone saving their force from annihilation. Having destroyed several towns, including the city of Guarico, captured a number of vessels, and taken many prisoners, the expedition returned to Vera Cruz in March 1691, avoiding the more powerful French settlements on the east coast of the island. In honor of this success a thanksgiving service was celebrated in the capital, and a full account of the expedition was soon after written and published by the celebrated Mexican author, Cárlos de Sigüenza y Góngora.

In 1695 a combined expedition of Spaniards and English, the latter having now made common cause against a mutual foe, attacked the French settlements of Santo Domingo, destroyed their forts, captured eighty-one pieces of cannon, and laid waste two settlements.^[13]

The French were, at this time, the most enterprising foe with whom the Spaniards had to contend, and several years before the events just described had attempted to establish settlements on the mainland, which might serve as a base for future operations. As early as 1684 the Spaniards, by the capture of a vessel off Santo Domingo, had learned of the expedition of La Salle, of which mention will be made in its place, but no attempt to thwart him appears to have been made until two years later, although in 1685 the report reached Mexico that a French colony had been founded on Espíritu Santo Bay. The earlier expeditions sent in search of this colony failed to find any traces of it or of the lost vessels, but in 1687 the wreck of one of La Salle's ships was discovered, though owing to its inland and secluded position the settlement escaped the search of the Spaniards. The following year, however, the arrival at Coahuila of a deserter from the colony removed all doubts as to its existence.

Accordingly in March 1689, by order of Viceroy Galve, an expedition under the command of Alonso de Leon, governor of Coahuila, set out with the Frenchman as guide, for the bay of Espíritu Santo. A month later they reached the fort, only to find it deserted. Of the twenty colonists left by La Salle more than half had succumbed to disease, or had been slain by the natives. The survivors were scattered among the neighboring tribes, and two of them having surrendered to the Spaniards the governor returned. Encouraged by his report as to the peaceable disposition of the natives, Galve despatched another expedition in 1690 under the same leader, for the purpose of establishing missions, three Franciscan friars being among the number. Two missions were founded near the river now known as the Neches, where the ecclesiastics met with a friendly reception.

In consequence of the reports of the viceroy, the crown determined on the permanent occupation of this territory, and ordered that steps be at once taken for that purpose. Early in 1691, a strong force was despatched by sea and land, and the country explored toward the north; but no settlements or missions were founded, although numerous settlers and friars accompanied the troops, and before the end of the year all returned to Vera Cruz except a few soldiers and a portion of the ecclesiastics.

The loss of crops by drought and flood; the disappearance of live-stock; the withdrawal of the native converts; the excesses of the soldiery, and the consequent hostility of the savages were among the causes which soon afterward compelled the evacuation of the country, and no further attempt to occupy this territory was made by either Spaniards or French during the next twenty years.^[14]

About this time the occupation of Pensacola had been resolved upon, partly with a view to check the further encroachments of the French, and an expedition having been sent from Vera Cruz in 1693 to examine the bay and select a site, the following year troops, colonists, and supplies were landed, and the erection of a fort and town was immediately begun. In 1696 both town and fortifications were complete, and the name of Santa María was given to the bay and colony.^[15]

Notwithstanding some drawbacks, the administration of Viceroy Galve up to 1691 had given general satisfaction, and the arrival in November of a decree extending his term of office was made the occasion for a public rejoicing. But this second term proved to be as disastrous as the previous one had been for the most part prosperous. Shortly before its commencement inundation and famine had visited the fair valley of Mexico.

Contrary to custom, on the death, in 1689, of the queen. Doña María Luisa, wife of Cárlos II., the usual funeral ceremonies and mourning were omitted,^[16] but not so the festivities which, a year later, were celebrated with extraordinary splendor in honor of the marriage of the king with Mariana de Neoburgo.

These brilliant festivities were, however, interrupted on the 9th of June by a sudden freshet which swept down into the valley, carrying away houses and cattle, destroying in its course the wheat crops and the flour stored in the mills, and inundating for a time the western portion of the city. With the exception of a slight rain on the preceding day the weather in the city and its vicinity had for months been fair, and although rain at this early period was unusual, the storm which raged on the morning of the 9th among the mountains to the west of the valley gave no cause for apprehension. In that region, however, the rains were so heavy that many natives and cattle were carried away by the flood, and the waters of the swollen streams were precipitated in torrents into the valley below. Fortunately precautions had been taken against such a catastrophe by the viceroy and by several of his predecessors, whose efforts have already been related, and the waters soon subsided.

A month later, however, a more serious flood occurred. On the 11th of July a heavy rain began, and continued without interruption until the 22d. The whole valley was now inundated, together with a large portion of the city, and communication with the surrounding country was for several days cut off, causing a scarcity of provisions in the capital. Upon the cessation of the rains the viceroy caused abundant supplies to be brought to the city in canoes, and the archbishop displayed his usual charity by ministering to the wants of the starving natives.

Galve now gave his attention to the improvement of the drainage system, causing the sewers of the city to be cleaned and extended, new ones to be opened, and repairs made on the canal of Huehuetoca. The natural channels of the streams were cleared of obstructions and widened, an outlet opened for the pentup waters, and all this accomplished in an incredibly short time, the viceroy animating the laborers by his frequent presence, and even expending his private funds on some portions of the work.

But a more serious calamity now began to threaten the capital. Previous to the 23d of August the grain crop in its vicinity which had escaped destruction from flood gave promise of a bountiful harvest. But on this date a total eclipse of the sun occurred, accompanied by intense cold, and almost immediately the rapidly ripening wheat was attacked by the chiahuiztli,^[17] and the greater part destroyed.

The eclipse occurred about nine o'clock in the morning. For three quarters of an hour the city was shrouded in almost total darkness, during which the greatest confusion and consternation prevailed.^[18] To the superstitious and already excited minds of the lower classes this phenomenon appeared as an evil omen, a belief which subsequent events only served to confirm.

With the loss of the wheat crop the consumption of corn increased, its price being further advanced by the partial failure of the crop, due to excessive moisture and cold. The situation was indeed critical. Maize was the food staple of the natives, and since the loss of the wheat crop the tortilla had taken the place of wheat bread, not only among all the lower and laboring classes of the capital, but also to some extent among the wealthy.^[19] Such was now the increasing scarcity that by the beginning of September the price of wheat had more than doubled. The bakers in consequence refused any longer to make bread, for at the price at which they were compelled to sell it they found the business unprofitable, and a disturbance was averted only by the prompt measures taken by the viceroy to insure a sufficient supply.^[20]

Murmurs began to be heard on all sides, and notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the viceroy to provide a supply of grain the suspicious and unreasoning populace would not credit the reported failure of the crops until a special commissioner was sent into the valley to verify the report. From the beginning Galve adopted every measure that experience and prudence could suggest to prevent or at least mitigate the suffering and dangers of a prolonged famine. Officials were sent among the farmers of the valley and interior districts to purchase all the surplus grain, and with orders to seize it if necessary. The sale of grain and flour in the city by private individuals was forbidden, all that could be found being collected by the government for distribution at the public granary.^[21] The use and cultivation of the trigo blanquillo which was unwisely forbidden in 1677,^[22] was also permitted, the viceroy having induced the church authorities to remove the interdict against it.

The public granary was now placed in charge of the municipal authorities, and grain could be purchased only there. In November of 1691, the daily allowance for each individual was one quartilla^[23] and the daily consumption from one thousand to thirteen hundred fanegas.^[24] In the surrounding country the suffering was still greater than in the city, as the governor having seized most of their grain, many of the inhabitants were compelled to beg food in the capital.

Meanwhile the viceroy did not relax his efforts to maintain the supply. In April 1692, a meeting of the principal civil and ecclesiastical authorities was called for this purpose, and commissioners were kept constantly busy in the neighboring districts as well as in those more remote, collecting and forwarding corn. In May an abundant crop of wheat was harvested from the irrigated lands in the valley, and under the belief that the prevailing high price would induce the farmers to bring their grain to the capital permission for its free sale was given. Many, however, sold it elsewhere, and this, together with the partial failure in the remoter districts, owing to a snow storm early in April—a rare occurrence in the valley of Mexico—caused the stock in the capital to run low toward the end of May. Vigorous measures were now required, and fresh commissioners were despatched with orders to confiscate all grain wherever found. The daily allowance of corn in the city was also reduced, although a sufficient quantity of grain was obtained by the commissioners to insure a moderate supply until the next harvest.

By this time the price of grain had increased so enormously that a load of wheat which usually sold for three or five pesos could not now be purchased for less than twenty-four pesos.^[25]

 

 

1. Don Melchor Portocarrero, Lasso de la Vega, conde de Monclova, comendador de la Sarza en la orden de Alcántara, of the royal council of war, and of the junta of war of the Indies. Reales Cédulas, ii. 3. He was commonly known as Brazo de la Plata on account of his false arm, his own having been lost in battle. Lorenzana, Hist. Nueva España, 27. His wife was the Doña Antonia de Urréa. Ibid. He had several children, of whom four accompanied him. Vetancvrt,, Trat. Mex., 16.
2. October 15, 1688. Ibid. He embarked at Acapulco, May 11, 1689. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 264.
3. There were but six trifling charges. Zamacois, v. 445. Among other measures adopted by the viceroy was one compelling all the religious who were without license to return to Spain. He also enforced a law forbidding creoles to serve among the troops in Vera Cruz. During his administration the condition of the natives did not improve. They suffered most in the missions of Rio Verde and Tampico, and in Nuevo Leon. There the Spaniards robbed them of their wives and daughters, sold their young children as slaves, and deprived them of their best lands. The friars appealed to the king in their behalf, but to little purpose. Id., 263-4.
4. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 72; Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 4; Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 27; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 265. By some authorities his name is variously given as Gaspar de Silva Cerda; Gaspar de Sandoval Cerda Silva y Mendoza. Robles, Diario, i. 500; Parian, Col. Doc., 16.
5. Doña Elvira de Toledo, daughter of the marqués de Villafranca. Robles, Diario, i. 500.
6. On November 20th. He made his public entry December 4th. Robles, Diario, i. 501-2, 505-6; or, according to Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 72, Sept. 17th; in this statement Cavo is followed by Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 27. See also Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 265; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 217.
7. While en route to Vera Cruz he captured a corsair frigate in the gulf of Mexico. Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 3.
8. The archbishop and his clergy gave 80,000 pesos; the bishop of Puebla 5,700; of Guadalajara 1,700, and of Oajaca 1,500. Rivera, Gob, Mex., i. 268.
9. Partly in consequence of the receipt of intelligence by the viceroy that the corsairs had cut off the nose of one of the friars held as prisoners.
10. Robles, Diario, i. 506, 510; ii. 8-9, 14-15, 18, 27-8, 34, 106-7; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 5.
11. Robles, Diario, ii. 22, 49; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 3-5; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 266, 268, 272; Carrillo, El orígen de Belice, in Boletin, Soc. Mex. Geog., 3a ep. iv. 260-1.
12. For details see Robles, Diario, ii. 6, 15, 17-18, 46, 79, 144-6, 169.
13. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 73-8, 85-6; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 265, 271-3, 278; Robles, Diario, ii. 56; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta ai Almiranle, MS., 5-6.
14. A more detailed account is given in Hist. North Mex. States, this series.
15. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 83-0; Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 100-11; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 273, 276.
16. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., vi. 80-1.
17. According to Sigüenza, Carta al Almirante, MS., 28, who submitted the wheat to a microscopic examination, this is a small insect, a mere speck to the naked eye, the size of a needle point, with legs like those of a flea, and wings resembling those of a weevil. Myriads of them were seen on each ear of wheat, and spread with astonishing rapidity. He states that pulgon, or aphis, is the meaning given this word in the Mexican vocabulary. Molina, in his Vocabulario, pt. ii. 19, to which Sigüenza probably refers, writes the word chiauitl, which he renders in Spanish, 'Otro biuoro, o pulgon q roe las viñas'—worm or aphis which destroys vineyards. Robles, Diario, ii., writes it chahuistle, describing it as a worm which attacks the roots, and this term is also probably taken from Molina's definition. In modern times the usual form of the word is that given by Robles, and it is generally applied to rust in grain.
18. Stars of the first, second, and third magnitude were visible; dogs howled; birds, with frightened cries, flew wildly about; cocks crew; women and children screamed; the native women in the plaza abandoned their stalls and fled in terror to the cathedral; and the excitement and dread were increased by the ringing of the church bells for prayers throughout the city. Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., 27-8; Robles, Diario, ii. 66.
19. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 79, is not altogether to be relied on. Sigüenza y Góngora. Carta, MS., 31, whose statements are to be preferred, for reasons which will hereafter be shown, says, 'jamas le faltó á la republica el pan con la pension de caro, porque (ya que otra cossa no se podia), se acomodaron los pobres y plebeyos á comer tortillas (ya sabe vmd. que asi se nombra el pan de maiz por aquestas parttes) y a los criados de escalera auajo de casi todas las cassas de Mexico se les rasionaua con ellas.'
20. The difficulty with the bakers occurred on the 13th of Sept., and on the following day there was no bread to be had. Robles, Diario, ii. 67; Carta de un Religioso, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 310-11.
21. 'Sabado 15' (Sept.), 'embargó el corregidor toda la harina á Hurtado y á Guerto y la trajo á la alhóndiga.' Robles, Diario, ii. 67.
22. The trigo blanquillo was a species of wheat, chiefly cultivated in the bishopric of Puebla, of enormous yield, and superior in every respect to all other kinds produced in New Spain. For some reason not clearly explained it was denounced as unwholesome, and its use and cultivation prohibited under heavy penalties by both government and church. Montemayor, Svmarios. 60-1; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., 37-9; Carta de un Religioso, 312.
23. Equal to about two quarts.
24. A fanega is about equivalent to a bushel and a half.
25. The load of corn which was ordinarily sold at about two and a quarter pesos, was now worth seven. The loaf of wheaten bread usually weighed sixteen ounces, and was sold for half a real. Its price continued the same, but its weight was now reduced to seven ounces. Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., 29, 41-2; Robles, Diario, ii. 72-3; Carta de un Religioso, 312.