History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 15

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XV.

NEW SPAIN AT THE OPENING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

1700-1722.

Montañez Viceroy for a Second Term — His Formal Entry into the Capital — Loss of Treasure Ships — The Hermandad and Acordada — Montañez Appointed Archbishop of Mexico — Alburquerque's Reign — His Character Illustrated — Captain Dampier Once More in the South Sea — A Privateering Expedition Fitted Out by Bristol Merchants — A Motley Crowd on Board the Ships — Their Voyage round the World — Enormous Profits of the Enterprise — Linares' Administration — Earthquake, Famine, and Flood — Contraband Trading — Valero's Rule — Attempted Assassination — Corsairs in Yucatan.

On the 4th of November 1701 Montañez for the second time took office as viceroy,^[1] though his formal entry into the city was delayed until the 29th of January in the following year. On that day the dignitaries of the church were ordered to assist at the ceremony, arrayed in their surplices, and the religious orders to appear in fitting garb, carrying uplifted crosses.^[2] The cathedral was handsomely decorated; the pillars were hung with tapestry; and on the grand altar innumerable tapers stood ready to light up the building, should the viceroy make his entry by night. Stages were erected in suitable places, and arches of tule extended from the cathedral to the street of San Francisco, where stood the profesa. The church of Vera Cruz, whence the procession was to set forth, was decked with costly draperies; those in the hall of knights, where seats were provided for his Excellency and the members of the chapter, excelling all others in taste and beauty of design.

When all was in readiness the archbishop, escorted by his bodyguard of cavalry and a company of halberdiers, proceeded to the church of Vera Cruz, and half an hour later the members of the chapter left the principal door of the cathedral to pay their respects. In front rode the verger in his white robe of office. Then came the prebendaries in carriages, in the order of their seniority, followed by the precentor, the dean, and the secretary of the cabildo. As soon as the ecclesiastics had withdrawn, the city cavalry, preceded by trumpeters and drummers, escorted to the church the ministers of state, the alguaciles, regidores, alcaldes, and the corregidor, who in the order mentioned saluted the viceroy. The procession was then formed, and Montañez was conducted to the presbytery, where he took his seat on the viceregal throne; and his mantle being removed, he was robed in the vestments and regalia of office. Incense was then burned; the te deum chanted; the viceroy returned to his palace, and the procession was dismissed.

The first administration of Montañez lasted, as will be remembered, but ten months; the second continued for less than thirteen months; and during his latter term of office the events which occurred in Europe boded evil to the Spanish provinces. After the complications that followed the decease of Cárlos II. had culminated in the war which commenced in Austria, in May 1702, the shores of New Spain were liable to invasion from the armaments of the two greatest naval powers in Europe. Moreover the oceans were still scoured by cruisers ever on the alert to pounce on the Spanish treasure ships, and no vessel containing treasure was now despatched without the escort of several men of war. At Vera Cruz a vast amount of gold and silver was stored, awaiting convoy, and on the arrival of a French squadron under the count de Chateau Renaud, was placed on board the fleet. Eluding an English squadron that lay in wait in Tortuguilla Sound, the flota arrived in safety off Cádiz; but flnding that harbor closely blockaded by the enemy, sailed for the port of Vigo. There they were attacked by a powerful squadron; several vessels were captured; the remainder were sunk, and treasure amounting to at least seventeen million pesos lies buried to this day on that portion of the coast of Galicia, all efforts to recover it having as yet proved unsuccessful.^[3]

At the close of 1701 Montañez received orders to garrison Vera Cruz with a force of six thousand men; for during that year it became evident that war could not be averted, and the Spanish provinces in America offered no more tempting prize to a hostile armament. The viceroy lost no time in placing this and other ports in New Spain in a thorough state of defense. On the 4th of February 1702 he issued a proclamation warning his subjects of the impending danger, and inviting all single men to proceed to Vera Cruz in the service of his Majesty, promising them liberal pay and kind treatment. He also caused the arrest of all idlers, thus inducing many to enlist as volunteers. It is related that on one occasion, after visiting the jail, he repaired to the criminal court, and finding there a number of men listening to the pleadings of the lawyers, marched them off to prison, declaring that persons who had nothing better to do were not earning an honest livelihood, and must be treated as vagrants.

But New Spain had within her own borders enemies no less dreaded than were the English and the Dutch. The Chichimecs, Otomís, and other native tribes, who, though often defeated, had never been brought under subjection, infested the provinces, plundering the settlements and rendering travel unsafe. To add to this evil the community was kept in constant alarm by organized bands of brigands, who almost held possession of many of the public highways, and neither treasure, merchandise, nor traveller could pass along them without a strong escort.

All efforts to remedy this evil had proved unavailing. The courts of justice were corrupt, especially the criminal court. In Viceroy Linares' instructions to his successor we have a startling description of the irregularities which prevailed during his administration and long previously. The despatch of business, no matter how important, was continually left to the clerks, and perjury and false testimony constantly admitted without any attempt to punish the false witnesses. Rich criminals laughed at the idea of meeting with their deserts, but the poor were treated with the utmost rigor, the wives and children of any who escaped from justice being reduced to slavery. The members of this tribunal paid no heed to the orders of the audiencia, and the alcaldes mayores perjured themselves, violated their obligations, and both gave and received bribes. A portion of the gains of brigandage sufficed to procure immunity for the robber, and even the judges sent by the audiencia to investigate cases of appeal gave their decision in favor of the richer contestants.^[4]

In view of this state of affairs the viceroy determined to invest the court of the santa hermandad with greater and more unrestricted powers, and the dreaded tribunal known as the acordada was finally established. I will now give some account of the functions and previous operations of the santa hermandad from which the acordada was developed, together with a brief description of the operations of the latter until it was abolished early in the nineteenth century.

As early as 1553 highwaymen had become so troublesome that for the security of the public roads the Santa hermandad was established in New Spain.^[5] This force originated in Spain at an early date, and was composed of bands of associated citizens or brothers—as the name implies—who, unassisted by the government, patrolled the highways as a protection against bandits and robbers, and as a check against the lawlessness of the aristocracy. The utility of such armed bodies, and the benefits which peaceful persons and communities derived from their vigilance, gained for them various privileges from the kings of Spain, as well as the distinguishing title of holy brotherhood. In time they became a recognized power in the land, and laws were promulgated conferring on them a certain jurisdiction, and defining their duties. In 1498 the original system of confederated associations was abolished, owing to the establishment of better order in the kingdom, and the santa hermandad was converted into a police force and tribunal. An organized court of the santa hermandad was presided over by two alcaldes, and was composed of a proportionate number of alguaciles and the officers of the patrol parties. It had the power to arrest malefactors and try them. In 1631 a royal cédula was issued ordering the appointment of alcaldes de la hermandad in all cities and towns of the Indies. These officers were distinguished by the name of provinciales.^[6]

But little is known of the operations of the santa hermandad in New Spain down to the end of the seventeenth century; but to judge from the continually increasing numbers and depredations of robbers, it could not have been an efficient force.^[7]

In 1710, at the urgent request of the inhabitants of Querétaro, Miguel Velazquez de Lorea, a native of that city, was appointed as provincial alcalde of the Santa hermandad in that district.^[8] The energy of this officer and his success in the suppression of brigandage were so great that later his powers were greatly increased. Hitherto the tribunal of the Santa hermandad had been subordinate and responsible to the criminal court at Mexico; in 1719 it was ordered that the sentences pronounced by Velazquez should be final, and he was exempted from the obligation of reporting his decisions to that tribunal.^[9] By royal cédula dated May 22, 1722, his conduct was approved and he was confirmed in office. From this time the acordada may be considered as established as an independent tribunal. Velazquez, retaining his position of provincial alcalde, was appointed judge of the new court, and rigorously did he perform the judicial duties of his calling. Scouring the country with his men, he assailed the brigands wherever he could find them, and none escaped who fell into his hands. A hurried trial over, the inexorable judgment was passed, and in a few minutes the culprit, having been shrived by the court chaplain, was dangling from the nearest tree, or was shot through with arrows.^[10] This severity was commended, and Velazquez was enjoined to exterminate the banditti whose augmenting numbers had placed the safety of the kingdom in jeopardy. His energy and his integrity, which placed him above purchase by bribery, won for him alike the thanks of the king,^[11] viceroys, and people. He died at Mexico on the 7th of September 1732, at the age of sixty-two, and was buried in the Jesuit church de la Profesa.^[12]

José Velazquez succeeded to his father's position, and made himself equally conspicuous as a suppressor of briandage.^[13] Before his death, which occurred in 1756, he implored his son not to accept the succession to the office which had been conferred in perpetuity,^[14] and it was therefore bestowed on Jacinto Martinez de la Concha, who proved a no less formidable foe to highway robbers than were his predecessors. To the end of the century competent chiefs in turn presided over the tribunal, among whom may be mentioned Manuel Antonio de Santa María, who held the office from 1782 to 1808, and made himself celebrated by the capture and capital punishment of two notorious robbers named Piedra y Paredes and Pillo Madera.^[15]

However beneficial such a tribunal was by the protection which it afforded to the royal treasures during transportation, and to the community at large, it did not give unqualified satisfaction. Its absolute power, and the precipitancy with which it hurried through the trials of captives, led to the commission of abuses and injustice. Though collisions with other judicial authorities occurred, and complaints from private individuals were frequently preferred against the action of lieutenants and comisarios of the acordada, it was firmly supported by viceroys and kings during a long period.^[16] Both the civil and territorial jurisdiction of the tribunal was greatly extended, and robbers in the distant provinces of Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya learned to dread the name of the acordada, which employed nearly two thousand five hundred men in its services, while smugglers, vagabonds, and petty thieves avoided its servants as they would the revenue guards or the city police.^[17]

Finally, such representations were made to his Majesty with regard to the easy indifference with which the lives of his vassals were disposed of, that a royal cédula was issued ordering the sentences of the acordada not to be carried out without the approval of the viceroy, who was invested with the power to revoke or modify every form of punishment.^[18] The result was that within a few years the list of cases tried by this tribunal was reduced to one eighth of its former number, and. the viceroy was of opinion that if the ordinary courts of justice were properly administered there would be no further need for the former. This change of system did not fail to meet with opposition, and occasional disagreements arose between the acordada and the superior junta;^[19] but these were overcome by the persistence of the viceroys. The junta could not at first keep pace with the number of cases which required its cognizance. When Azanza commenced his administration in 1798, there were fifteen hundred prisoners awaiting trial, and his compassion induced him to add temporarily two additional counsellors to the junta in order that the decisions might be rendered with more despatch.^[20] The measures which were successively adopted from this time reduced the terror-inspiring acordada to a mere shadow of its former power.

The prison in which offenders were confined by this tribunal was built close to the court-room of the acordada. In 1776 it was destroyed by an earthquake, but was rebuilt on an enlarged scale. By order of the cortes of Cádiz this building was demolished in 1812, and the frowning walls and loathsome dungeons of the acordada passed from the sight though not from the memory of the people of Mexico.^[21]

On the conclusion of Montañez' first term as viceroy he had returned to his diocese of Michoacan, where for two years and a half he remained in the active discharge of his duties. In 1698 the archbishopric of Mexico became vacant by the death of Francisco de Aguiar y Seixas^[22] on the 14th of August, and in October 1699 the appointment of Montañez as his successor arrived in Mexico. In March 1700 he took formal possession of his see, and on the 2d of January 1702 was invested with the pallium which had been received with the pope's bull confirming his appointment in the previous November. On the 15th of January the new archbishop gave the customary banquet in celebration of the ceremony. The guests, who were members of the chapter and the audiencia, were regaled with every luxury that the country could produce, no less than thirty dishes of different kinds of fish, meats, game, poultry, and confectionery being placed in succession upon the table.^[23] Public pageantry succeeded religious ceremonies and private feasting. On the 29th of the same month the archbishop made his public entry into the capital with a solemnity and splendor rarely witnessed.^[24]

The ecclesiastical administration of Montañez was marked by severity; and his measures of reform were carried out. His integrity was unimpeachable, and it was on this account that the king appointed him a second time viceroy. The zeal which he displayed in furthering the completion of the church of Our Lady of Guadalupe prompted him personally to solicit alms in the streets of Mexico for that purpose. His advanced age—for he was seventy years old when he assumed the archbishopric—prevented him from visiting his diocese, but his duties were faithfully performed to the last. The date of his decease is uncertain,^[25] but as his successor was not appointed till 1711, it is probable that his death occurred during the preceding year.

The next archbishop. Fray José Lanciego y Eguilaz, did not take possession until the beginning of 1713, and his consecration took place in November of the following year. He administered the affairs of the church until 1728, and was conspicuous for his piety and charity. Numerous institutions received his support, and the most remote districts of his diocese were visited. Lanciego was an especial friend of the Indians, and every month his palace was crowded with beggars to whom he distributed alms. He died on the 25th of January 1728, and was interred in the cathedral, a funeral oration being delivered by the canónigo magistral Doctor Bartolomé Felipe de Ita y Parra.^[26]

In October 1702, the duke of Alburquerque, the newly appointed viceroy, arrived at Vera Cruz.^[27] A few weeks later Montañez, having first despatched his nephew, the captain of the guard, to welcome the duke, set forth in person to meet him, accompanied by a splendid cortege. Alburquerque was a man of many titles, and somewhat given to display; nevertheless his career, which lasted for more than eight years, fully justified the enthusiasm with which all classes greeted his entrance into the capital.^[28] He was a shrewd, fair-dealing, and energetic ruler; one well fitted to be at the head of affairs during the eventful years of the war of the Spanish succession.

An incident which is related of the duke a short time after his arrival may serve to throw some light upon his character. A certain widow obtained audience of his Excellency, and produced certain documents whereby it appeared that a resident of the city was indebted to her in the sum of four thousand pesos; "but," said the applicant, "he is unwilling to pay." The viceroy examined her papers, and after asking a few questions bade her return on a day which he appointed. He then sent for the debtor, whom he received cordially, and after a pleasant chat inquired whether he were in easy circumstances. The man replied that he was in the receipt of an ample income; whereupon the duke requested that he would favor him with a loan of four thousand pesos. "Not only four thousand pesos, but my entire estate is at your Excellency's service;" exclaimed the debtor. He was requested to bring the amount on the next morning, and then took his departure. Though loath to part with his gold, he was loud in his praise of the viceroy's affability and condescension, and spared no pains to publish the interview among his comrades. On making his appearance the following day, however, he was confronted with the documents and with the widow, whose claim he was compelled to satisfy, though the loss of the money was as nothing compared with the mortification which sunk deep into the soul of the crestfallen man as he slunk from the duke's presence chamber.

The dispute between the grand monarch and the emperor Leopold, which cost Europe ten years of war, and divided even the Spaniards into rival factions, concerned not the people of New Spain. The emperor's son was acknowledged by all as the rightful heir, and the brilliant campaigns of Marlborough caused no more excitement in the Spanish provinces than the bloodless revolution which a few years before placed William III. on the throne of England aroused among the colonies of British America. The new viceroy regulated the internal affairs of his province without difficulty, and at once made preparations to repel the attacks of foreign powers, and of corsairs who still hovered on the coast. He increased the navy, strengthened the fortifications, reënforced the garrisons with two thousand veteran troops from Spain, and appointed officers of known valor and ability to the command of the fortresses. If a less capable man than the duke of Alburquerque had now been at the head of affairs, it is probable that some serious disaster might have befallen the provinces, for evil tidings were constantly being received in the capital.

In May 1703 a despatch was forwarded to the authorities in Mexico, stating that the people of Vera Cruz were leaving that city with their effects, through dread of foreign invasion. In June of the same year the governor of Tabasco defeated the crew of a British man-of-war, many of the English being killed, and a hundred and fifty prisoners captured. In the autumn of 1704 Captain William Dampier, whose raids in Central America have already been described,^[29] peared once more in the waters of the South Sea, in command of the ship Saint George, intent on capturing the treasure galleon from Acapulco. After taking two vessels whose cargoes were of little value he sighted the treasure ship. Hoisting the Spanish colors he sailed close up to her and opened fire. A prisoner on board the pirates' vessel counselled them to board at once, during the confusion caused by the first volley; but there was a difference of opinion among the officers, and while the matter was yet under discussion the galleon's heavy guns were brought to bear on the craft of the corsairs with such effect that they were glad to escape in their sinking vessel. During the same year one Captain Clipperton, who accompanied that famous adventurer, separated from him when off the eastern coast of Mexico, and with a vessel of ten tons, mounting only two pieces of cannon, defied the town of Realejo, and captured two Spanish ships which lay there at anchor, one of which contained treasure to the value of four thousand pesos.

Five years later certain wealthy merchants of Bristol fitted out two vessels for a "voyage of discovery and profit," the explorations to be extended to the oceans on either side of the American continent, and the profit to be derived from the pillage of Spanish settlements and Spanish treasure ships. Two vessels were chartered, the Duke and the Duchess, well armed and equipped, having on board a complement of about three hundred and thirty men, and carrying commissions from the king's consort and lord high admiral of England to attack and plunder the Spaniards and French on the coasts of Peru and Mexico. Captain Woodes Rogers was placed in command, and among other officers was William Dampier, though now in a subordinate position. It was a motley crew that sailed from Cork harbor on the 27th of August 1708 to undertake the circumnavigation of the world. There were on board tailors, pedlers, tinkers, fiddlers, ploughmen, haymakers, laborers, and men representing nearly all the occupations by which the poor earn a livelihood, except that of seaman.

Rounding Cape Horn in safety the vessels arrived off the island of Juan Fernandez on the 1st of February 1709, and the same afternoon a pinnace was sent on shore for water. At dusk a light was observed on the island, and the commander, supposing that it was kindled by the crew of a Spanish or French man-of-war, fired guns from the quarter-deck to recall the pinnace, and prepared his ships for action. No sail was in sight on the following morning, and it was concluded that the enemy had been frightened away by the sound of the firing. The cause of the strange light was soon explained, however, for the pinnace being again sent ashore returned with a man clad in goat-skins, and as wild of aspect as the animals from which he had procured his apparel. His name was Alexander Selkirk.

The expedition then sailed for Peru, and after taking a number of prizes and capturing the town of Guayaquil, for which a moderate ransom was received, proceeded to the island of Gorgona, whence some of the prisoners, being sent to Panamá for the purpose, returned with money to redeem a portion of the prize cargoes, the bargain being honorably fulfilled on both sides. Rogers soon afterward sailed for Mexico, and sighted land near the spot where Dampier was defeated by the treasure galleon. Thence a few days later he shaped his course for the coast of Lower California, made Cape San Lúcas on the 1st of November, and cruising southward a few weeks later captured a large and well manned twenty-gun ship bound from Manila to Acapulco.

The prisoners gave information that a still larger vessel had left Manila in company with them, but being a better sailer had long since parted company, and was now probably lying at Acapulco. Within a few days this ship came in sight, but now the privateers found more than their match. She proved to be the Vigonia mounting sixty guns and with a complement of four hundred and fifty men. After a seven hours' fight the English were driven off with heavy loss, and with numbers greatly reduced the expedition sailed homeward a fortnight later by way of the Cape of Good Hope, anchoring in the Downs on the 1st of October 1710. The cost of the voyage did not exceed 75,000 pesos, and the proceeds amounted, as a chronicler of that period affirms,^[30] to 850,000 pesos, of which the promoters received two thirds,^[31] or a clear profit of more than 750 per cent on their outlay. Thus did the worthy merchants of Bristol grow rich by licensed piracy, and learn to despise the slow gains of legitimate commerce.

About the year 1712 the buccaneers mustered in force for a raid on Vera Cruz, and once more taught the Spaniards how defenceless were their forts and garrisons when assailed by a band of resolute men. The pirates anchored out of sight of the city, and six hundred of them, landing by night, arrived undiscovered at the sandhills in the neighborhood of the town. Here they lay hidden till after midnight of the following day, timing their advance on Vera Cruz for the hour of dawn when the gates were opened. A few of the party who could converse in Spanish were sent forward disguised as peasants, and as soon as the nearest gate was opened, one of them mounted by a ladder to a neighboring bastion and begged the sentinel to give him a light for his pipe. The sentry approached with a lighted brand, and as he drew near the buccaneer shot him dead with his pistol. The remainder of the party then secured the gate, and the main body instantly marched into the town and took up a position in the parade ground. The Spaniards, roused from their slumbers, quickly collected their forces, and marched with horse and foot through one of the widest streets to attack the invaders. The pirates were drawn up in three lines, each of which, after firing a volley, withdrew to reload and allow those in the rear to deliver their fire. The Spanish troops began to waver; their horses taking fright plunged through their ranks, and soon the garrison were routed and fled through the city, hotly pursued by the buccaneers, until they reached one of the gates and scattered over the adjacent country.

Meanwhile the alarm had been given at the castle of San Juan de Ulúa, and a brisk fire was opened on the town. The pirates then held a council, and it was resolved to seize the padres, and after cutting off the heads of several, to send others to the castle with instructions to present them to the governor and tell him that unless the firing ceased the remainder would be treated in the same way. The governor answered by redoubling his fire; whereupon the buccaneers closed all the gates and drove the inhabitants in a body to the part of the city which was most exposed to the shot from the fort. Orders were now given to cease firing, and the freebooters were left undisturbed to plunder the town; but finding no great booty, they carried off to their ships a number of the principal citizens, and demanded a large sum for their ransom. Soon after their departure the Spaniards erected watch-towers and posted sentinels along the coast to guard against surprise for the future.

No other incidents worthy of note occurred during the reign of Alburquerque. Toward the close of his administration^[32] he was invested with the order of the golden fleece, the honor being conferred on him by the senior inquisitor, Francisco de Deza. During his long term of office he lived in royal state, giving magnificent banquets, and freely distributing his vast wealth. His rule was long remembered in the capital, for it was said that no monarch could live in more princely style than did this viceroy of New Spain.

On the 15th of January 1711 the successor of Alburquerque, Don Fernando de Alancastre, Norona y Silva, duque de Linares, marqués de Valdefuentes, made his public entry into Mexico. He is described by the chroniclers of his age as a faithful, energetic, and benevolent man. For five years and a half he held the reins of power, and during that time justice was promptly and impartially administered; public officials were not allowed to neglect their duties; education, art, and science found in him a willing patron, and the affairs of the crown a zealous guardian. Nevertheless the new viceroy had fallen upon evil times, and the first portion of his administration is in marked contrast with the prosperity which, with some drawbacks, seems to have prevailed during the rule of his predecessor. The scourges of earthquake, famine, and pestilence, following in close succession, fell on many portions of New Spain, but nowhere more heavily than on the capital.

On the 16th of August in this year a severe earthquake occurred lasting for half an hour. The strongest buildings could not withstand the shocks; and though we have few records of this disaster, except in Mexico and Puebla, it is probable that other cities suffered no less severely. A short time before there had been an almost total eclipse of the sun; and now the panic-stricken inhabitants, thinking that the world was surely at an end, thronged to the churches to confess their sins and receive the sacrament. For a time there was no more religious community on earth than that which was gathered in the valley of Mexico. The thief brought back his stolen goods; the gambler restored his gains; the rich man gave to him that had not; and many a long-standing feud was reconciled in anticipation of the great day of reckoning which all believed to be imminent.^[33]

But the threatened judgment was postponed for a while, and soon men gambled and quarrelled and cheated each other as in the good old days of Cortés and Alvarado. As for the poor, those who were left houseless and penniless by the disaster, they begged, and generally in vain, for assistance in repairing their shattered dwellings. Fortunately, however, they met with a good friend in Linares, who spared neither income nor private fortune in relieving their wants; supplied funds for rebuilding, and kept the public granaries filled with maize, which he distributed to the destitute at his own expense, and to the less needy at the lowest possible price.

Disastrous as was the year 1711, it was but the precursor of yet more calamitous days. In 1713 premature frosts completely destroyed the crops, not only in the valley of Mexico, but in all the table lands of New Spain. The viceroy bestirred himself with his usual energy, and at great personal sacrifice succeeded in filling the granaries of the capital. But during the following year the supply became exhausted, or at least the supply available for the poor. Soon pestilence followed; and through the fair streets of the metropolis wandered gaunt and plague-stricken figures, begging with feeble voice and vainly stretching out their hands for bread.^[34]

The wants of the sick and destitute were to some extent relieved by the viceroy, the archbishop, and the charitable institutions of Mexico; but elsewhere even greater sufferings were experienced, and fresh catastrophes added to the prevailing distress. On the night of the 15th of May, 1714, the province of Vera Cruz was visited by a severe earthquake. In the town of Córdoba the shocks came in so rapid succession and with so increasing intensity that the entire population rushed forth into the streets. Women forgot their modesty and hurried almost naked from their dwellings; men forgot their manhood and left their little ones to perish amidst the wreck of falling houses; while man, matron, and maid knelt side by side, bare-kneed on the pavement, and offered fervent supplications to the virgin for deliverance.^[35]

Before the people of Córdoba had time to recover from their fright another calamity befell them and one far more disastrous. On the 23d of June in the same year, dense black clouds rolled in from the ocean, and torrents of rain fell, almost without intermission for fifteen days. The houses were flooded; and those who lived on the mountain side were in danger of destruction from the huge bowlders and trunks of trees swept down by the swollen torrents. All communication with the neighboring haciendas was cut off; cattle perished by the thousand, and their owners barely escaped with their lives. When the storm cleared away it was found that the surface of the country was greatly changed. Enormous barrancas were formed and the streams diverted from their former channels.

During all these calamities the people of New Spain found some consolation in the relief which they now enjoyed from the raids of freebooters and privateers; but this immunity was secured under conditions which, ere long, caused Spain the loss of her New World commerce. By the treaty which was signed at Utrecht on the 11th of April, 1713, England obtained the privilege of shipping negro slaves to the islands and mainland of America, and of maintaining depots and trading factories in the Spanish American possessions;^[36] this being a part of the price at which France and Spain secured the withdrawal of Great Britain from the grand alliance.

His Catholic Majesty Felipe V. and her Britannic Majesty Queen Anne were to receive each one fourth share in the profits obtained from the sale of these human chattels, the former agreeing to advance one million pesos for carrying on the trade, or in case he could not raise such an amount to pay interest thereupon at the rate of eight per cent a year.^[37] Before her decease, which occurred in the following year, the English sovereign, finding her share unprofitable, transferred it to the South Sea Company, though it does not appear that the latter reaped much benefit therefrom.^[38]

"Commercial houses," as they were termed, were at once established at Vera Cruz and elsewhere on the coast of the North Sea; but their owners, not content with the enormous profits of the slave-trade, violated the terms of the treaty by introducing cargoes of foreign merchandise. England was now permitted, as we have seen, to send yearly to Portobello a five hundred ton vessel freighted with merchandise;^[39] but each slaver that landed its living cargo on the shores of New Spain brought also a quantity of contraband goods. In vain the custom-house officers attempted to stay this traffic; and in vain the penalty of death and confiscation of property was threatened against all Spaniards who engaged in it. It was an easy matter to bribe the not over-conscientious or over-vigilant officials, and thus to procure goods at cheap rates instead of paying tribute to the merchants of Seville. For twenty-eight years the South Sea Company and private adventurers carried on a contraband trade, almost to the exclusion of Spanish commerce, until, at the convention of Madrid in 1750, the former agreed to annul the asiento, receiving in return certain commercial privileges, and a money compensation of 500,000 pesos. During this period the commerce between the Spanish provinces and Europe was estimated at 286, 000,000 pesos, of which amount English smugglers and slavers absorbed no less than 224,000,000 pesos, and only 62,000,000 pesos, or less than 22 per cent of the entire sum, fell to the share of the Spanish galleons.^[40]

During the last years of his administration the viceroy was constantly engaged in petty warfare with the contraband traders; but to no purpose. All that man could do he did. The troops were kept on the alert; the armada de Barlovento also rendered good service, in consideration of which they received their pay^[41] at no very long intervals, and sometimes even with regularity, the latter a rare incident in those days. But on the thinly peopled coast of New Spain were many excellent and secluded anchorage grounds, and the population being for the most part in league with the English, little could be done to check their unlawful traffic.

On the 15th of August 1716, Linares' term of office expired, and his decease occurred during the following year.^[42] He had proved hiraself a humane and benevolent man; but it was not until after his death that the full extent of his charities was known. It then appeared that besides devoting large sums to the relief of the poor, he had established free dispensaries at the different barriers of the city, and in his will he bequeathed a further amount for similar purposes. All his bequests were faithfully carried out by his executors, and among them was one of five thousand pesos in aid of the Jesuit missions in California.^[43]

 

Linares' successor was Baltasar de Zuñiga, marqués de Valero and duque de Arion.^[44] The salary of the new viceroy was fixed at twenty-seven thousand pesos a year, a larger stipend than was usually paid, and its amount excited unfavorable comment from his predecessor.^[45] The condition of affairs in New Spain was not in keeping with such extravagance. The country had not yet recovered from the disasters of 1714, and two years after Valero had assumed office, tidings arrived of a severe famine in Texas. So great was the scarcity of grain that the troops stationed there threatened to desert. Provisions were at once forwarded to the governor of Coahuila, and in the hope of making that territory self-sustaining persons were sent to instruct the natives in the science of agriculture.

On the 16th of June 1718, while returning from the procession of corpus christi in company with the oidores, an attempt was made on the viceroy's life. When about to ascend the stairs of his palace, a man named Nicolás Camacho grasped at Valero's sword, drew it half way from the scabbard, and would probably have plunged it into his body had he not been seized by the attendant halberdiers. On being questioned as to his motives it was found that the would be assassin was a lunatic, and after a brief trial he was sent to the hospital of San Hipólito.^[46]

During the remainder of the viceroy's administration, which lasted until the 15th of October, 1722, the provinces of New Spain were in a prosperous condition. The mines were unusually productive, the yield of quicksilver being especially large; the crops were abundant; and the volume of trade was greatly increased.^[47]

The sole drawback to this flourishing condition of affairs was the outbreak of hostilities between France and Spain, occasioned by a dispute between the duke of Orleans, who was appointed regent during the minority of Louis XV., and Cardinal Alberoni, the minister of Felipe V. On the 19th of May 1719 the garrison of Pensacola surrendered to the French, and the colonists and missionaries of Florida and Texas were compelled to take refuge in Coahuila. But the French could not maintain their foothold in the country. When the news of their invasion reached Mexico, Valero quickly despatched against them a force of five hundred men under command of the marquis of San Miguel de Aguayo, governor of Texas and Coahuila. The French retired from Texas; the missions were reëstablished; and the peace which was concluded in 1721 put an end to further aggressions.^[48]

Mention has already been made of the buccaneer settlements in Yucatan, where, as we have seen, the freebooters, when not engaged in making raids on the Spanish settlements or cruising in quest of Spanish treasure ships, occupied themselves with cutting dyewoods and mahogany.^[49] A favorite rendezvous of these adventurers was the Isla Triste, or as it is now known the Isla del Cármen, at the entrance of the bay of Términos. During the war of the Spanish succession they frequently attacked Spanish vessels trading between Campeche and Vera Cruz. In 1708 Fernando Meneses Bravo de Saravia, when on his way accompanied by his family to the province of Yucatan, of which he had been appointed governor, was taken from his vessel in the bay of Campeche by the pirate Barbillas. Saravia was set on shore and his wife and children detained as captives until a ransom of 14,000 pesos should be received. As the ayuntamiento refused to pay the money, the pirate made his demand in person at the town-hall; whereupon the governor, feeling that his family might come to harm, ordered the amount to be paid.

Nine years later an expedition was despatched from Mexico by way of Vera Cruz to Campeche, and being reënforced by the troops stationed there, drove the intruders from all their settlements on the bay of Términos. The attack was made on the 16th of July 1717, the feast of the virgin of Cármen, and hence the island received its name. A large amount of booty was wrested from the buccaneers, many of whom were slain, those who escaped harboring in Belize, where, being joined by others of their craft, they organized a force of three hundred and thirty-five men and returned to the bay of Términos. Landing on the Isla del Cármen they sent a message to Alonso Felipe de Andrade, the commander of the Spanish fort which had been erected during their absence, ordering him to withdraw his garrison. The reply was that the Spaniards had plenty of powder and ball with which to defend themselves.

The freebooters made their attack during the same night and captured the stronghold without difficulty, taking three of the four field pieces with which it was defended. But Andrade was a brave and capable officer, and his men were no dandy warriors. Placing himself at the head of his command he led them against the enemy, forced his way into the fort, recaptured one of the field pieces, and turned it against the foe. During: the fight a building: filled with straw was set on fire by a hand grenade. This incident favored the Spaniards, who now made a furious charge on the invaders. Their commander was shot dead while leading on his men; but exasperated by the loss of their gallant leader, they sprang at the buccaneers with so fierce a rush that the latter were driven back to the shore, whence they reëmbarked for Belize and thenceforth returned no more to the bay of Términos.^[50]

 

Herewith I give more complete references to the authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: Cédulario, MS., i. 132; iii. 63-4, 115-116; iv. 23; Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 5 et seq.; ii., passim; Providencias Reales, MS., 79-101, 222-3, 266-8; Robles, Diario, i. ii., passim; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 25, 31-2; iii. 60-1, 166-7; iv. 30 et seq.; vi. 113-16, 135-7, 153; vii. 8-45; Papeles Franciscans, MS., série i. tom. i. 268-74, 314-21, 411, 478, 507; ii. 154, 178-200, 321-6; Rivera, Diario, vi. 15-96; Linares, Instrucciones, MS., 6-88; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 13-21, 182; Disposiciones Varias, MS., vi. 3-13; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., passim; Doc. Ecles. Méx., MS., i. 1-32; ii. 2-6, 25, 47-52, 74; Vireyes de Mex., Instruc., MS., série i. 49; série ii. 8, 23; Maltratamiento de Ind., 1-15; Lazcano, Vida del P. Oviedo, 70-101, 140-57; Figueroa, Vindicias,MS., 12, 74, 78, 123; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 192-9, 211-49, 291-659; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 41-3; ii. 223-4; iii. 31-40, 109-215; Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 5; Espinosa, Chron, Apost, 465-6, 488-534; Calle, Mem. y Not., 70; Davila, Mem. Hist., pt. i. 19-28; iii. 252-96; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 104-9, 132, 152-5; Villa Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 122 et seq.; Vetancvrt, Cron. San. Evang., 75-9, 135; Id., Teatro, 51-2; Id., Trat. Mex., 16-17; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 26-30; Arricivita, Crón. Seráf., 94-7, 169-70, 241-312, 583-5; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 116; Guatemala, Col. Cédulas Reales, passim; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 133-49, 150-79; Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. ii., passim; série ii. iv. 56 et seq.; vi. 17-96, Arlegui, Prov. de Zac., 81-2, 92-123, 201-6, 250-2; Escamilla, Noticias, 4; Recop. de lnd., i. 599; N. Mex. Cédulas, MS., 80-2, 149-64, 281-4, 322-9; Derrotero para Naveg., MS., 13-22, 88-90; Egidos de Méx., MS., 61; Jaillandier, Extraite, MS., passim; America Descrip., MS., 155-8, 166, 177-9, 196-8, 207-39; N. Vizcaya, Doc. Mex., iv. 14-21; Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 455-9; Morfi, Doc. Mex., iv. 442-4; Escobar, Breve Trat. Ord., MS., passim; Berrotaran, Doc. Mex., i. 171-7; Panes, Extension, MS., passim; Reales Ordenes, iii. 56-72, 308-12; iv. 416-19; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 505-10; Mayer MSS., passim; Laet, Amer. Descript., 256-9; Alaman, Disert, iii. 38-53, 211, 390; Lerdo de Tejada, Apvnt. Hist., no. 5, 289-94, 366, 380-92; Arevalo, Compend., 29-30; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-81; Id., New Spain, ii. 203-22; Id., Tablas Estad., MS., 7-40; Id., Versuch, ii. 178-86; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 39-58; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 122-39; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 17-18; Nayaritas, Relac. Conquist, 6; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 59-119; Verona, Paromologia, MS., 1-93; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. xxxv., 503-9; Rodriguez, Cuadro Hist., 41-2; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol., ii. 29; iii. 239-42; iv. 19; v. 312; ix. 54; xi. 504; Id., 2da ép. i. 218-22; ii. 337; iii. 175-6; 3ª ép. iv. 258; Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., 141-222; Instrucciones á los Vireyes, 302-17; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 263-72, 337-40; Correal, Voy., i. 44-5; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 425-33; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 4-5, 508, 525-7; Mefras, L'Exploration, ii. 104; Zamora, Bib. Leg., ii. 253-5; iv. 442-4; Ortega, Alegacion, 1-50; Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 252-68; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 152-73; Nouv. Annales des Voy., c. 52; cliii. 8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 98-110, 181-3; Varios Impresos, iii., passim; Foseeca y Urrutia, Real Hac., i. 28-35, 324-5; Orizaba, Ocurrencias en, 1 et seq.; Registro Yucateco, ii. 5-10; Mexico, Not. Ciudad Mex., 22, 205-8; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 439-553, 723-6; x. 1362-3; Pap.Var., ii., passim; clxvii. 3-9; cxcvi. 11 et seq.; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 203-4; Sammlung aller Reisebesch, xii. 386-403, 534-52; xiii. 484—9; Monroy, Oraciones Paneg., passim; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 316; Museo Mex., i. 51-3, 99-102; iv. 73-80; Alzate, Gacetas, iii. 441-2, 464; Cartas Edificantes, vii. 258-9; Gaceta, Mex., i. ii. iii., passim; iv. 9 et seq.; v. 18-370; 30-70; viii. 277-309; x. 98, 185-6; Robinson's Mex., Rev., ii. 299-302; Lussan's Journal, 143-5, 348-84; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 213-34; Stephen's Yuc., ii. 195-8; Mexico, Notes on, 236; Wilson Mex., 24-5; World Displayed, vi. 49-65, 178-85; West. Indies Geog., 124-55; Id., Descript., 62-5; Heylin's Cosmog., 1069-80; Douglas' Summary, 72, 88; Chappe, Voy., 17-25; Fossey, Mex., 9; Macpherson's Annals, iii. 57; Archenholtz's Hist. Pirates, 78-84; Berenger's Col. Voy., i. 377-9, 402-3; iii. 3-4, 89-128, 309-10, 355-72; Spanish Empire in Am. ., 124-5; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 919, 1024; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 487-91, 572-5; Laharpe, Abrege, x. 86-93, 102-7, 124-31; Oexmelin, Hist, de Flib., i. 261-76; ii. 285-301; iii. 273-300; Muller, Reisen, iii. 195; Hassel, Mex. et Guat., 229-43; Mosaico Mex., i. 399-407; iv. 56-7; vi. 162-3; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., Vallejo, Vida, passim; Drake, Cavendish and Dampier, Lives, 201-2, 270-1; Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 127-8, 227-36; Ilustracion Mex., iii. 146-51; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 277-85, 292-316; Dicc. Univ., i. 80, 410, 470, 525, 607; ii. 64—6, 301-2; iv. 800; v. 53; vi. 156 et seq.; vii. 341, 517-18; viii. 142, passim; ix. 287-432; x. 96 et seq.; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 264, 278-9; xxvii. 58-70, 82-4; Pinkerton's Modern Geog., 210-14; Gage's Survey, 48-53; Id., Voyage, i. 56-68; Voyages, A New Col., iii. 183-206; Id., Historical, i. 332-60; ii. 45-60; Id., New Univ. Col., i. 141-8, 219-24; Zúñiga y O., Calend., 109-200; Sharp's Voy., 115-20; Payne's Hist., 67; Dunbar's Mex., 197-8; Castillo, Dicc. Hist., 69, 183-6; Veracruzano, i. 34; Dampier's Voy., 254-71; Castellanos, Derecho, passim; Sartorius, Mex., 33; Castorena, Racones, 1-40; Salesii, De Confessionibus, passim; Dillon, Hist. Mex., 76-9.

 

 

1. On the day of his assuming office he received the papal bulls and the pallium. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 332.
2. All obeyed except the Cármen and San Hipólito orders. The former refused under the plea that, according to their constitution, and the privileges granted them by the apostolic see, they were not required to appear in processions except at public prayers. Nevertheless, out of compliment to his Excellency, they allowed six of their number to attend. The latter declined on the ground that they were not allowed to take precedence over the Bethlehemites. Id., 365-6.
3. Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 46-7; confirmed by Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 106. Zamacois states that the amount shipped on board the treasure fleet was 38,500,000 pesos, of which sum the Spaniards landed 12,000,000 at Vigo, leaving 26,500,000 pesos unaccounted for. Hist. Méj., v. 513-14.
4. Instruc. Vireyes, MS., 6-10, 13-14, 68-71.
5. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 162.
6. The provinciales received a salary of 100,000 maravedís payable out of the fines of the tribunal court. As a matter of course these positions were made salable to the highest bidder. They were 'renunciables perpetuamente, en la forma, y con el gravámen, que los demas oficios vendibles de las Indias.' Recop. de Ind., ii. 133-4. Calle, Mem. y Not., 119, has this note: 'Escriuano publico del juzgado del Prouincial de la Hermandad, es oficio nueuo, vendido en 700. tostones en el ano de 1645.'
7. Viceroy Alburquerque, whose rule will be mentioned later, exerted himself with great energy to suppress brigandage. A number of highwaymen were captured and several executed on a single day. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 15. In May 1655 a highwayman was taken from a church, whither he had fled, and notwithstanding his claim of privilege of sanctuary, and despite the excommunication fulminated by the bishop, he was tried and put to death. Guijo, Diario, 307-8.
8. Cédulario, MS., iii. 115-16.
9. The proclamation was published 'con acuerdo de la audiencia,' from which act the future tribunal received its name of acordada. See Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 107.
10. Sigüenza y Góngora supplies us with the number of criminals whom he punished during the period from 1719 to 1732: 'Hizo justicia en quarenta y tres reos que ahorcó, en ciento y cincuenta y uno que asaeteó, y en setecientos treiuta y tres que mandó desterrados à varios Presidios de este Reyno.' Glorias de Querétaro, 30.
11. Felipe V. in the cédula of May 22, 1722, conveyed his especial thanks to Velazquez for the zeal he had displayed.
12. Velazquez was deeply lamented; obsequies were paid him, and the 'Gazeta de Mexico hizo su digno elogio.' Id., 30-1.
13. For particulars of the numerous bands of robbers which he destroyed consult Panes, Vireyes, in Mon. Dom. Esp., MS. 118. From an official report dated 1811 giving the number of evil-doers captured and punished by the acordada down to 1809, it appears that during José Velazquez' term of office, from 1732 to 1736, 3,384 malefactors were made prisoners. Of these 320 suffered capital punishment; 1955 were distributed among the presidios; 79 were flogged, and 432 discharged after punishment or proof of innocence. Columna's Report in Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 3.
14. Galvez, Instruc., in Museo Mex., i. 306.
15. Santa Marla captured Piedra y Paredes sometime previous to his seizure of Madera. This gave rise to the following popular quartette which was sung at that period:
     

    'El Señor Santa María
    Tiene que hacer una casa,
    Ya Piedra y Paredes tiene
    Madera solo le falta.’

    
    Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. app. 73-4.

16. The arbitrary form of trial was, however, somewhat modified by royal cédula of 21st December 1765, by which it was ordered that the judge should be assisted by two asesores, or legal advisers, and that the sentences passed after hearing the defender of the accused should be signed by all three. But there was no appeal.
17. The jurisdiction in matters connected with prohibited liquors was also conferred upon the acordada. The titles of the chief were also multiplied. They were alcalde provincial de la hermandad, juez de la acordada, guarda mayor de los caminos, and juez de bebidos prohibidos. Cédulario, MS., iii. 113-29; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 24.
18. ’Con el dictámen de una junta, compuesta de un alcalde de corte, el asesor del virreynato, y un abogado de toda su confianza.' Id., 25. Azanza, Ynstruc., MS., 25.
19. During Azanza's administration from 1798 to 1800 the juez de la acordada claimed that he could try cases with only one asesor present. The viceroy compelled the judge to conform strictly to the terms of the royal cédula, 'pronunciando siempre sus sentencias despues de haber oido la relacion del proceso que debia hacer el Escribano y el dictamen de los dos Asesores y Defensor de la Casa.' Id., 30-31.
20. Id., 23-32.
21. According to the official report of Columna, in Alaman, Hist. Méj., i. app. 3, during the period from 1703 to 1809, 62,900 persons were imprisoned by the tribunal.
22. Francisco de Aguiar was born in Betanzos, Galicia. He successively occupied the episcopal chairs of Guadalajara and Michoacan; he was appointed archbishop of Mexico in 1681, Rivera having declined to accept the honor. Aguiar was the principal founder of the college at Niñas de Belen; built the asylum for insane females, and laid the first stone of the church of Our Lady of Guadalupe on March 26, 1695. Concil. Prov., 1, 2, 222-3, 329-30; Rivera, Diario, 19; Dávila, Mem. Hist., pt. i. 28. In 1721 his remains were removed from the place where they had been interred and deposited in a sepulchre on the right side of the chapel of San Felipe de Jesus. Doc. Hist. Mex., 2a. serie iv. 268.
23. 'Otros dicen que hubo cincuenta de diversas viandas, así de pezcados esquisitos, como de carnes y aves diferentes.' Robles, Diario, ii. 361-2. The banquet lasted from 12 m. till 2:30 p. m.
24. A full account of the ceremonial will be found in Id., 365-72.
25. In Concil. Prov., 1, 2, 292, it is stated that he died in 1704; Juarros says in 1710. Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 168, makes this remark: 'no hay la menor contradiccion en los autores que señalan el año de 1708 como el de la muerte del Sr Ortega y Montañés.' Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 367 et seq.
26. Ita y Parra, Sermon Funeral del Sr Lanciego, passim.
27. In the same month cédulas were received in which Montañez was reproved tor alleged malefeasance, deprived of his office and title of viceroy, and forbidden to ride, as was his custom, in a carriage drawn by six horses. He was also censured for refusing to give precedence to the monks of the order of San Diego, and for want of respect to the vicereine. In August 1703, further cédulas arrived threatening him with the inquisition. Robles, Diario, 403-6, 463-4.
28. The titles of the new viceroy were duque de Alburquerque, marqués de Cuéllar, conde de Ledesma y Huelma, señor de las villas de Monbeltran, Codosera, Lanzaita, Mijares, Pedro Bernardo, Aldea Dávila, S. Estévan, Villarejo y Cuevas, comendador de Guadalcanal, y Bensayan of the orders of Santiago and Alcántara; chamberlain to the king, general, and viceroy of New Spain. His wife was Juana de la Cerda y Aragon, duchess of Alburquerque, etc. San Miguel (A. de). Sermon de la Samaritana, title-page, no. 10; Pap. Var., ii. His daughter, who was confirmed in 1703, received no less than fifty- three names on the register. Domenech, Hist, du Mex., i. 284. On the 21st of October the viceregal party reached Jalapa, and on the 25th a committee from Mexico, consisting of the maestre de campo and others, went forth to welcome him. On the 15th of November it is recorded that a special miracle was wrought in Puebla for his benefit, and that both he and the vicereine carried away some divine ichor from the body of the beato Aparicio. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 408-14. On the 27th of November he took possession of the government and on the 8th of December (conception day) made his public entry into the city. He was met at the gates by the audiencia, city officials, university authorities, and the members of the different tribunals. Behind him came the vicereine and her ladies of honor, and then followed 24 sumpter mules with silver bits and headstalls, royally caparisoned. At the cemetery he was met by the archbishop, and then proceeded to his palace. A royal salute was fired, several persons being injured through the carelessness of the gunners. Robles, Diario, 418-20. Even the tribunal of the inquisition joined the procession, an honor which had never before been shown even to a viceroy. Mex., Not. Ciud. Mex., 295-7.
29. Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 541 et seq., this series.
30. Harris, Col. Voy., i. 1 98.
31. One half according to Harris.
32. In 1709, according to Lorenzana, Hist. Nueva España, 29-30, copied in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., and Rivera, Hist. Jalapa; in Alaman, and others, 1708.
33. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 525-6; Alegre, Hist. Compend., iii. 158. During 1711, a snow storm occurred in the valley of Mexico, the only one mentioned from that date until 1767.
34. The gloom now pervading the city was increased by the news that the wife of Felipe V. was dead; the people being ordered to wear mourning in her memory. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 109.
35. By thia earthquake the church of San Antonio was so much shattered that it became necessary to rebuild it. Rodriguez, Cart. Hist., 41.
36. An asiento for the sale of slaves, with power to regulate their price, was also granted to the French about the year 1702.
37. Some of the clauses of this asiento are given in Moro, Informe (Mexico, 1724), 1-4, and all of them in an abridged form in Salmon's Modern Hist. (3d ed., London, 1746), iii. 220-2. The asiento had been previously granted (in 1702) to the French Guinea Company and was transferred to the crown of England at the treaty of Utrecht.
38. In a speech delivered before the company in 1731, Sir John Eyles in giving an account of this branch of their business during the previous ten years, states that, though the report of their having lost £2,000,000 by the trade was untrue, they had incurred such losses through the seizure of their effects by the Spaniards during the wars with Spain that their gains were very small. They were not, however, out of pocket. Id., 222.
39. Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 586-7, this series.
40. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 531.
41. In his instructions to his successor the viceroy says that the armada de Barlovento had received assistance from himself and his predecessors, as the troops were in arrears of pay, but that if a trustworthy person were sent to examine the accounts of the different garrisons, it might be found that the king was a creditor rather than a debtor. The instructions relate to other matters, and are remarkable for their terseness and vigor of expression. Linares, Instruccion á su sucesor, in Vireyes de Mex. Instruc., MS., fol. i. 49, ii. 23. In June 1687 the seamen and troops belonging to the armada mutinied at Vera Cruz on account of not having received their pay, which was at the rate of about eleven pesos a month, and because they were not satisfied with this amount. On receiving a portion of their back pay and a full pardon they returned to their duty. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 262-,3. Robles, 476, states that a force of mulattoes was sent against them and that three of the mutineers were killed.
42. He died in Mexico on the 3d of June, and his death was much regretted. He was buried in the Cármen convent, which was afterward known as the church of San Sebastian. His portrait was preserved in the nunnery of Santa Teresa la Nueva.
43. Linares was the first secular of the congregation of the Buena Muerte, and the spacious edifice belonging to the society was erected mainly at his expense. It exists at the present day. Alegre, Hist. Compend., iii. 177.
44. He took office August 10, 1716.
45. Linares remarked; 'Habré vivido seis años en opulencia; y aunque ahora no me hallo en abundancia volveré á los piés del Rey, gustoso, á hacerle ver que con veintisiete mil pesos de sueldo, sin abusar de sus caudales, ni vender la justicia, me restituyo satisfecho á ellos.' Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 536.
46. The trial lasted only two days. A report of it is given in Dic. Univ. Hist. Geog., app. i. 470-1. It is the opinion of the writer that Camacho was not insane, but the victim of an intrigue on the part of the viceroy who purposed to deprive him of his wife. The same view is taken in Registro Trimestre, i. 385-407. The editor makes the following comment on the trial: 'Esta causa forma una especie de contraste con la que dimos en le número antérior, y aunque los jueces aparecen mas equitativos, queda siempre una sospecha de que el desgraciado Camacho, fué victima de una intriga para quitarle á, su muger. Por lo demás se advierten cosas dignas de notarse en esta causa. Tal es por ejemplo, el que en un hecho sucedido à mediodia y á muy poca distancia de os testigos presenciales, solo Muelas asegure que Camacho arremetió con el espadin al virey, diciendo unicamente los demás que se lo estrajo de la vaina. Es tambien notable el dictámen fiscál, que fundado en la idea equivocada de que no puede haber un completo trastorno mental sin furor, pide la pena correspondiente al delito de Lesa Magestad in primo capite. Creemos que tambien es de notar el pareoer del protomedicato, pues que su dictámen nada tiene de médico y cualquiera pudiera decir lo mismo sin haber saludado los principios del arte. Sin embargo, esta es una causa formada con esmero, pues per lo singular del caso se mandó al rey copia de ella.'
47. In 1721 the fleet from New Spain reached Cádiz with treasure and merchandise to the value of 11,000,000 pesos. Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 228.
48. On the 31st of March in the same year, the Sacra Familia, a vessel of 300 tons, with 6 guns and 70 men, was captured by Captain Shelvocke in the port of Sonsonate (the modern Acajutla) at the mouth of the river of the same name. The prize contained only small arms, hand grenades, and ammunition, and, as the captain remarks, was hardly worth the risk and trouble of capture. Voy. de Shelvocke, in Beranger, Coll. Voy., iii. 3-4, 89-125; and Kerr's Coll. Voy., x. 500-1. In the latter a detailed account of the voyage is given, compiled from the narratives of Shelvocke and Captain William Betagh, the commander of the marines. They sailed from Plymouth on board the Speedwell on the 13th of February 1719, bound on a privateering expedition on the coasts of Chile, Peru, and New Spain, but met with little success.
49. Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 623 et seq., this series.
50. Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. ep. i, 220-2; ep. iii. 442; Nouv. Annales, Voy., c. 52. The account given in the former work is absurdly exaggerated; but it is the only one that pretends to give a detailed narrative of the expulsion of the buccaneers from the isla del Cármen. It there stated that, after being driven from the fort, the Spaniards mustered but 42 men, while the buccaneers according to this version must have numbered more than 200, allowing for their losses during the assault and for those who were left to guard their vessels. That this force, now in possession of three pieces of artillery, should have been defeated by a handful of Spaniards, seems ridiculous to all who are acquainted with the records of buccaneer warfare.