History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 17

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XVII.

THE CONQUEST OF NAYARIT.

1701-1722.

The Last Refuge of Idolatry in Nueva Galicia — Geography of Nayarit — Characteristics of the Natives — Partial Success of Arisbaba in 1618 — Trouble at Acaponeta — Massacre of Bracamonte and his Party in 1701 — Revolt at Colotlan — The Barefoot Friars — Mendiola's Expedition and The First Jesuit Attempt — The Tonati Visits Mexico — His Treaty and his Flight — Preparations and Obstacles at Zacatecas — Camp at Peyotlan — Flores in Command — Assault on the Mesa — The Nayarits Subdued and Conquest Achieved — Progress of the Missions.

After the conclusion of the Mixton war^[1] it was believed that the powerful blow administered by Viceroy Mendoza to the revolted savages of Nueva Galicia had been final. The utter defeat and rout of the Chichimecs, who then made a last heroic effort to throw off the Spanish yoke, had been decisive. The Spaniards enjoyed the peaceful possession of the territory in the firm belief that no further attempts would ever be made by the scattered natives to assert their ancient rights. The Indians had not been finally subdued, however, and two centuries later the struggle was to be renewed. Many of the natives who had escaped death or captivity at Cuiná, Nochistlan, and Mixton had taken refuge in what was later known as the sierra of Nayarit.^[2] Very little has been learned about the country since its so-called conquest in the first quarter of the last century. It is still inhabited for the most part by aborigines seemingly but little under the control of Mexican authority, and has become famous of late years as the central stronghold from which the native chieftain Lozada attempted valiantly, but in vain, to, restore the independence of his nation. One or two

Nayarit

difficult passes, easily defended against a superior invading force, lead to a succession of wooded peaks, arid mesas, huge chasms, and small valleys of considerable fertility. The natives inhabiting this region became known to the Spaniards as Nayarits, Coras, and Tecualmes; there were also other minor tribes, who together with them claimed descent from the

Aztecs, a claim supported to some extent by their language.^[3]

In the central parts of Nayarit are two plateaus, known as the mesas del Tonati and del Cangrejo, on the former of which were the nation's sacred temples. The people were a bold race of mountaineers, for the most part savages, their Aztec forefathers having handed down to them only a few religious forms, and a knowledge of agriculture. They enjoyed a fine and healthy climate. In their territory was an abundance of wild fruits, and no lack of game. They dwelt in security under the protection of their own gods, with whom they were content; but what they seem to have prized above all was their long immunity from Spanish and Christian intermeddling. Nevertheless they beheld with distrust the progress of the Spaniards, and gradually found themselves entirely surrounded by numerous missions. From their observations and the reports of fugitives they had ample opportunities to study the effects of the new institutions that had encircled their retreat; but their conclusion was that their old gods, customs, and rulers were good enough. Like most other natives, they doubted not their ability to resist, with the aid of their natural defences, notwithstanding their small numbers—perhaps never more than three or four thousand. Circumstances contributed to strengthen their self-confidence as the Spaniards long delayed active measures to subdue them.

The Indians in their visits to the coast, where they were wont to obtain salt in large quantities for barter with inland tribes, or to the Zacatecan towns, came often into friendly contact with the friars and soldiers, always declining their invitations to become Christians, and gradually forming the idea that submission was to be altogether optional. The friars, however, had other views.

In the sixteenth century there is no record of any definite communication with Nayarit; but we are told that in the first years of the seventeenth. Captain Gerónimo de Arciniega penetrated to Guainamota, took thence two thousand Indians, and with them founded four settlements.^[4] Then we have a vague narrative of the expedition in 1616 to 1618 of Captain Miguel Caldera with several companions. They are said to have set forth from Compostela and to have spent some time about the entrance to the forbidden realms, meeting the king and his attendants, receiving four children as a gift, and making so favorable an impression that some of the Nayarits came to Tepic and even submitted to baptism. About the same time a band of rebellious Tepehuanes from Durango sought refuge in the southern sierra, and Captain Bartolomé Arisbaba, pursuing them, met Caldera and the Indians at Guazamota. Here was a chance for the great chief to give a practical demonstration of his new friendship, as in fact he is said to have done, by offering to join in the pursuit. Of the result we only know that Arisbaba left on a stone preserved in the church at Guazamota as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, an inscription reciting that in 1618 he conquered the province of San José del Gran Nayar. His conquest however cannot have been a very effectual one, probably consisting of certain ceremonies of formal submission, of which the wily natives were ever prodigal outside of their own territory; and Guazamota was on the frontier and not within the pass. From this time, the Franciscans seem to have had a station there.^[5]

It was also in 1617 that Acaponeta was attacked and destroyed by a force said to have come from Durango, and which seems to have incited a revolt of the natives in this region. Aid soon came from Guadalajara and Guadiana however, and peace was restored. It is not unlikely that Arisbaba was in command of the reënforcement sent on this occasion, and that it was against the destroyers of Acaponeta that the alliance of the Gran Nayarit was utilized. In 1667, and again a few years later, the Franciscans drew from Nayarit some converts for their outside missions. According to a royal decree of 1673 the friars were to be aided in their efforts, but nothing more was done during the century.^[6]

In 1701 Captain Francisco Bracamonte, who seems to have been military commander on the frontier, had gained the friendship of the Nayarits, and was even known as protector of the Gran Nayar. Governor Gutierre of Nueva Galicia now proposed to use his influence in the subjugation of their territory. Bracamonte, not without misgivings, accepted the offer, and with several priests, escorted by a dozen soldiers, set about his task. The Nayarits were indignant at this action of their friend, and forbade all further advances. Foolishly Bracamonte was induced by his companions to go on and enter the pass known as El Simon. The result was that only one of the ill-fated band escaped, badly wounded, the rest being slain with their commander.^[7]

The natives now became more aggressive in their policy. In 1702 there were tumults on the frontier, during which the Nayarits not only sheltered fugitives, but sent a force under the chief Tzomon to aid the malecontents. Depredations were committed from time to time; and though open rebellion was finally prevented on the west, the dissatisfaction spread eastward, and in 1703-4 as we are told by Arlegui, the Indians of the Tololotlan sierra rose, killed Captain Silva, their protector, threatened their curate, and stole everything within their reach. They were four thousand in number, held meetings at Nostic, and surrounded Tlaltenango; but Count Santa Rosa marched against them with three hundred men from Zacatecas, and defeated them with considerable slaughter. Whether the Nayarits took any active part in this revolt we are not informed.^[8]

The Nayarits, though often professing friendship or even submission on the border, allowed no white man to enter their province; and thus, by the weakness of Spanish effort rather than by any achievement of their own, became day by day more firmly convinced that they could not be conquered. Various attempts were made to reduce them, but with insufficient forces. Then a party of devoted Franciscans from Nueva Galicia started barefooted from Guadalajara for the dominions of the devil and Gran Nayar. But not even bare and saintly feet were permitted to enter there, and the sorrowing friars turned back from Guazamota. All this occurred before 1709. The Nayarits, however, as proved later, were by no means invincible; all that was required for their reduction was a determined effort by a few hundred armed men.^[9]

The time for decisive action had not yet arrived. Pursuant to the recommendation of oidor Pacheco of Guadalajara, a royal decree of 1709 ordered both the viceroy and the audiencia to intrust the spiritual conquest of the savage district to the famous Franciscan friar Margil de Jesus. Delays occurred, and the plan of Padre Margil was not matured till 1711. His suggestions were adopted and all needed aid promised, but he was instructed in case of failure to make careful observations which might be useful in the future. The good friar, with his companion, Fray Luis Delgado Cervantes, and six frontier caciques, set out for Guazamota. The Nayarit chief was notified of their intention, and permission to advance was denied. The Nayarits would sooner die than become Christians. Still, Father Margil pressed forward until stopped by hostile demonstrations. No miracle took place to soften the barbarian's heart. The chief insultingly gave the friars for supper a fox-skin stuffed wuth straw, and retired with his men to the mountains. This was too much for Christian digestion; and sadly the would-be apostles again turned back. By force alone could the gospel of peace be given to these obstinate heathen, and Father Margil now came to the sensible conclusion that the next attempt at conversion should be made with the assistance of at least a hundred well armed soldiers. But this was expensive, and Nayarit must wait.^[10]

The next expedition was accompanied by a member of the company of Jesus. Obstacles now began to disappear, and compared with preceding attempts this one was almost a success. General Gregorio Matias de Mendiola, with thirty Spaniards, a hundred Indians, and some friars, arrived at Guazamota in 1715, early in December. In January 1716 the Nayarit chiefs allowed them to enter the pass, and the country was named, after the dav, Provincia del Santo Nombre de Jesus. Passing across the San Pedro up a steep grade to a plateau, they were ceremoniously received by four hundred young warriors; further on they met the priests of the sun and Nayarit nobility. They were greeted with the barbarous etiquette of the sierra tribes. The savages readily went through the forms of submission to the authority of Felipe V., but refused to change their religion.

Argument was in vain, and after several days of festivity the Spaniards noted some peculiarities of conduct on the part of their hosts, which prompted them to retire with more alacrity than they had entered.^[11]

The mountaineers now became more haughty and daring than ever, until the tribes of the coast, tired of their continued outrages, assumed about 1718 a hostile attitude, attacked small parties which ventured out of the stronghold, and finally were able to cut off Nayarit communication with the coast. Then came a new cédula urging as usual active measures for the breaking up of this last refuge of idolatry in Nueva Galicia. The viceroy put the matter into the hands of Martin Verdugo de Haro, corregidor of Zacatecas, and the latter intrusted it to Juan de la Torre Valdés y Gamboa, a rich and popular citizen of Jerez, with the suggestion that a Nayarit representative be induced to visit Mexico. Circumstances were favorable, since the Nayarits were in great trouble about the cutting-off of their salt supply for consumption and trade. Pablo Felipe, native chief and governor at San Nicolás, exerted his diplomatic powers in favor of Spanish interests, and, particularly in the interests of his friend Torre, easily persuaded the Indians that the viceroy alone could efectually redress their wrongs, that a personal application to that official was essential, and that Juan de la Torre was the man above all others to accompany their embassy to Mexico and take charge of their interests.

Accordingly the tonati, or güestlacatl, that is to say the chief,^[12] notified Torre of his purpose to visit him with fifty of his subjects for consultation. The viceroy was notified of this intended visit by a letter of the corregidor dated November 25, 1720,^[13] at a time when Juan

Ancient Map if Nayarit

Berrotaran was negotiating for the conduct of the enterprise, having offered to raise two hundred men for forty days at his own cost; but he immediately appointed Torre capitan protector of Nayarit, with four hundred and fifty pesos per year for his expenses, and an allowance of two or three hundred with which to entertain the embassy.^[14] This according to Mota Padilla was on December 10th, and at the appointed time the tonati with his fifty companions arrived at Jerez. Every attention was shown them, both here and at Zacatecas where they soon went with their protector. The devil, fearing to be forced from his last Galician intrenchments, circulated a report that the tonati's companions were not Nayarits at all, but apostate frontiersmen. This not being credited, he worked upon the fears of the Indians themselves, so that twenty-five of the fifty on one excuse or another returned home. The rest followed their ruler to Mexico, where they arrived under the escort of Captain Torre and Captain Santiago Rioja, in February 1721.^[15]

The visitors were entertained in the metropolis with the attention and pomp due their rank, hospitalities being measured somewhat by what the Spaniards hoped to gain. They created no little sensation among all classes, and were themselves suitably impressed, though we are told they were successful in concealing their wonder. At their first audience for the transaction of business, perhaps on March 16th, each of the native nobles, kneeling, presented to the viceroy an arrow, and the tonati offered his wand and a crown of feathers, all in token of submission. In return the marquis Valero expressed thanks, pardoned past delinquencies, and received a written memorial containing the Nayarit grievances. At the second audience Viceroy Valero, after granting all the memorial asked for, gave his attention to the spiritual wants of the applicants, delivering orally and in writing a most eloquent and convincing argument in favor of the adoption of a new and better faith. The poor Indians were somewhat confused, but they could not answer the viceregal logic, and were understood to assent, and to call for 'black padres,' as they termed the Jesuits, to instruct their people. The archbishop entertained and blessed his prospective converts; and the Jesuit provincial, being assured of non-interference of other orders in Nayarit, named on March 19th fathers Juan Tellez Jiron and Antonio Arias Ibarra as missionaries for the new field. He even made a strong effort to convert and baptize the tonati then and there; but the latter did not deem it a convenient season, owning that were he baptized his people would probably kill him. He had no yearnings for martyrdom, but at last agreed to submit to the rite at Zacatecas, a city he was subsequently very careful to avoid.

The treaty, by the terms of which the Nayarits were to be protected in all their rights on condition of rendering allegiance to Spain and admitting Jesuit instructors, was confirmed in a council held March 20th.^[16] The party soon started for the north, Torre as governor with authority to recruit troops—called for by the tonati himself, who dared not return without their protection—and to draw on the treasury at Zacatecas for the necessary funds. Now the tonati's real troubles began. In fact the royal representative of the sun lost his wits in Mexico, and promised more than popular feeling at home would permit him to perform. This he realized more and more as the day of meeting with his people drew near, and his companions began to be free in the expression of their views and fears. He became nervous and changeable; intending at first perhaps to fulfil his pledges, else he would hardly have asked for a military force; but finally overcome by his fears, especially when warned by one of his old men respecting the popular discontent and the plots of a rival chieftain, Guamocat. At Jerez he managed to escape from his Spanish escort, and hurried home to explain his policy, regain his impaired influence, and prepare for defence.^[17]

Some months were now spent by the governor in preparations at Zacatecas and Jerez, where obstacles were thrown in his way from the first by persons who liked not to hear their old companion addressed as governor and general. These mischief-makers had much to say of the foolhardiness of the expedition; and then raised doubts as to the validity of some of Torre's papers, thus confusing the treasury officials and necessitating a hasty trip of Captain Rioja to Mexico. In June, however, all was declared satisfactory; the proper orders were issued; and after seventeen citizens had raised 40,000 pesos for the depleted treasury, the enlistment flag bearing the holy image of Christ was raised on the 29th of June.^[18]One hundred men were to be raised and to receive each four hundred pesos. Captain Rioja enlisted fifty at Zacatecas and Captain Alonso de la Reina y Narvaez another company of fifty at Jerez. One hundred Indian allies were also enlisted. Father Jiron had accompanied the embassy from Mexico, and father Ibarra now came down from Nueva Vizcaya. The Jesuits were allowed nine hundred and eighty-four pesos for sacred utensils, and an additional sum for clothing and gifts with which to conciliate the natives.

Just as the army was about to march. Governor Torre was stricken with a serious brain trouble, resulting from past anxiety, and amounting almost to insanity. The viceroy was notified of the calamity, but before any reply was received the governor recovered his health and marched with his men to Huajuquilla, perhaps in July or August. Nothing had been heard from Nayarit; but now came conflicting rumors from dwellers on the frontier respecting the tonati's intentions. Cristóbal Gerónimo, a friendly Cora, was sent forward, but the Nayarits demanded more time before giving any definite reply. In the mean while news of Torre's malady reached the viceroy and orders came north for Count Laguna to take command. Considerable correspondence and delay ensued, and finally the count came to Huajuquilla, where he found that, although the commander was still afflicted at intervals, yet it would cause dissatisfaction for him to assume command, since many of the officers and men had enlisted merely from friendship to Torre. He therefore decided to let the governor go on, but to remain himself as colonel on the frontier to be prepared for any emergency. The little army set out for Nayarit on the 26th of September.

The distance was thirty leagues over a difficult and dangerous way. Fording a large river called Chapalagama and climbing a steep grade they entered El Pinal, where on October 1st they met Gerónimo with a message to the effect that the Spaniards might come to the pass and in a designated spot await further communications. Next day they said mass at Angel de la Guarda, looked from the summit upon the promised land—"fit only for apostates or apostles," and later known as the Nayarit hell—and descended to the rendezvous in the pass. The Spot was unfavorable both for comfort and defence; many Indians visited the camp in pretended friendliness, but the rulers did not make their appearance. The governor went in person to meet a band of two hundred warriors at a ranchería near by, and was ordered by an apostate chief, Cucut, the Serpent, to leave the country since the tonati's acts in lexico would not be ratified by the people. When Torre refused to comply, the Indians pretended to listen to his arguments, became very friendly, and even held out hopes of submission in the near future. During the next few days smoke signals were seen in all directions; Nayarit spies, including Melchor and Alonso, two of the leading chiefs, came to inspect the Spanish camp; and other spies sent out by Torre reported a plan to assemble for formal homage, and having arranged the warriors advantageously to attack at a given signal.^[19] A council of war decided upon a retreat to Peyotlan, five leagues from the pass. The Indians treacherously protested against the change, promising everything, and the governor was inclined to credit their promises; but his men, and especially the native allies, insisted. The Spaniards remained at Peyotlan from the 11th to the 19th of October, frequently visited by Nayarits, who declared that the nation awaited only the coming of the tonati to submit.

Meantime that dignitary was in council with the elders at the ranchería of El Portero. He was opposed to war, and favored the admission of at least the padres, but was induced to leave the whole matter to the old men. Their decision was to name Coaxata, or Guasta, as a rendezvous, and to attack the Spaniards on the way thither at the Teaurite pass where the trail crossed a stream. This was on the 17th, and two days later Torre marched for Coaxata, The battle took place on the 20th;^[20] it was not an unexpected attack by ambushed foes, since the Spaniards were forewarned. The hills swarmed with natives; the Nayarit chief stood in sight directing his men where the padres went up to embrace him, and the army made no special effort to retire, notwithstanding the unfavorable nature of the spot for a fight. The Christians were enveloped in a cloud of arrows, but soon learned they had nothing to fear; the arrows fell harmless, only scratching slightly seven or eight men. Santiago with his heavenly corps was plainly visible to the savage patriots, fighting for the invaders; and after an hour's ineffectual fight Alonso retired with a loss of forty or fifty warriors, and devoted his whole attention thereafter to the defense of the mesa. The Spaniards having come to take possession in accordance with past promises rather than to conquer, did not deem their force sufficient to follow up the victory, and retired to Peyotlan. This is the Jesuit version; according to Mota-Padilla the glorious victory was a defeat, and the Spaniards with difficulty escaped with their lives.^[21]

During the remaining months of 1721, fortifications were strengthened at Peytolan, the presidio being called apparently San Juan; while the friars gathered about one hundred natives, baptized them, and founded there the pueblo of Santa Rita. Governor Torre reported to the viceroy, asked for aid and instructions, and at the same time called upon Jerez and Zacatecas for temporary reënforcements with which to hold his position and check threatening movements in the frontier towns. Fifty men were at once enlisted under Captain Nicolás Escobedo and Nicolás Caldera, and sent to Peyotlan where they remained a month or more.^[22] Communication with the Nayarits on the mesa was not rare. Negotiations, of which the details are complicated and need not be repeated, took much the same course with much the same results as before the battle. Many of the chiefs were free with their promises, but never quite ready to perform. Torre called upon them repeatedly to submit, but was not ready to enforce his order, and always granted the few days' delay required. On the mesa a small party with the tonati still opposed resistance; but a plot was formed to kill the tonati and put another in his place. The plot failed, partly because the rival chieftain was captured by the Spaniards in one of their raids to the foot of the mesa.

In Mexico, though it was resolved to prosecute the war, it was deemed unsafe to trust the command longer to Torre, a return of whose malady might cause disaster at the very moment of success. Juan Flores de San Pedro^[23] was made governor, and Torre was summoned to Mexico. The order came on December 8th, and the new commander, marching from Villanueva on the 24th, arrived on the 4th or 5th of January 1722, at the camp of San Juan,^[24] with sixty men, three hundred horses, and a large store of supplies. Captain Escobedo and his men seem to have returned at about the same time. Torre gave up the command and started for Mexico.^[25]

Governor Flores lost no time in notifying the Nayarits of his appointment, of his intention to take immediate possession, and of his desire to receive at once the promised allegiance. After a not very successful resort to their former dilatory tactics, they formally announced on January 13th their purpose to defend the mesa. Thereupon Flores, who had already sent out expeditions in different directions to close all avenues of escape, began active operations on the 14th. Dividing his force he marched in person with fifty soldiers and many Indians via Guainamarus, where he began the foundation of Santa Teresa,^[26] with three hundred natives, making a long détour to attack the mesa from the west. Escobedo with a like force took a shorter way to the eastern base. This plan of attack by divided forces was not, as the Jesuit chronicler justly observes, a very wise one; but it resulted in no harm, save to the governor himself, who was perhaps deprived by it of the personal honors of the victory.

Escobedo had orders to march slowly so as to assault the mesa on January 17th, simultaneously with Flores from the opposite side; but he arrived on the 15th, and could not resist the temptation to begin operations at once. The Indians of the mesa del Cangrejo adjoining that of the Tonati were induced to offer no resistance, and to abide by the result if their neighbors were vanquished. On the morning of the 16th Escobedo's force began the ascent, and reached the summit late in the afternoon, having left the horses half way up, with a guard. Authority is not wanting to warrant the historian in giving to the Nayarits a valiant defence, terminated perhaps by a leap down the precipice of the few who escaped Spanish bullets. The Jesuit historian pictures a terrible conflict as Escobedo's men fought their way inch by inch up the narrow, steep, and tortuous trail, over successive lines of artificial as well as natural defences, enveloped in clouds of arrows and showers of stones hurled from slings, and above all impeded continually by immense masses of rock which were precipitated from the cliff and dashed large trees into splinters as they passed! Others assert that not one of the assailants, and but one or two of the defenders, were injured—which is somewhat absurd unless with the chronicler we can regard the proceeding as miraculous; for Santiago fought with the Spaniards, and against him human missiles could not prevail. It must be confessed, that in the light of their reputed bravery and the strength of their position, the Nayarits made but a sorry show of resistance or heroism.

The author of the Afanes admits that an accidental turning aside into a by-path near the top materially aided the assailants and deranged the plans of the enemy. Following this writer, Escobedo took possession of the mesa on the afternoon of the 16th; the enemy fled after one of their bravest leaders, Tahuitole,^[27] had fallen in a last desperate and singlehanded charge, and Governor Flores arrived next morning, to find the victory won, and to chide the victor for his haste. Mota-Padilla, however, with little to say of hard fighting, tells us that Escobedo did not quite reach the summit on the first day, and that the Nayarits ran away when they heard of another force approaching from the west; so that when Flores next morning prepared for an assault, he found no foe save a few warriors forming a kind of rear-guard to the flying masses. One of this number was Tlahuitole, who was slain by Flores' men. Immediate pursuit into the barrancas was impracticable.^[28]

With the occupation of the mesa the conquest of Nayarit practically ends. There was no farther opposition meriting the name even in comparison with past events; neither do subsequent developments require more than a general glance here. The attention of the Christians was first turned to the destruction of temples on the mesa, with all their paraphernalia of idolatry. Evil influences were exorcised, though not easily, by the zealous conjurations of the friars; a temporary structure for mass was erected without delay; and the bones of the first Nayar were sent with other relics and trophies to Mexico.^[29] The new province in accordance with the viceroy's wish was called Nuevo Reino de Toledo, because he attributed the successful conquest largely to the image of our lady worshipped in the cathedral of Toledo. Flores was made comandante of the territory he had won as lieutenant of the captain-general. The natives on the adjoining Mesa del Cangrejo^[30] had kept their promise, merely rolling down a few stones where they could do no harm and making some noise during the battle in order to make a good showing in case the Spaniards were defeated. They now came in and offered their submission, and other rancherías followed their example. Soldiers were despatched in every direction, and the whole native population was gradually subdued, though not without considerable difficulty and delay by reason of the abundance of almost inaccessible hiding-places long frequented by apostates.^[31]

The missionaries were as usual earnest and industrious; the military guard at first sufficient; and the local troubles and partial revolts less frequent and serious than might have been anticipated from the character of the people. Already a presidio of San Juan, and a pueblo, or mission, of Santa Rita had been established at Peyotlan; and preparations had been made for a pueblo of Santa Teresa at Guaimarus in the north.^[32] Now the pueblo of Trinidad and presidio of San Francisco Javier de Valero were founded on the mesa, as capital of the province, with Father Tellez in charge; in the north were founded the pueblo of Santa Gertrudis^[33] and the presidio of San Salvador el Verde; while on the river were located Jesus Maria and San Francisco de Paula.^[34]

Governor Flores left Nayarit in March to visit his hacienda, not returning until the end of May. During his absence there were some disturbances; many Indians ran away to join a rebellious band under Alonso at the ranchería of Santiago; and a party searching for mines was attacked, by its own fault, and one man lost. On the comandante's return, however, with reënforcements, and with two padres, José Bautista Lopez and José Mesa, order was restored, and Alonso soon gave up the useless struggle. A new establishment of San Ignacio was founded at Guainamota^[35] under Captain Rioja and Father Mesa. In July Flores made an expedition into the territory of the Tecualmes and Coras, and with natives of these tribes founded San Juan Bautista and San Pedro on the Rio de San Pedro. Of all the fugitives, an apostate female leader named Juana Burro held out longest against the Spaniards; but she at last yielded to gospel influence and muskets. The comandante was now absent again for a year or more; but all went well with the missions, the new one of Rosario being founded, and fathers Urbano de Covarrubias, Cristóbal Lauria, and Manuel Fernandez being added to the Jesuit force.

Flores came back to Nayarit at the end of 1723, and new troubles soon arose, resulting in the temporary abandonment of Trinidad and Santa Gertrudis, the burning of the churches at Rosario and Santa Teresa, and the death of one of the leading allies of the Spaniards named Luna. Aid was sent, however, from different quarters, and quiet restored without much difficulty. It is said that none of the missions revolted on this occasion unless the padre was absent. Perfect safety was secured before March, when Flores returned with a body of fugitives whom he had pursued into Durango.

The tonati does not seem to have been a very important personage in these latter days. He wandered for some time, a fugitive even from his own people, until captured by the Spaniards in 1722. He was baptized in 1725, when the visitador Rivera stood as godfather to this relic of Nayarit royalty. Rivera found nearly four thousand Indians in ten settlements, all in excellent condition; and when in 1728 the bishop came on a pastoral visit he was delighted with his reception and with the progress of the converts.^[36]

Indeed from this time, so far as the record shows, the Nayarits were model converts, attached to their teachers, living quietly in their settlements, and all the more orderly doubtless because few Spaniards ever had occasion to visit their mountain homes. The missions were still flourishing in 1767 under seven Jesuits, who were expelled with their order.^[37] They were then with their settlements turned over to the Franciscans of Nueva Galicia. The principal mission on the mesa was transferred on February 1st, the same day the Jesuits left. All the missions were reported to be in a lamentable condition as to the spiritual and temporal welfare of the natives, who received no religious instruction, absented themselves at will, and worshipped their idols unmolested, so that it was necessary to use force in order to bring in whole families living thus. At the time the Tecualmes of San Pedro Iscatan still spoke their native tongue; but this was entirely lost before 1785, when they used the mixed Mexican and Spanish spoken in most of the New Spain missions. At the other Nayarit missions the Indians were Coras.^[38]

The province was garrisoned by a company of about forty soldiers, under a comandante who was at the same time protector of the Indians, and who not infrequently misused his power to oppress the natives. It is said the Jesuits had been so lenient with their flock that under their regime the Indians only confessed in articulo mortis, and most frequently through interpreters. If the Franciscans applied more stringent measures, it is not shown that they made more progress than their predecessors; in 1789 only twelve friars were engaged in missionary work in Nayarit,^[39] nor do the records show how long the garrison or missions were continued.^[40]

 

 

1. See Hist. Mex., ii. 490-515, this series.
2. The region so called is situated in modern Jalisco, north of the Tololotlan, on and south of the Durango boundary, east of the coast province of Acaponeta, west of Zacatecas, on and near the river San Pedro. In Naynritas, Rel., 4-5, Nayarit is described as a province of 22 pueblos, lying within a triangle formed by the towns of Zacatecas, Huajuquilla, and Guazamota. It included a valley enclosed by high mountains broken only by the Rio Varania—by which may be meant the Tololotlan. The entrance is ten leagues from Guazamota. According to Apostólicos Afanes, 173, the chief river is the Jesus Marla y Joseph, probably the modern San Pedro, which is tributary to the Tololotlan. Mota-Padilla and Alegre content themselves with giving latitude and longitude, with general bearings from well known points. It is evident that the early writers knew nothing of Nayarit geography.
3. See Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 719-20. The region is often called sierra de los Coras. According to Apostólicos Afanes, 8-9, the Nayarits were there when the Mexicans marched south in search of homes, and the long lines of intrenchments by which they defended their land were still visible in 1752.
4. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 458-9. Other Indians were added in 1603, and in 1605 the king thanked Arciniega for his services. The same author relates that in 1613 father Miguel de Aranzu walked barefoot up the Sierra de los Coras, meeting many natives under a one-eyed chieftain who said his name was Nayarit, thus originating a name for the province and for the people. It is probable that the name did come from a native niler. According to Apostólicos Afanes, 2, 9, it was from El Naye, the first who attained to regal power. El Gran Nayar is another and, according to this author, more vulgar form. He however calls the chief ruler in 1616 El Gran Nayarit.
5. Apostólicos Afanes, 28-34; Alegre, Hist. Comp., iii. 197-8. Arlegui, Cron. Zac., 172, tells us that his order first entered Nayarit in 1635.
6. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. 6al, 459.
7. 'The account of this occurrence in Apostólicos Afanes, 34-5, is made up from a written statement by the survivor, and from the testimony of some Indians who were present at the massacre.
8. Arlegui, Cron. Zac., 89-90, 201. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 459, gives the date of the defeat of Bracamonte—whom he calls Juan—in 1709.
9. The Jesuit chroniclers, like the author of the Society's Apostólicos Afanes, or Apostolic Labors, though doubtless conversant with the facts, delight in exaggerating here as elsewhere the fruitless efforts of state and church to bring gentiles to law and faith before the task was undertaken by the company of Jesus. The Jesuits were, like other orders, zealous and able workers; but they also had the good fortune in several notable instances to undertake a difficult task, just when the government was ready to learn by past experience and adopt an effective policy.
10. Father Pablo Felipe wrote a report of this embassy from which comes the information in Apostólicos Afanes, 55-61. The date is made 1710 in Nayaritas, Rel., 6, and Pedro Alvarez de Roa is named as protector in that year. In the saint's life, Margil, Notizie, 67-72, it is stated that he was on the point of being killed during this journey, but that God struck terror into the hearts of the savages, thus saving his life.
11. A letter to the bishop, February 25, 1716, by Father Solchaga, who accompanied this expedition as chaplain, is the authority given in Apostólicos Afanes, 63-73; it is followed in Alegre, Hist. Comp., iii. 199-201. Other writers do not mention Mendiola's expedition.
12. Called also Tonat, Tonatin, Tonatiuh, Tonali, Nayarit, Nayerit, Nayar, Naye, Güestlacalt, Guactlaco, and Gueitlacal.
13. Nayaritas, Relacion de la Conquista de la Provincia de los Nayaritas en el Reyno de la Nueva España, que consiguieron las Armas de su Magestad à principios de este año de 1722, Madrid (about 1723), sm. 4to, 30 p. This is a report dated Madrid, Oct. 6, 1722, apparently made to, and by order of, the king, by a writer whose name is not given. It is a little volume of considerable historical value which has now become very rare.

    Another important authority on the final conquest is the Gacetas de Mexico, a serial publication, or newspaper, begun by Dr. Juan Ignacio de Castoreña y Ursúa at the beginning of 1722, just in time to include in the first numbers for January-April of that year, the news from Nayarit. These oldest numbers were reprinted in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. iv. Of the series from 1784 to 1821 I have a complete set in my library.

14. So say Mota-Padilla and the Relacion. According to Apostólicos Afanes Torre was appointed before the negotiations for a visit to Mexico.
15. Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 268-9; Dicc. Univ., x. 834. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 115-17; and Revilla Gigedo, Informe, 467, make the date of the visit to Mexico 1718.
16. Revilla Gigedo in his report of 1793, Informe, 467, gives the conditions of the treaty more fully than any other. According to this authority the tonati was to be sustained as lord of his country, his rights and titles to descend to his successors; his subjects were never to pay tribute nor to acknowledge any superior judges save the viceroy; the privilege of obtaining salt from Acaponeta and Nexcatitlan free from all tax was guaranteed; and rebellious Nayarits in the future were to be brought gently back to the path of duty. Frejes gives date of treaty May 20th. His account of Nayarit conquest is incomplete and even inaccurate. Hist. Breve, 150-5.
17. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 472-4, and Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 268-9, state that the tonati did not leave the Spaniards until the latter had entered Nayarit, when according to the former he was sent in advance, or as the latter says fled, taking with him a large part of the company's property!
18. From Nayaritas, Rel., 8-9, it would appear though vaguely that some of the delay may have arisen from the fact that Torre called on the treasury for more men than had been specified in Mexico. He said he had 800 Indians enlisted and wanted money to pay 200 soldiers. The names of the 17 contributors to the fund are given.
19. According to Nayaritas, Rel., 10, the warning came on October 10th, and the attack was planned for October 16th. This writer speaks of a change of camp but does not name Peyotlan. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 473-4, says nothing of a retreat before the battle.
20. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 201-6, says Oct. 26th, and Mota-Padilla makes it Oct. 3d.
21. Conq. N. Gal., 473-4. He makes the date Oct. 3d, and speaks of 24 captives. In the Relacion, 10, it is stated that Torre was attacked suddenly by 500 men in ambush, and that after an hour's hard fighting both parties retired. This version is a medium between the others and is perhaps the most reliable.
22. The names of citizens who contributed to the fund of 839 pesos are given in Nayarltas, Rel, 13-17. Capt. Escobedo raised his company at his own cost.
23. So called in Apostólicos Afanes, 148; Gacetas de Mex., Jan. 1722, and Nayaritas, Rel, 16. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 474, and Revilla Gigedo, Informe, 467, call him Juan Flores de la Torre, a descendant of the second governor of N. Galicia. Mota-Padilla attributes Torre's insanity to his defeat, and accordingly represents the correspondence with Count Laguna as having taken place while the army was at Peyotlan.
24. Called Santiago Teyotan in the Gacetas de Mex.
25. The Gaceta de Mex. for Jan. 1722 contains the notice that Capt. Rioja had arrived with news of the battle, and that Torre was expected soon. The number for Feb. announces Torre's arrival. The force brought by Flores is given by Mota-Padilla as 60; by the Afanes as 70; and by the Relacion as 16.
26. Called Santa Teresa de Miraflores, from Teresa, his wife's name, and Flores, his own. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 478. According to the Relacion, 17, he arrived here on the 15th; the pueblo was named Santa Gertrudis and the presidio Santa Teresa.
27. Written also Taguitole, Talmitole, Tlaquilote, and Taquiloe.
28. The Relacion, 17-18, gives only a general account, stating that both attacking parties were miraculously protected. The Gaceta for Feb. does not say which party reached the summit first, but seems to have confused the two parlies, apparently making Escobedo command the western division under Fiores, while the other was under captains Reina and Muro.
29. The trophies arrived in Mexico Feb. 12, 1722, where they were burned with great ceremony for the good of the faith. Gacetas de Mex., Feb. 1722. This author calls the temple Huei Calli, the image of the sun worshipped in it Tonati, and the Gran Nayari whose bones were sent to Mexico Guayco or 'third.' Mota-Padilla calls the temple Caliguei.
30. Their chief is called Cangrejo in Relacion, 20.
31. Mota-Padilla gives more importance to these various expeditions than does the author of the Afanes, and represents the soldiers' sufferings as very great from exposure, scorpions, etc. According to Nayaritas, Relacion, a Franciscan friar, P. Arroyo, accompanied the army.
32. Coynamams, Guaimaruzi, or Coaymarus. It was about 20 leagues northwest of the mesa.
33. According to Relacion, 17, 20, Sta Teresa was the presidio and Sta Gertrudis the pueblo, and they were six leagues apart.
34. The Relacion, 27, states that the presidio of San Juan Bautista was afterward moved to Jesus Maria. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 480, says a pueblo of Guadalupe was founded in February, 12 1. east of the mesa. The Relacion, 20, says it was on the mesa 12 leagues from the real.
35. At Guazamota according to Dicc. Univ., x. 18.
36. Alegre speaks of 5,000 pesos distributed to pay for damages during the conquest; he also mentions difficulties in 1729 caused by the bad character of the soldiers sent to the country. Hist. Comp., iii. 227-8, 238-9. It is stated, however, by Mota-Padilla, writing in 1742, that the people had given no trouble since the conquest, and that the military governors might well be dispensed with. Conq. N. Gal., 510. In 1725 a presidio with 38 soldiers was still kept up. Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 270. In 1752 a real de minas was established at Bolaños and part of Nayarit brought under a corregidor. Instruccion Vireyes, 44-57.
37. The seven missions in 1767 were Santa Rita, Santa Teresa, San Pedro, Jesus María, Trinidad, Guainamota, and Rosario. Comp, de Jesus, Catálogo. Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 271, in 1745 adds the following names: San Joaquin, Santa María, San Lúcas, Dolores, and Tecualmes. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 279-80, adds San Juan Corapa, Santa Fé, and San Diego.
38. Navarro, Misiones de Nayarit, in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 467-80. This author, who was one of the Franciscans to whom the missions were transferred, states that each had its ranchos of horned cattle, horses, mules, goats, and sheep. All that belonged to the missions had been placed in deposit with Joaquin Hernandez Solis, a minero matriculado of the real of Tenamachi, who sold everything without rendering an account to the royal treasury. He turned over to the Franciscans only the empty mission buildings without furniture or utensils of any kind; even the standing crops had been sold, so the friars were obliged to buy maize for their subsistence.
39. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 572.
40. The principal authorities consulted on matters treated in this chapter have been quoted in separate notes. From certain passages in the Apostólicos Afanes, I infer that the author was the friar in charge of Santa Rita and Jesus María from a date somewhat earlier than 1728, that he wrote much of his work at Santa Rita, that his name was probably Joseph Ortega, and that the part of his narrative relating to Nayarit was largely founded on a manuscript from the pen of father Antonio Arias de Ibarra. Frejes, however, speaks of father Fluvia as the author. Hist. Breve, 20. Of the three parts which make up the volume the first is entitled Maravillosa reduccion y conquista de la Provincia de San Joseph del Gran Nayar, Nuevo Reino de Toledo, filling 25 chapters and 223 pages. It is therefore the leading authority for the present chapter of my work. Mota-Padilla's Conq. N. Gal., 271-2, 319, 458-87, 510, written ten years earlier than the Afanes, and not consulted by the author of that work, contains some information not included in the Jesuit record, and is hardly second to it as an authority. Alegre, Hist. Comp., iii. 196-239, gives a very full account of the subject, following the Afanes pretty closely, and his version is repeated in Dicc. Univ. Geog., x. 10-18, 834. Arlegui. Cron. Zac., 89-90, 172-3, 201, and Arricivita, Cron. Seráf., 88-92, narrate the acts of the Franciscans in the Nayarit region.